DOCSLIB.ORG

The Palestinian Bid for Statehood at the United Nations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Palestinian Bid for Statehood at the United Nations PERSPECTIVE | FES PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES Showdown in September? The Palestinian bid for Statehood at the United Nations ALEXANDER RUESCHE AND ANDREAS HACKL August 2011 . Should bilateral negotiations with Israel continue to stall, Palestinians will ask for recognition of their state and admission to the United Nations this September. According to estimates 120 countries currently support the accession of a Palestinian state to the UN as a full member state. A two-thirds-majority in the General Assembly seems as certain as a US veto in the UN Security Council. As of now, it remains uncertain whether Palestine will apply for full UN membership or turn to the General Assembly to reach an upgrade of the current status to that of a non- member observer state and circumvent a US veto. This past spring, World Bank, IMF and UN declared that the conditions for a Palestinian state are met due to the successful state-building process initialized by the two-year »Fayyad plan« of 2009. A. RUESCHE AND A. HACKL | PALESTINE AND THE UN per cent of Palestinians would support a resumption of Abbas: Negotiations vs. UN bid negotiations according to an October poll. On 16 May, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas Ready for statehood clarified in an op-ed in the New York Times that in September, the Palestinians would »request The idea to push for the recognition of the Palestinian international recognition of the State of Palestine on state in September 2011 is not a recent plan. In August the 1967 borders and that our state be admitted as a 2009, Prime Minister Salam Fayyad announced the plan full member of the United Nations.« »Ending the Occupation, Establishing the State« that was approved, among others, by the Middle East With this statement, Abbas publicly reaffirmed a plan Quartet (UN, USA, EU, Russia) in March 2010. The plan the Palestinian leadership had been harboring for a foresees a two-year phase of institution building of the while: to turn to the United Nations in case success in Palestinian National Authority (PNA) followed by the negotiations with Israel would remain elusive. For the foundation of the Palestinian State. According to Palestinians, the UN option is not a weapon of choice, reports by the World Bank (September 2010) and the but rather a last resort after years of deadlock in which IMF (April 2011), the PNA under the leadership of bilateral talks with Israel failing to yield substantial Fayyad succeeded: Palestine is »ready for statehood« results. This approach was supported by Palestinian says the verdict of the international organizations. Foreign Minister Riad Malki at the end of June. Malki Robert Serry, UN Special Coordinator for the Middle assured that Palestinians would refrain from calling East Peace Process, also praised the progress in state upon the UN - should meaningful negotiations with a building of the Fayyad government in April 2011 saying clear time line materialize. the PNA was »well positioned for the establishment of a state at any point in the near future«. The Palestinian leadership and President Abbas in particular are under heavy pressure: Against the Additionally, the unity agreement signed in Cairo on 4 backdrop of revolutions in the Arab World, they fear Mai 2011 between the rivaling factions Hamas and mass protests in the Palestinian Territories that could Fatah is meant to end the four-year split of the easily spin out of control. The rationale behind this: Palestinian Territories into a Fatah-dominated West Abbas personally as well as his secular Fatah movement Bank and a Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip. The Cairo are intrinsically connected with a negotiated approach document foresees the formation of a unity to solving the Middle East conflict. Almost two decades government for the Palestinian Territories as well as after the beginning of the Oslo process, tangible results parliamentary elections within a year of signature. By of this approach continue to remain missing. In the face means of reconciliation, Fatah and Hamas at least of Abbas’ determination of the past weeks and months formally managed to evade a major stumbling block on regarding the UN question, retracting from the UN bid the path to the UN bid – a path that both movements now without serious negotiations to show for would endorsed in the framework of the Cairo agreement. equal political suicide. Nonetheless, the implementation of the agreement has not moved beyond the question of the appointment of Additionally, the political leadership is convinced that the unity government’s prime minister. While President Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu on the Israeli side Abbas insists on Salam Fayyad as prime minister, Hamas is no partner for peace. In his speech at the American rejects the financial expert and darling of the Congress at the end of May, Netanyahu rebuffed international community. But however profound the negotiations on the basis of the 1967 borders and disagreements, they are not likely to derail the move to showed that he is not willing to stop the settlement the UN. enterprise in the occupied Palestinian Territories. Without an Israeli settlement freeze, however, only few The procedure at the UN Palestinians would find themselves willing to start another long-winded negotiations process – while Israel The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was granted creates facts on the ground through continued observer status at the United Nations in 1974, allowing settlement expansion, rendering the Two-State-Solution it to take part in General Assembly sessions without increasingly impossible. Under these premises, only 27 granting a right to vote. In 1988, Yassir Arafat 1 A. RUESCHE AND A. HACKL | PALESTINE AND THE UN proclaimed a Palestinian state in Algiers, when he read motion, thereby ensuring its failure in the Security