The Legal Structure of Freedom of Association
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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Building a Better Mousetrap: Patenting Biotechnology in The
DRUZIN-FINAL FINAL (DO NOT DELETE) 10/24/2014 3:19 PM RESTRAINING THE HAND OF LAW: A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK TO SHRINK THE SIZE OF LAW Bryan Druzin∗ ABSTRACT ............................................................................................... 59 I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................ 60 II. THE CASE FOR MINIMALISM ................................................................... 64 A. Assumptions and Starting Points ..................................................... 64 B. The Benefits of Minimalism ............................................................. 66 C. The Minimalist Approach to Economic Regulation ......................... 70 D. The Liability of Ideology—Both Left and Right ............................... 72 III. ARTICULATING A FRAMEWORK FOR LEGISLATIVE MINIMALISM ........... 73 A. Non-Interference .............................................................................. 75 B. Formalizing ...................................................................................... 77 C. Fine-Tuning ..................................................................................... 83 D. Dismantling ...................................................................................... 84 E. Concocting ....................................................................................... 85 IV. CLARIFYING THE FRAMEWORK ............................................................... 86 A. A Tabulated Comparison of the Strategies ..................................... -
(COP 19) Freedom of Association and Collective Bargaining
STANDARD GUIDANCE (COP 19) Freedom of Association and Collective Bargaining A. Definitions and applicability Freedom of association is the right of workers and employers to freely form and join Workers Organisations such as trade unions, worker associations and worker councils or committees for the promotion and defence of occupational interests. Collective bargaining is a process through which employers (or their organisations) and workers’ associations (or in their absence, freely designated workers’ representatives) negotiate terms and conditions of work. Both are fundamental rights and they are linked. Collective bargaining cannot work without freedom of association because workers’ views cannot be properly represented. Workers must be free to choose whether and how they are to be represented and employers must not interfere in this process. A Collective Bargaining Agreement is a legally enforceable written contract between the management of a company and its employees, represented by a Workers Organisation, that defines terms and conditions of work. Collective bargaining agreements must comply with Applicable Law. A Workers Organisation is a voluntary association of workers organised on a continuing basis for the purpose of maintaining and improving their terms of employment and workplace conditions. Source: ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work http://www.ilo.org/declaration/principles/freedomofassociation/lang--en/index.htm ILO Better Work, Guidance Sheet 4: Freedom of Association and Collective Bargaining http://betterwork.com/global/wp-content/uploads/4-Freedom-of-Association.pdf RJC Code of Practices (2013) The Freedom of Association and Collective Bargaining section of the COP is applicable to all Members with employees. B. Issue background The right to freedom of association is proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. -
Liberty of Contract
YALE LAW JOURNAL LIBERTY OF CONTRACT "The right of a person to sell his labor," says Mr. Justice Harlan, "upon such terms as he deems proper, is in its essence, the same as the right of the purchaser of labor to prescribe the conditions upon which he will accept such labor from the person offering to sell it. So the right of the employee to quit the service of the employer, for whatever reason, is the same as the right of the employer, for whatever reason, to dispense with the ser- vices of such employee ........ In all such particulars the employer and the employee have equality of right, and any legis- lation that disturbs that equality is an arbitrary interference with the liberty of contract, which no government can legally justify in a free land." ' With this positive declaration of a lawyer, the culmination of a line of decisions now nearly twenty- five years old, a statement which a recent writer on the science of jurisprudence has deemed so fundamental as to deserve quotation and exposition at an unusual length, as compared with his treat- ment of other points, 2 let us compare the equally positive state- ment of a sociologist: "Much of the discussion about 'equal rights' is utterly hollow. All the ado made over the system of contract is surcharged with fallacy." ' To everyone acquainted at first hand with actual industrial conditions the latter statement goes without saying. Why, then do courts persist in the fallacy? Why do so many of them force upon legislation an academic theory of equality in the face of practical conditions of inequality? Why do we find a great and learned court in 19o8 taking the long step into the past of deal- ing with the relation between employer and employee in railway transportation, as if the parties were individuals-as if they were farmers haggling over the sale of a horse ? 