Palestinian Elections: Parties, Polling, and Implications for U.S. Policy by David May April 23, 2021 Background
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Hamas's Fight Against COVID-19 in the Gaza Strip (Updated to April 5, 2020)
רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר Hamas’s fight against COVID-19 in the Gaza Strip (updated to April 5, 2020) April 5, 2020 Morbidity On March 31, 2020, two new COVID-19 cases were identified among people returning from Egypt to the Gaza Strip through the Rafah crossing. They were quarantined. This brings the number of patients in the Gaza Strip to 12. According to the spokesman for the Health Ministry in the Gaza Strip, five patients have already recovered and the condition of the rest is “stable and encouraging” (Al-Ra’i News Agency, April 4, 2020). According to the spokesman for the Health Ministry in the Gaza Strip, Dr. Ashraf al-Qidra, there are now 1,897 people in 27 quarantine centers. They are all in good health and are soon to be released. The schools serving as quarantine centers will be disinfected 24 hours after they are discharged, so that the facilities can be reused (Al-Ra’i News Agency, April 4, 2020). -
Rethinking the Two-State Solution
PolicyWatch #1408 : Special Forum Report Rethinking the Two-State Solution Featuring Giora Eiland and Martin Indyk October 3, 2008 On September 23, 2008, Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Giora Eiland and Ambassador Martin Indyk addressed a Policy Forum luncheon at The Washington Institute. General Eiland is former head of the Israeli National Security Council and currently a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. Ambassador Indyk directs the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. The following is a rapporteur’s summary of their remarks. GIORA EILAND Within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict lies a paradox. Although the two-state solution is well known and widely accepted, and although there is international consensus regarding the need for it, little progress has been made to that end. This means that neither side desires the solution nor is willing to take the necessary risks to move forward and come to an agreement. Ultimately, the most the Israeli government can offer the Palestinians -- and survive politically -- is far less than what any Palestinian leadership can accept. As such, there is a gap between the two sides that continues to widen as the years go on. In many aspects, the current situation is worse than it was eight years ago. In 2000, there were three leaders who were both determined and capable of reaching an agreement: U.S. president Bill Clinton, Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak, and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. That type of leadership is missing today. In addition, while the two sides enjoyed a reasonable level of security, cooperation, and trust in 2000, the subsequent intifada has created a completely different situation on the ground today. -
Teaching Plato in Palestine: Philosophy in a Divided World
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. 1 TEACHING PLATO IN PALESTINE Can philosophy save the Middle East? It can. This, at least, is the thesis of Sari Nusseibeh as I learn from a friend upon arriving in Israel in February 2006. Nusseibeh is not only a prominent Palestinian intellectual and the Palestinian Liberation Organization’s former chief repre- sentative in Jerusalem, but also a philosopher by training (and, I think, by nature, too). “Only philosophy,” the friend tells me he argued during the Shlomo Pines memorial lec- ture in West Jerusalem three years before (aptly titled “On the Relevance of Philosophy in the Arab World Today”). By the time I leave Israel, I’m convinced that he’s on to something. I am here to teach a seminar at Al-Quds University, the Palestinian university in Jerusalem, together with Nus- seibeh, who has been president of Al- Quds since 1995. My idea is to discuss Plato’s political thought with the students and then examine how medieval Muslim and Jewish philosophers built on this thought to interpret Islam and Judaism as philosophical religions. I hope to raise some basic questions about philosophy and its rela- For general queries, contact [email protected] Fraenkel.indb 3 2/17/2015 8:56:12 AM © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. -
U.S. Policy in the Middle East Martin Indyk
U.S. Policy in the Middle East Martin Indyk s much as the Obama administration would challenge to the Alawite regime in Syria but has now like to disengage from the Middle East and spread viciously to Iraq and could well spread to the Ashift its focus and energies to Asia—above all Gulf where a majority Shiite population in Bahrain to India and China—it finds itself constantly sucked is controlled by a Saudi-backed Sunni monarch, and back into the vortex as the region grows ever more in Yemen, where Shia Houti tribesman are challeng- volatile, chaotic, and dangerous . President Obama has ing a Sunni regime in Sana’a . Saudi Arabia—the been determined to end American involvement in the world’s largest oil producer—now faces instability country’s two longest-running wars—Iraq and Afghan- on almost all its borders . istan—and to avoid involvement in any other region- al conflicts, especially the Syrian civil war . And yet, In Egypt, the traditional leader of the Arab world, a the surprising success of the Islamic State of Iraq and military-backed regime has deposed and suppressed the Levant (ISIL) in taking control of broad swathes the Muslim Brotherhood party, generating an ad- of Syrian and Iraqi territory and the threat it poses to ditional schism across the region between Islamist Baghdad in the south, Erbil in Iraqi Kurdistan, and po- and moderate Sunnis . This tension recently spilled tentially Jordan in the west, have forced the president’s over into the Arab-Israeli arena where Hamas, the hand and led him now to order air strikes on northern stepchild of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, at- Iraq . -