out a declaration of independence with reference to Council. In order to circumvent a possible US veto, the two-state-solution. An event that was followed by Palestinian Foreign Minister Malki at the beginning of an upgrade of the Palestinian status at the UN which, June spurred the discussion around the option of using however, stopped short of the recognition of Palestinan the instrument »Uniting for Peace«, which was created statehood. Against this backdrop, Palestinians now aim in 1950 with Resolution 377 A (V) against the backdrop for international recognition of this Palestinian state of the Cold War and in the attempt to circumvent the within the borders of 1967 and for achieving an vetos of the USSR. This approach, however, can only be upgrade of their current ëìá= ÖÉåÉêáë status at the UN: applied when the Security Council, because of a lack of either to that of a full member state or to that of a non- unanimity of the permanent members, fails to act in member observer state. order to maintain international peace and security. With the approval of seven of the permanent and non- The formal procedure of the application for full UN permanent members of the Security Council, the issue membership consists of three phases. First, a formal can be passed to the General Assembly on the basis of application must be submitted to the General Secretary, the »Uniting for Peace« Resolution, thereby bypassing a who forwards the application to the Security Council veto. In this case, the General Assembly has to convene and sends a copy to the General Assembly for for an emergency meeting within the next 24 hours. information. The Palestinian leadership had originally Whether »Uniting for Peace« is applicable in the planned to apply by 15 July, but Palestinian envoy to Palestinian context, however, is highly contentious. At the UN Riyad Mansour declared shortly before the date the end of May, President of the General Assembly that the application would be filed when it was Joseph Deiss made clear that from his point of view, »ready«. there was no way around the Security Council in this matter. Furthermore, »Uniting for Peace« has never In the second phase, a standing committee on been applied to the admission of a new member to the Admission of New Members, comprised of all members UN in the past. of the Security Council, debates the request of admission and reports its conclusions to the Council. In the face of a likely US veto, the Palestinian leadership On this basis, the Council takes a decision. If nine of 15 is pursuing a double track in its quest to accede the UN: members approve and no permanent member makes On the one hand, according to the Palestinian envoy to use of its veto, the Security Council, by resolution, the UN Mansour, the aim is to convince as many recommends admission of the applying country to the members of the General Assembly as possible to General Assembly. Should the Security Council support the Palestinian application for full UN recommend admission, the third phase would be a vote membership. On 22 July, President Abbas met all in the General Assembly. For admission, a two-thirds Palestinian ambassadors and envoys in Turkey to give majority is needed. Since the admission of Southern them personal guidance for a diplomatic push. In this Sudan on 14 July, this constitutes 129 of 193 votes. The way, he is hoping to maximize the pressure on the Fatah Commissioner for Foreign Relations and former Security Council and the USA especially. However, PLO- Minister of Foreign Affairs Nabil Shaath explained that Executive-Committee member Hanan Ashrawi who was with the support of Syria, 119 countries had declared sent to Washington by President Abbas in order to their consent. As many of his fellow Palestinians, convince the Obama administration not use their veto Shaath is optimistic the quota for admission will be against the admission of Palestine as a full member reached.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Fatah Congress: Will New Resolutions Mean a New Direction?
    PolicyWatch #1569 Fatah Congress: Will New Resolutions Mean a New Direction? By Mohammad Yaghi August 14, 2009 PolicyWatch #1569 is the second in a two-part series examining the political and organizational implications of Fatah's recently concluded General Congress. This part explores Fatah's external dynamics, specifically how the group's new political program will affect its relations with Israel, Hamas, and the Palestinian Authority. PolicyWatch #1568 examines Fatah's internal dynamics, particularly in regard to its top leader Mahmoud Abbas. At its recently concluded General Congress, Fatah established a new political program that will affect both its terms of reengagement with Israel and its relations with Hamas and the Palestinian Authority (PA). Fatah's new constraints on negotiations with Israel, however, may harm Mahmoud Abbas -- PA president and the party's top leader -- who needs to respond positively to international peace initiatives that may conflict with the organization's new rules of engagement. Abbas might ignore these congressional decisions, believing its program is intended only for internal consumption to fend off the accusations of the party's hardline members. Fatah's renewed efforts to reunite the West Bank and Gaza could lead to an escalation with Hamas, since many observers doubt unity can be achieved peacefully. Fatah's Political Program According to al-Ayyam newspaper, Fatah's new political program sets demanding terms for reengagement with Israel, even more so than those Abbas has been stating publicly since Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu took office earlier this year. The new terms include a complete halt of Israeli settlement construction, especially in East Jerusalem; an Israeli withdrawal from all Palestinian cities, reverting back to the status that existed before the September 2000 intifada; a clear and binding timetable for negotiations; a refusal to postpone negotiations over Jerusalem and refugees; and an insistence on a defined mechanism for arbitration.
