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Hermila Galindo's European Journal of Social Sciences ISSN 1450-2267 Vol. 55 No 3 September, 2017, pp.362-361 http://www.europeanjournalofsocialsciences.com/ Polyphonic voices and political discourse: Hermila Galindo’s request of women’s suffrage to the 1917 Constituent Congress in Mexico Rosa María Valles Ruiz Research scholar at the Autonomous University of the State of Hidalgo. PhD of Political and Social Science, National Autonomous University of Mexico. Member of the National System of Researchers (SNI, Mexico). PRODEP Desirable Profile acknowledgement. Principal lines of investigation: Discourse analysis, history and gender, oral history and student movements in Mexico E-mail: [email protected] Alejandra Araiza Díaz Research scholar at the Autonomous University of the State of Hidalgo PhD of Social Psychology, Autonomous University of Barcelona National System of Researchers (SNI, Mexico) candidate member PRODEP Desirable Profile acknowledgement. Principal lines of investigation Women's political involvement, gender violence, domestic care and work, subjectivity critical theory, feminist epistemology, embodied experience E-mail: [email protected] Azul Kikey Castelli Olvera PhD of Social Science, Autonomous University of the State of Hidalgo Communication Science professor. PRODEP Desirable Profile acknowledgement Principal lines of investigation: Analysis of image and discourse using gender perspective National System of Researchers (SNI, Mexico) candidate member E-mail: [email protected] Xochitl Andrea Sen Santos Master of Communication Science. PhD of Political and Social Science National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) candidate Principal lines of investigation: Discourse analysis, history and gender, oral history Her most recent work focuses on the history of Mexican women athletes E-mail: [email protected] Abstract Goal: To present polyphonic characteristics in the argumentative discourse of the initiative presented by Hermila Galindo to the 1917 Constituent Congress to demand women’s suffrage rights in Mexico. Method: To identify, the essential (semantic and stylistic) elements in Hermila Galindo’s argumentative speech associated with the existing sociopolitical context in the first decades of the twentieth century based on Osvald Ducrot's polyphonic theory of enunciation, Roman Jakobson's language functions, and Daniel Prieto Castillo's stylistic analysis. 362 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 55, Issue 3 September (2017) Results: Discursive actions in Hermila Galindo’s text were characterized by their argumentative nature and a blunt use of polyphony, which included contemporary characters such as John Stuart Mill and Emilio Castelar, among others, to support her ideas or reject others’, such as Alvaro Obregon’s. Conclusions: The model used in this study, based on Jacobson’s, Ducrot’s, and Castillo’s theoretical proposals, was suitable for the analysis of Hermila Galindo’s speech, uttered a century ago. An intensive use of polyphony was detected, which even surpassed known schemas and introduced more possibilities for analysis. 1. Brief Background of Feminism Advanced ideas from the beginning of the nineteenth century, spearheaded by August Bebel, Clara Zetkin, Alexandra Kollontai, Rosa Luxemburg, and John Stuart Mill, comprised the core of an ideology that nurtured Mexican men and women who pointed out the errors of a government that, due to its anchor in the past, had transformed it from a modern liberal regime into a repressive dictatorship. The Porfirio Díaz government had once defended national sovereignty, declared itself anti- reelectionist, and fought back the French intervention, but now Díaz had become a dictator whose power led him to believe in the perennial immortality of political power. The appearance of anti-reelectionist clubs created an ideal scenario to discuss the ideas of scholars who advocated the advantages of democratic systems and the inclusion of marginalized sectors, such as laborers and women; Bebel (1924) had stated that these were the most marginalized groups along history. With respect to women, Charles Fourier (D’Atri, 2017) considered the economic independence of that sector as a sine qua non condition for its emancipation because women possessed innate virtues that made them superior to men; society degraded them, forcing them to be the prostitutes of one man only into the bourgeois marriage or to offer sexual favors to many in exchange of money. D’Atri (2017) ponders, on the other hand, the contributions of socialist theory about women: Since Flora Tristan’s heartfelt cry for the proletarian woman of the working class in the mid nineteenth century to the fervent call by Leon Trotsky to open the door to laboring women, socialism represents a fully