4 Why is the legal conception of the relation of employer and employee so at variance with the common knowledge of mankind? The late Presi- ' Adair v. -
Contracts of Adhesion-Some Thoughts About Freedom of Contract
CONTRACTS OF ADHESION-SOME THOUGHTS ABOUT FREEDOM OF CONTRACT FRIEDRICH KESSLER With the development of a free enterprise system based on an un- heard of division of labor, capitalistic society needed a highly elastic legal institution to safeguard the exchange of goods and services on the market. Common law lawyers, responding to this social need, trans- formed "contract" from the clumsy institution that it was in the six- teenth century into a tool of almost unlimited usefulness and pliability. Contract thus became the indispensable instrument of the enterpriser, enabling him to go about his affairs in a rational way. Rational be- havior within the context of our culture is only possible if agreements will be respected. It requires that reasonable expectations created by promises receive the protection of the law or else we will suffer the fate of Montesquieu's Troglodytes, who perished because they did not ful- fill their promises. This idea permeates our whole law of contracts, the doctrines dealing with their formation, performance, impossibility and damages. Under a free enterprise system rationality of the law of contracts has still another aspect.1 To keep pace with the constant widening of the market the legal system has to place at the disposal of the members of the community an ever increasing number of typical business trans- actions and regulate their consequences. But the law cannot possibly anticipate the content of an infinite number of atypical transactions into which members of the community may need to enter. Society, therefore, has to give the parties freedom of contract; to accommodate the business community the ceremony necessary to vouch for the delib- erate nature of a transaction has to be reduced to the absolute minimum. -
Right to Freedom of Association in the Workplace: Australia's Compliance with International Human Rights Law
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title The Right to Freedom of Association in the Workplace: Australia's Compliance with International Human Rights Law Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/98v0c0jj Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 27(2) Author Hutchinson, Zoé Publication Date 2010 DOI 10.5070/P8272022218 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ARTICLES THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION IN THE WORKPLACE: AUSTRALIA'S COMPLIANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW Zoe Hutchinson BA LLB (Hons, 1st Class)* ABSTRACT The right to freedom of association in the workplace is a well- established norm of internationalhuman rights law. However, it has traditionally received insubstantial attention within human rights scholarship. This article situates the right to freedom of as- sociation at work within human rights discourses. It looks at the status, scope and importance of the right as it has evolved in inter- nationalhuman rights law. In so doing, a case is put that there are strong reasons for states to comply with the right to freedom of association not only in terms of internationalhuman rights obliga- tions but also from the perspective of human dignity in the context of an interconnected world. A detailed case study is offered that examines the right to free- dom of association in the Australian context. There has been a series of significant changes to Australian labor law in recent years. The Rudd-Gillard Labor government claimed that recent changes were to bring Australia into greater compliance with its obligations under internationallaw. This policy was presented to electors as in sharp contrast to the Work Choices legislation of the Howard Liberal-Nationalparty coalitiongovernment. -
Liberalism and the Charter: Freedom of Association and the Right to Strike