    [Show full text]
  • Fatah and Hamas: the New Palestinian Factional Reality
    Order Code RS22395 March 3, 2006 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Fatah and Hamas: the New Palestinian Factional Reality Aaron D. Pina Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary For the first time in its history, the Palestinian parliament is set to be led by Hamas, which the United States and European Union have designated a foreign terrorist organization. Although some lauded the generally free and fair election in January 2006, others criticized the outcome and accused Hamas of “hijacking” democracy. This report provides an overview of the new political realities in the West Bank and Gaza after the election, the challenges Fatah and Hamas face, and possible implications for U.S. policy. This report will be updated as warranted. For more information on the Palestinians, see CRS Report RL33269, Palestinian Elections, by Aaron D. Pina, CRS Issue Brief IB91137 The Middle East Peace Talks, by Carol Migdalovitz, and CRS Report RS22370, U.S. Assistance to the Palestinians, by Jeremy M. Sharp. Background On January 25, 2006, Palestinians voted in parliamentary elections and Hamas emerged as the clear winner, with 74 out of 132 parliamentary seats. Fatah, the dominant party in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), won 45 seats, and 13 seats went to other minor parties. Since then, several governments, including the United States, have cautioned that unless Hamas disavows terrorism, recognizes Israel, and accepts all previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements, diplomatic and economic relations with the Palestinian Authority may be circumscribed or ended altogether. Hamas1 During the 1970s and 1980s, Palestinians experienced a rise in political Islam, embodied in Hamas, founded in 1987 by the late Sheik Ahmad Yasin.
    [Show full text]
  • News of Terrorism and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
    News of Terrorism and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict (November 9 – 15, 2016) Palestinians throw stones at Israeli vehicles as a manifestation of popular terrorism. Left: An Israeli vehicle damaged by stones thrown in the Halhul region, north of Hebron (Twitter account of Paldf, November 9, 2016). Right: An Israeli vehicle damaged by stones thrown near Bayt A'innon, east of Hebron (Twitter account of Paldf, November 13, 2016). O ve rv ie w Overview n Popular terrorism continues, this past week manifested by an attempted stabbing attack at the Hawwara Junction near Nablus. Stones were thrown at Israeli cars and buses in Judea and Samaria. Two Israelis were wounded; in some instances the vehicles were damaged. n Preparations are being made for the seventh Fatah conference, scheduled to take place on November 29, 2016. Nabil Shaath, a member of Fatah's Central Committee, said the movement's political platform would include support for the "popular struggle." At the previous conference, held in 2009, Fatah adopted the concept of "popular resistance," legitimizing popular terrorism, which peaked last year. 206-16 2 Terrorist Attacks and Attempted Terrorists Attacks n On November 9, 2016, a Palestinian went to the Hawwara Junction (near Nablus) with a screwdriver which he used to try to stab an IDF soldier. He was shot and critically wounded by the Israeli security forces, and evacuated to a hospital. The Palestinian media reported he was Muhammad Omar al-Jalad, 24, from Tulkarm (Wafa, November 9, 2016). Left: Muhammad Omar al-Jalad (Facebook page of Bethlehem al-Hadath, November 9, 2016).