valid current in women’s fight against a system that, even nowadays, is still based on the exploitation of thousands of human beings who are themselves divided by the prejudices of patriarchal ideology and far from the real interests of the oppressed in their struggle toward the emancipation of humanity. Clara Zetkin, Rosa Luxemburg, Flora Tristán 1, and Alejandra Kollontai were the iconic woman rights fighters in the context of feminine vindications in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For social democratic Clara Zetkin, the road to women’s emancipation was not always clear. D’Atri (2017) shows that the feminist leader: Opposed any legislation protecting maternity because it could be used by the dominant class as an excuse not to include women in the production sector, and that it could also be considered an argument to support the reactionary idea that women were inferior beings. It was until 1889, in the Second International formed in Paris, when Zetkin reasserted her position of not separating the women’s cause from the general laborers’ causeand her unwillingness to 1 Feminist Flora Tristan’s life was difficult. She said: Nearly the whole world is against me. Men, because I claim the emancipation of women, and business owners, because I claim the emancipation of wage earners. (as cited in D’ Atri, 2017). 363 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 55, Issue 3 September (2017) ask for any particular protection. However, she then stated that they accepted only one exception: pregnant women, whose state requires particular care. D’Atri points out that both Clara Zetkin and Italian socialist Anna Kulishova acknowledged the impossibility of fighting a situation of initial inequality with equality of rights. Based on this statement, socialism incorporated to its demands the prohibition of having women work night shifts, paid maternity leave, and protection for women’s labor in certain production areas that were believed to affect their health, among others. Assuming this position was crucial, because at the time there were women who worked up to 112 hours per week. This was an advanced socialist position because it was not limited to formal rights but took into account the specific situation of thousands of women, who were the most exploited among the proletariat, a reality that feminists both in Europe and in the United States frequently overlooked as they focused in their struggle for suffrage. This struggle brought together women from all over the world, but the struggle took different forms. D’Atri reports on the case of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), led by renowned suffragette Emmeline Pankhurst; after intense street action, thet decided to claim the right to vote only for women who owned property. Despite that the most progressive wing of the bourgeois feminism tended to join the militant social democrats in their regular activities, they actually supported liberal parties in election campaigns, even when these failed to stand for the rights the feminists fought for, as social democracy did. This split was accentuated during the First World War. Moreau (1945) refers in 1945 to the specific features of each country despite that the demand for women's suffrage was the essential point on which women’s vindication movements all over the world agreed. Together with Petrona Eyle, Alicia Moreau was the mainstay of feminist magazine Nuestra Causa (1919-1921), and distinguished herself in Latin America as a quarrelsome women’s rights activist. Amanda Labarca was a distinguished character in Chile, where she founded the Ladies’ Reading Circle in 1915. She studied at Columbia University and the Collège de Sorbonne, which facilitated her contact with advanced ideas from both the United States and Europe. She participated in the Acción Femenina journal, a dissemination tool of the Feminine Civic Party edited from 1919 to 1922. Kottow (Valles y Castelli, 2017) states, in agreement with Pinto (2012), that Labarca’s narrative fiction, which the author deems as timid, is not in line with her political action because it enshrines an image of women that is precisely what feminists sought to fight off and banish. La Mujer Mexicana (1904-1908) was founded by Luz Fernández Viuda de Herrera in the early twentieth century in Mexico. Among its prominent writers and directors were Dolores Correa Zapata, Mateana Murguía, and Laureana Wright; the last two had also been the founders of Violetas del Anáhuac , a magazine from the late nineteenth century. Both publications stressed the demand of women’s access to education. The main objective was to combat ignorance. Neither Violetas del Anáhuac nor The Mexican Woman echoed the advanced feminist thought of their time; both magazines were published during the
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