Dalhousie Journal of Legal Studies Volume 5 Article 5 1-1-1996 Liberalism and the Charter: Freedom of Association and the Right to Strike Terry Sheppard Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/djls This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Recommended Citation Terry Sheppard, "Liberalism and the Charter: Freedom of Association and the Right to Strike" (1996) 5 Dal J Leg Stud 117. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Schulich Law Scholars. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dalhousie Journal of Legal Studies by an authorized editor of Schulich Law Scholars. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LIBERALISM AND THE CHARTER: FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND THE RIGHT TO STRIKE TERRY SHEPPARDt Liberalism, for the most part, has been opposed to unions because they are perceived to be opposed to individualism and detrimental to the free market. This paper will attempt to show how union rights, and more particularly the right to strike, can be accomodated in the liberal philosophy. As a preliminary matter, some principal tenets of liberal theory are examined: ethical individualism; the concept of liberty as negative liberty; the focus on individuals rather than groups as the locus of rights; and a desire to restrain the actions ofgovernment. The paper then proceeds to use liberal philosophy to critique decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada denying Charter protection to the right to strike. The right to strike, it is concluded, is more aptly phrased a freedom to strike. -
Conscience and At-Will Employment
Articles FIRING THOREAU: CONSCIENCE AND AT-WILL EMPLOYMENT James A. Sonne* It is a virtual axiom of the American workplace that, absent a contract or express law to the contrary, "an employer may terminate an employee at any time, for any reason or no reason at all."' Indeed, this presumption of "at-will" employment, which prevails in forty-nine states and the District of Columbia,' has been the law of the land for more than a century. Rooted in freedom of contract and private property principles, the rule is designed to yield efficiencies across a broad range of industries. Despite the prominence of at-will power, however, a growing (and potentially contradictory) trend in employment law, particularly in the health care field, is that employees should be protected in the exercise of their consciences-even if such exercise is contrary to their employers' wishes or the demands of their jobs.' This "conscience clause" movement is * Associate Professor, Ave Maria School of Law. B.A., Duke University; J.D., Harvard Law School. The author thanks George Remy and Jeffrey Melville for their research; Professors Richard Myers, Lynn Wardle, and Robert Vischer for their insights; Mary and Margaret Grace Sonne for their encouragement; and Ave Maria for its support. 1. Cynthia L. Estlund, Labor, Property, and Sovereignty After Lechmere, 46 STAN. L. REV. 305, 312 (1994). 2. See PETER 0. HUGHES, LABOR AND EMPLOYMENT LAW (MB) § 259.02 n.5 (2006) (observing "[e]mployment is presumed to be at will in ...every state" except Montana). For the District of Columbia, see Dantley v. -
Freedom of Association and the Private Club: the Installation of a "Threshold" Test to Legitimize Private Club Status in the Public Eye Julie A
Marquette Law Review Volume 72 Article 3 Issue 3 Spring 1989 Freedom of Association and the Private Club: The Installation of a "Threshold" Test to Legitimize Private Club Status in the Public Eye Julie A. Moegenburg Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation Julie A. Moegenburg, Freedom of Association and the Private Club: The Installation of a "Threshold" Test to Legitimize Private Club Status in the Public Eye, 72 Marq. L. Rev. 403 (1989). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol72/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COMMENTS FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND THE PRIVATE CLUB: THE INSTALLATION OF A "THRESHOLD" TEST TO LEGITIMIZE PRIVATE CLUB STATUS IN THE PUBLIC EYE I. INTRODUCTION The most natural privilege of man, next to the right of acting for himself, is that of combining his [energy, ideas and dreams] with those of his fellow creatures and of acting in common with them. The right of association therefore appears to me almost as inaliena- ble in its nature as the right of personal liberty.... Nevertheless, if the liberty of association is only a source of advantage and prosper- ity to some nations, it may be perverted or carried to excess by others, and from an element of life may be changed into a cause of destruction.1 For more than three decades,2 courts have recognized a right to associ- ate freely with others in pursuit of a wide variety of political, social, eco- nomic, educational, religious, and cultural objectives.3 Recently, the Supreme Court has crystallized two distinct aspects of freedom of associa- tion: freedom of intimate association and freedom of expressive association. -
Contract Law Through the Lens of Laissez-Faire Richard A