    [Show full text]
  • United Nations Forum on the Question of Palestine
    UNITED NATIONS FORUM ON THE QUESTION OF PALESTINE 70 Years after 1948 – Lessons to Achieve a Sustainable Peace 17 and 18 May 2018 Trusteeship Council Chamber, United Nations Headquarters, New York KEYNOTE PRESENTATION HANAN ASHRAWI Member of PLO Executive Committee Hanan Ashrawi is a Palestinian legislator, activist, and scholar. She is a member of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Executive Committee. Dr. Ashrawi served as a member of the Leadership Committee and as an official spokesperson of the Palestinian delegation to the Middle East peace process, beginning with the Madrid Peace Conference of 1991. She was elected to the Palestinian Legislative Council representing Jerusalem in 1996. She then headed the Legislative Reform Committee between 2000 and 2005. In 2006, she was again elected to the Palestinian Legislative Council representing the list called The Third Way. In 2009, she was elected as member of the Executive Committee of the PLO, making history as the first woman to hold a seat in the highest executive body in Palestine. As a civil society activist, Dr. Ashrawi has founded and headed many organizations and institutions such as the Independent Commission for Human Rights (ICHR), the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) and the Coalition for Accountability and Integrity (AMAN). She has also won numerous prizes and medals, including the Sydney Peace Prize in 2003, the UNESCO’s Mahatma Gandhi Medal in 2005, and the French Commandeur de l’Ordre National du Mérite in 2016. She is the author of several books, articles, poems and short stories on Palestinian politics, culture and literature.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Anti-Partitionist Perspectives in Palestine 1915-1988
    A history of Anti-partitionist Perspectives in Palestine 1915-1988 Submitted by Kaoutar Guediri to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Arab and Islamic Studies, February 2013. This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I understand that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. .................................... 1 2 Abstract The diplomatic and political deadlock in what has come to be known as the Palestine/Israel conflict, has led to the re-emergence of an anti-partition discourse that draws its arguments from the reality on the ground and/or from anti-Zionism. Why such a re-emergence? Actually, anti-partitionism as an antagonism depends on its corollary, partitionism, and as such, they have existed for the same period of time. Furthermore, the debate between anti- partitionists and pro-partitionists – nowadays often referred to as a debate between the one-state and the two-state solution – is not peculiar to the period around 2000. It echoes the situation in the late 1910s when the British were settling in Palestine and authorising the Zionist settler colonial movement to build a Jewish homeland thus introducing the seeds of partition and arousing expressions of anti-partitionism. This dissertation aims to articulate a political history of the anti-partitionist perspectives against the backdrop of an increasing acceptance of Palestine's partition as a solution.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel and Palestine
    ISRAEL AND PALESTINE ISRAEL AND PALESTINE Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations Avi Shlaim V VERSO London • New York Earlier versions of the chapters included in this volume have appeared in the following publications: Chapter #1, in Wm. Roger Louis, ed.. Yet More Adventures with Britannia (London: I. B. Tauris, 2005); #2, in Mary Coll, ed., Faithful Companions: Collected Essays Celebrating the 25th Anniversary o f the Kate O’Brien Weekend (Limerick: Mellick Press, 2009); #3, #5, #8, #15 Journal o f Palestine Studies; #4, #6, #7, #9, #10, #12, #13, #18, #20, London Review o f Books', #11, #29, Guardian; #14, in Jane Davis, ed., Politics and International Relations in the Middle East (Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1995); #16, in Louise Fawcett ed.. International Relations o f the Middle East (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); #17, #26, New York Review o f Books; #19, Israel Studies; #21, The Nation; #22, in Ken Booth and Tim Dunne eds., Worlds in Collision: Terror and the Future ofWorld Order (London: Palgrave, 2002); #23, Logos; #25, Islámica; #27, in Adel Iskandar and Hakem Rustom, eds., Emancipation and Representation: On the Intellectual Meditations o f Edward Said (Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming); #30, Jewish Chronicle First published by Verso 2009 © Avi Shlaim 2009 All rights reserved The moral rights of the author have been asserted 1 3579 10 8642 V erso UK: 6 Meard Street, London W1F 0EG US: 20 Jay Street, Suite 1010, Brooklyn, NY 11201 www.versobooks.com Verso is the imprint of New Left Books ISBN-13: 978-1-84467-366-7
    [Show full text]
  • Dictionary of Palestinian Political Terms