The Escalation Between Israel and Hamas
BICOM Briefing The escalation between Israel and Hamas May 2021 What has happened so far? Between Sunday evening and Wednesday morning, over 1000 rockets were fired by Hamas and Islamic Jihad (PIJ) in Gaza at Israeli towns and cities, killing five civilians. It includes the largest barrage on the Gush Dan / Tel Aviv metropolitan area in the country’s history, as well as dozens of rockets fired at Beersheva, Ashkelon, Ashdod and other communities in the south. On Sunday evening, rockets were fired at Jerusalem and the Knesset was evacuated. The IDF estimates that approximately 850 rockets have managed to reach Israel, with another 200 landing inside the Gaza Strip itself. This morning, a sixth civilian was killed by an anti-tank missile on Kibbutz Netiv Ha’asara close to the Gaza border. In response, as part of Operation Guardian of the Walls, Israel has carried out over 500 sorties on targets in Gaza, aimed at neutralizing Hamas terror infrastructure and the organisation’s operatives. The PIJ’s rocket manufacturing and storage facilities have reportedly been damaged. Hamas headquarters and military intelligence and R&D – located in high rise buildings in Gaza – have also been hit (following IDF warnings to civilians to evacuate the area). On Tuesday night, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowing to continue striking “with full power” and Chief of Staff Aviv Kochavi warning Hamas and PIJ will pay a heavy price. As of Wednesday noon, the Hamas-run health ministry said the death toll in Gaza is 43, with Israel saying it has killed at least 18 terrorist operatives. -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
Fatah Congress: Will New Resolutions Mean a New Direction?
PolicyWatch #1569 Fatah Congress: Will New Resolutions Mean a New Direction? By Mohammad Yaghi August 14, 2009 PolicyWatch #1569 is the second in a two-part series examining the political and organizational implications of Fatah's recently concluded General Congress. This part explores Fatah's external dynamics, specifically how the group's new political program will affect its relations with Israel, Hamas, and the Palestinian Authority. PolicyWatch #1568 examines Fatah's internal dynamics, particularly in regard to its top leader Mahmoud Abbas. At its recently concluded General Congress, Fatah established a new political program that will affect both its terms of reengagement with Israel and its relations with Hamas and the Palestinian Authority (PA). Fatah's new constraints on negotiations with Israel, however, may harm Mahmoud Abbas -- PA president and the party's top leader -- who needs to respond positively to international peace initiatives that may conflict with the organization's new rules of engagement. Abbas might ignore these congressional decisions, believing its program is intended only for internal consumption to fend off the accusations of the party's hardline members. Fatah's renewed efforts to reunite the West Bank and Gaza could lead to an escalation with Hamas, since many observers doubt unity can be achieved peacefully. Fatah's Political Program According to al-Ayyam newspaper, Fatah's new political program sets demanding terms for reengagement with Israel, even more so than those Abbas has been stating publicly since Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu took office earlier this year. The new terms include a complete halt of Israeli settlement construction, especially in East Jerusalem; an Israeli withdrawal from all Palestinian cities, reverting back to the status that existed before the September 2000 intifada; a clear and binding timetable for negotiations; a refusal to postpone negotiations over Jerusalem and refugees; and an insistence on a defined mechanism for arbitration. -
News of Terrorism and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (March 23 – April 6, 2021)
רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" )מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר News of Terrorism and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (March 23 – April 6, 2021) Overview Coronavirus: In the Gaza Strip the number of active cases spiked significantly this past week, and a lockdown is being considered. In Judea and Samaria there was a significant decrease in coronavirus infection, although hospital occupancy is still high. Palestinians in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip continue to receive the vaccines. A senior figure in the ministry of health in Ramallah blamed Israel for the entrance of the coronavirus variants into the Palestinian Authority (PA) territories. Palestinian foreign minister Riyad al-Maliki accused Israel of exploiting the hardships of countries around the world and of extorting them in return for the promise of coronavirus vaccines. He also claimed that the hardships of the Palestinian people were exacerbated during the coronavirus epidemic because Israel shirked its duty as an "occupying power" to take care of them and because of its refusal to provide them with vaccines. Terrorist attacks: On March 23, 2021 (election day in Israel) a medium-range rocket was fired from the Gaza Strip at Beersheba, the largest city in Israel's south. The rocket landed in an open area. No casualties were reported. It was the attack after two months without rocket fire. In response Israeli Air Force aircraft attacked a number of Hamas terrorist targets in the Gaza Strip. In Judea and Samaria two vehicular ramming attacks targeting IDF soldiers were attempted. -