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Coase-Sandor Working Paper Series in Law and Coase-Sandor Institute for Law and Economics Economics 1997 Contracts Small and Contract Large: Contract Law Through the Lens of Laissez-Faire Richard A. Epstein Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/law_and_economics Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard A. Epstein, "Contracts Small and Contract Large: Contract Law Through the Lens of Laissez-Faire" (Coase-Sandor Institute for Law & Economics Working Paper No. 49, 1997). This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Coase-Sandor Institute for Law and Economics at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Coase-Sandor Working Paper Series in Law and Economics by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contracts Small and Contract Large: Contract Law Through the Lens of Laissez-Faire by Richard A. Epstein* Introduction: A Fallen Theory? Laissez-faire capitalism, and its associated doctrine of freedom of contract, had many stalwart defenders during the nineteenth century. But it has received a rocky reception from many legal and philosophical commentators in the twentieth century. Freedom of contract often been pronounced "dead on arrival" as an organizing principle for complex contemporary societies. That principle has been said to be insensitive to differences in wealth, status, position and power that make the exercise of contractual choice a myth for the weak and dispossessed. Within the legal literature, it has been attacked as ignoring the large concentrations of wealth that distort market processes and that trample down the rights of consumers and workers. -
An Empirical Appraisal of the Liberty of Contract
An Empirical Appraisal of the Liberty of Contract “I got my first job when I was nine. Worked at a sheet metal factory. In two weeks, I was running the floor. Child labor laws are ruining this country.” -Ron Swanson Aaron Gordon Honors Thesis Department of Political Science Northwestern University Advisor: Prof. Daniel Galvin May 3, 2017 1 Abstract From approximately 1895-1937, the US Supreme Court interpreted the Constitution’s Due Process clauses to implicitly protect a “Liberty of Contract”—the right of individuals to make contracts without arbitrary government interference. The Court relied on this principle to invalidate a variety of regulatory measures, including maximum hours and minimum wage laws. The Court abandoned its enforcement of this doctrine in 1937, and today, the Liberty of Contract is widely condemned by legal thinkers as right-wing judicial activism. Supposedly, the Court’s protection of contractual freedom imposed a strict laissez-faire ideology on the country, interfered with Progressive reform legislation, and harmed public welfare—especially that of workers, consumers, and the poor. But such claims are often made without empirical support. My aim here is to evaluate, based on the surviving data and evidence, the practical impacts of the Liberty of Contract by examining a) the extent to which the doctrine interfered with policymakers’ efforts at economic regulation, and b) the economic and social effects of notable decisions in which the Court invalidated legislation on Liberty-of-Contract grounds. I conclude a) that the Court was quite deferential to legislators in Liberty-of-Contract cases, though its decisions to invoke the doctrine in invalidating laws were often arbitrary; and b) that the societal effects of such invalidations were often either neutral or positive. -
Expressive Association and Anti-Discrimination Law After Dale: a Tripartite Approach
Scholarship Repository University of Minnesota Law School Articles Faculty Scholarship 2001 Expressive Association and Anti-Discrimination Law After Dale: A Tripartite Approach Dale Carpenter University of Minnesota Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/faculty_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Dale Carpenter, Expressive Association and Anti-Discrimination Law After Dale: A Tripartite Approach, 85 MINN. L. REV. 1515 (2001), available at https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/faculty_articles/146. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in the Faculty Scholarship collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Expressive Association and Anti-Discrimination Law After Dale: A Tripartite Approach Dale Carpentert Is Dale' a disaster? To many who support equal civil rights for gay people, it certainly seems so. 2 In Dale, after all, the Supreme Court held that the First Amendment allowed the Boy Scouts of America (BSA) to exclude an openly gay scoutmaster despite a state law forbidding such discrimination.3 More broadly, the rationale for the decision-based on the BSA's right of expressive asso- ciation-has raised fears (for some, hopes) that the Court might be moving toward a sweeping review of the constitutionality of numerous state and federal statutes forbidding discrimination in business-related clubs, public accommodations, and even employment. 4 At the very least, Dale may have called a consti- t Associate Professor of Law, University of Minnesota; former Boy Scout.