    Dictionary of Palestinian Political Terms PASSIA Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, Jerusalem PASSIA, the Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, is an Arab, non-profit Palestinian institution with a financially and legally indepen- dent status. It is not affiliated with any government, political party or organization. PASSIA seeks to present the Question of Palestine in its national, Arab and interna- tional contexts through academic research, dialogue and publication. PASSIA endeavors that research undertaken under its auspices be specialized, scientific and objective and that its symposia and workshops, whether interna- tional or intra-Palestinian, be open, self-critical and conducted in a spirit of har- mony and cooperation. Copyright PASSIA 3rd updated and revised edition, December 2019 ISBN: 978-9950-305-52-6 PASSIA Publication 2019 Tel.: 02-6264426 | Fax: 02-6282819 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.passia.org PO Box 19545, Jerusalem Contents Abbreviations ……………………………………………………………………………………………. i Foreword …………………………………………………………………….….…………..……………. iii Dictionary A-Z ………………………………………………………………………….………………. 1 Main References Cited…………………………………………..……………………………… 199 Abbreviations ACRI Association for Civil Rights in PCBS Palestinian Central Bureau of Israel Statistics AD Anno Domini PFLP Popular Front for the Liberation AIPAC American Israel Public Affairs of Palestine Committee PFLP-GC Popular Front for the Liberation ALF Arab Liberation Front of Palestine – General ANM
    [Show full text]
  • The Postponement of the Palestinian Elections: Causes and Significance
    BICOM Briefing The postponement of the Palestinian Elections: Causes and Significance May 2021 Introduction On Thursday 29 April, Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas announced the postponement of elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC). Those elections, which were due to take place on 22 May, would have been the first elections since January 2006. “We have decided to delay the legislative elections until the participation of Jerusalem [residents] is ensured” Abbas said, emphasising that the issue of voting in Jerusalem “isn’t a technical issue, but rather a fundamental political one”. Instead, he vowed to work toward forming a Palestinian national unity government that would “abide by international resolutions and reinforce the Palestine Liberation Organization” (PLO). The announcement did not come as a surprise, with PA officials warning for weeks such a scenario could happen. Nabil Abu Rudeineh, a spokesman for Abbas, had warned that Israel not allowing Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem to vote in the city was a redline. In a similar vein, Nabil Shaath, a senior figure in the PA, said that while “some people think that we are using Jerusalem as an excuse to postpone the elections … we don’t want to hold elections in which some of the people cannot vote”. Deeply ensconced in sensitive coalition talks following its late-March election, Israel maintains that it has not blocked Palestinian voting in Jerusalem. Israel did not formally respond to the PA’s request to allow voting in the city, but stressed it had no interest in thwarting the elections. In a meeting with 13 ambassadors from EU countries in late April, Alon Bar, the Foreign Ministry’s political director, emphasised “that the elections in the PA are an internal Palestinian issue, and that Israel has no intention of intervening in them nor preventing them”.
    [Show full text]
  • The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State
    The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State November 2013 Table of Contents Foreword by the Partner Organizations Dr. Reuven Pedatzur, Dr. Samir Hazboun, Gen. (ret.) Mansour Abu Rashid ..... 2 Foreword by the Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the State of Israel H.E. Ambassador Andrew Standley ...................................................................5 Foreword by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Israel Office State Sec. Michael Mertes and Ms. Annika Khano ............................................6 Regional Normalization following a Two-State Solution H.E. Ambassador Hind Khoury, Prof. Asher Susser, Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development ................................................... 8 Economics when Borders are not Barriers: Jordan, Israel, and the Palestinian State Mr. Amjad Qasas, Dr. Avichai Snir, and Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development ....................................................... 40 The Palestinian State and the National Aspirations of the Palestinian Diaspora Dr. Matti Steinberg, Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development, and Researcher from DATA Studies and Consultations ............52 The Political Character of the Palestinian State Prof. Munther Dajani, Dr. Anat Kurz, and Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development ....................................................... 76 Middle-East Regional Security Cooperation following the Establishment of a Palestinian State Brig. Gen. (ret.) Udi Dekel, Researcher
    [Show full text]
  • Fatah Central Committee P R O F I L E S