Reimagining US Strategy in the Middle East
REIMAGININGR I A I I G U.S.S STRATEGYT A E Y IIN THET E MMIDDLED L EEASTS Sustainable Partnerships, Strategic Investments Dalia Dassa Kaye, Linda Robinson, Jeffrey Martini, Nathan Vest, Ashley L. Rhoades C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA958-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0662-0 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover composite design: Jessica Arana Image: wael alreweie / Getty Images Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface U.S. -
U.S. Military Engagement in the Broader Middle East
U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY WWW.WASHINGTONINSTITUTE.ORG The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. Policy Focus 143, April 2016 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing fromthe publisher. ©2016 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1111 19th Street NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: An F-16 from the Egyptian Air Force prepares to make contact with a KC-135 from the 336th ARS during in-flight refueling training. (USAF photo by Staff Sgt. Amy Abbott) Contents Acknowledgments V I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF U.S. MILITARY OPERATIONS 1 James F. Jeffrey 1. Introduction to Part I 3 2. Basic Principles 5 3. U.S. Strategy in the Middle East 8 4. U.S. Military Engagement 19 5. Conclusion 37 Notes, Part I 39 II. RETHINKING U.S. MILITARY STRATEGY 47 Michael Eisenstadt 6. Introduction to Part II 49 7. American Sisyphus: Impact of the Middle Eastern Operational Environment 52 8. Disjointed Strategy: Aligning Ways, Means, and Ends 58 9. -
The Virus of Hate: Delegitimization and Antisemitism Converge Around
Ministry of Strategic Affairs and Public Diplomacy The Virus of Hate Delegitimization and Antisemitism Converge Around the Coronavirus May 2020 Main Findings In September 2019, the Ministry of Strategic Affairs published a report, "Behind the Mask," which demonstrated the connection between antisemitism and the Boycott Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement and its delegitimacy campaign against the State of Israel. The report included over 80 examples of leading BDS activists disseminating antisemitic content, consistent with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism. Following the report, and in the wake of the coronavirus crisis, the Ministry has been monitoring antisemitism and efforts to delegitimize Israel with the linking of the State of Israel and Jews to the coronavirus. The Ministry and other organizations focused on combatting hate speech found multiple cases of BDS-supporting organizations and senior government and quasi-governmental officials propagating antisemitic conspiracies and libels. The increased antisemitic rhetoric around the coronavirus has also been accompanied by threats of violence against Jews and Israelis. In the US, the FBI warned that right wing extremists may try to infect Jews with the coronavirus; in Gaza, Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar warned that if Gaza were to lack ventilators, "six million Israelis will not breathe." Such threats may materialize into acts of violence, especially as stay home orders are lifted and right wing extremists then may vent their anger -
Hamas Type of Organization
Hamas Name: Hamas Type of Organization: Political religious social service provider terrorist violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist jihadist Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated group pan-Islamist Qutbist Sunni Place of Origin: Gaza Strip Year of Origin: 1987 Founder(s): Ahmed Yassin, Mahmoud Zahar, Hassan Yousef, Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi, Mohammed Hassan Shama’a, Abdul Fattah Hassan Dukhan, Ibrahim Fares Al-Yazouri, Salah Shahada (Founder of the Qassam Brigades), Issa Al-Nashar Places of Operation: Gaza Strip, West Bank, Israel, Qatar, Egypt, Lebanon, Iran Overview Also Known As: Harakat al-Muqawana al-Islamiya (Islamic Resistance Movement); Al-Tiar Al-Islami (The Islamic Stream); Al-Athja Al-Islami (The Islamic Trend)1 Executive Summary Hamas is an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood [1] that emerged in the Gaza Strip in the late 1980s, during the first Palestinian intifada (uprising) against Israel. The group’s ideology blends Islamism and Palestinian nationalism and seeks the destruction of Israel and the creation of an Islamic state between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River.Since 2017, Hamas claims to have severed its ties to the Brotherhood. The group also receives financial and military support from Iran. Qatar has also provided significant funding for the group. Hamas uses its provision of social services to build support amongst grassroots Palestinians, helping it to win the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections. However, the group’s engagement in politics and welfare has not tempered its commitment to terrorism. Hamas’s preferred methods include suicide bombings, rocket and mortar attacks, shootings, and kidnappings. Hamas as a whole or its armed faction have been labeled terrorist organizations by the United States, Israel, the United Kingdom, the European Union, New Zealand, Australia, and Japan.