    FATAH CENTRAL COMMITTEE P R O F I L E S All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2015 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 www.washingtoninstitute.org Cover: "Fatah Flag" by MrPenguin20—Own work. Licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons. Contents Introduction Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) Al-Tayyeb Abdul Rahim (Abu al-Tayyeb) Zakaria al-Agha (Abu Ammar) Azzam al-Ahmed Mahmoud al-Aloul (Abu Jihad) Marwan Barghouti Ahmad Sakhr Khlousi Basseiso (Sakhr Basseiso) Mohammad Dahlan (Abu Fadi) Hassan Ahmad Abu Einein (Sultan Abu Einein) Saeb Erekat (Abu Ali) Othman Abu Gharbieh Muhammad Ghneim (Abu Maher) Muhammad al-Madani Sharif Ali Meshaal (Abbas Zaki) (Abu Meshaal) Jamal Muhaisen Nasser al-Qudwa Jibril Rajoub (Abu Rami) Nabil Abu Rudeinah Nabil Shaath (Abu Rashid) Hussein al-Sheikh Mohammad Shtayyeh Tawfiq al-Tirawi (Abu Hussein) Salim Zanoun (Abu Adib) 3 Introduction The Fatah Central Committee, the party’s most senior institution, is responsible for developing and implementing its strategic vision and initiatives. The committee's members hold some of the most important and sensitive portfolios in Palestinian politics. At the time of the Central Committee's formation in 1963, two years before Fatah's official launch, it included only ten members.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Territories 12
    Palestinian Territories 12. 2014 Dear Ladies and Gentlemen, dear friends of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Brightened by sunshine, the year of 2014 A selection of those events and visits is comes to an end in Jerusalem. Yet, the compiled in this Review of the Year 2014 sunshine is deceptive: The political events Newsletter. Moreover, a list of publications of the past months have led the Palestini- of our partners can be found below. an society deeply troubled. We wish you a Merry Christmas and a The trails of the Gaza War and the conti- Happy New Year. We hope for peaceful nuous clashes in Jerusalem and the West developments in the Middle East and are Bank have dimmed the light. Slowly, the looking forward to providing you with in- trust in an imminent solution to the Israe- formation about current events and our li-Palestinian conflict dissolves. work in the future. As in previous years, the FES office in the With the best regards from Jerusalem, Palestinian Territories has accompanied Ingrid Ross the developing political events with nu- merous discussion rounds, conferences Director of the FES Office in the Palestini- and workshops with old and new partners an Territories in the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza. It encouraged people to participate and politically engage, supported policy con- sultations through providing expertise, analysed current political and economic developments and connected Palestinians, Germans and Europeans in order to create a better understanding of the political rea- lity. Design: eryfoto Seite 1 Palestinian Territories 12. 2014 Political Developments 2014 has not been a good year for Palesti- Search and arrest operations by the Israeli ne.
    [Show full text]
  • Notstand Der Demokratie – Ahmed Kurei Bleibt Für 30 Tage Im Amt
    Notstand der Demokratie – Ahmed Kurei bleibt für 30 Tage im Amt Der Anfang vom Ende des Jassir nur ein Jahr nach dem seine Be- palästinensische Legislativ rat Arafat, so erschien im April dieses liebtheitswerte in der Bevölkerung PLC zunächst weigerte, das so Jahres die Ernennung des ersten auf eine Rate von 27,9 % abgesun- genannte Notstandskabinett zu palästinensischen Premierministers ken waren.1 verabschie den. Hinzu kommen Mahmud Abbas. Voraus gegangen Fatah-interne Grabenkämpfe, in Am 5. Oktober schließlich machte war eine tagelange interne Ausein- denen sich die führenden Köpfe Jassir Arafat seine Rückkehr zur andersetzung zwischen den beiden angesichts eines kranken Jassir allumfassenden Macht perfekt und PLO-Führern, in der der „Alte“ – Arafat versuchen, für eine Zeit rief mit Bezug auf das palästinen- wie man den PA-Vorsitzenden nach Arafat in Position zu brin- sische Grundgesetz Kapitel 7 den bereits zu betiteln begann, am gen. Was von der internationalen Ende den Kürzeren gezogen zu Notstand aus, eine Maßnahme, die Presse als „Chaos in Ramallah“ haben schien (vgl. Kurzanalyse „eine Bedrohung der nationalen und „Machtvakuum“ inter- Sicherheit durch Krieg oder Inva- FES Palästina Machtkampf in Ra- pretiert wird, ist letztendlich also sion, einen bewaffneten Aufstand mallah vom 24.04.2003). Nur 131 nichts anderes, als der verzwei- oder eine Naturkatastrophe“ vor- Tage später warf ein verbitterter felte Versuch, die zarten Pflänz- aussetzt.2 Keine dieser Vorbedin- Mahmoud Abbas das Handtuch. chen der palästinensischen Re- gungen war am 5. Oktober in ei- Vorausgegangen war eine Blocka- form, mit der eine Stärkung des depolitik des PLO-Vorsitzenden nem qualitativ höheren Maße ge- Parla ments einher ging, gegen- Arafat gegenüber seinem Premier- geben als in den Wochen zuvor über dem alten, kranken Mann oder in Zeiten der so genannten minister, die an Mobbing erin- zu retten.
    [Show full text]