Wikipedia's History of Bulgaria
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Romanian Foreign Policy (1878-1914)
World Wide Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development WWJMRD 2017; 3(11): 69-74 www.wwjmrd.com International Journal Peer Reviewed Journal Romanian foreign policy (1878-1914) Refereed Journal Indexed Journal UGC Approved Journal Dragos Ionut ONESCU Impact Factor MJIF: 4.25 e-ISSN: 2454-6615 Abstract Prior to independence, Romania has conducted foreign policy actions aimed at achieving this Dragos Ionut ONESCU objective (see trade convention with Austria-Hungary in 1875) and after 1878 was sought to ensure Strasbourg University/Babes- Bolyai University Cluj- security through political alliances with neighboring countries and powers. One of the main foreign Napoca, Romania policy issues, with important consequences and the territorial integrity of the Romanian Principalities and then was the status of the Danube. In the present paper I analyzed the Romanian foreign policy between 1878 and 1914. Keywords: Romanian Foreign Policy, International Relations, Security, Foreign Policy Introduction The first time the issue is considered Danube is the Treaty of Bucharest between Russia and Turkey, signed on May 28, 1812, which ended the Russo-Turkish war took place between 1806 and 1812. The Clashes of interest between the major European powers were put on the agenda the need to solve the problem of freedom of navigation on international rivers and its consecration in an international act. Used the occasion to ensuring this was the Peace Congress in Vienna, met after the first abdication of Napoleon. The Final Act 1815 states in Articles 108-118, fundamental principles of river. Under Article 109, navigation on international rivers was free for all states without distinction between riparian and non-riparian states; is accurate but that freedom of navigation applies only to commercial navigation, not for the war. -
The Diary of Bogdan Filov Bogdan Dimitrov Filov
DOCUMENTS FREDERICK B. CHARY, translator and editor (Gary, Ind., U.S.A.) The Diary of Bogdan Filov Bogdan Dimitrov Filov (1883-1945) was prime minister of Bulgaria from 1940 to 1943 and a member of the regency couiicil from September, 1943 to September 9, 1944. One of the most important political leaders of the Kingdom of Bulgaria during the critical years of World War II, he wrote a diary of day-to-day events of that time which has great value for the historian. In it are revealed both the stresses of Balkan politics and the views of Axis leaders and their allies on the war. Before entering upon his political career, Filov was an art historian and an archaeologist. He was at one time a rector of Sofia University and president of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. His scholarly works were so numerous and impressive that even today they form a major contribution to the study of Bulgarian antiquities and medieval art. Filov first entered the Bulgarian government in November, 1938, as minister of education. Although he was a Germanophile (he had attended German universities and belonged to several German scholarly societies), his minor post and academic background kept him from the center of political controversy in 1939. At that time a power struggle between Georgi K'oseivanov, the prime minister, and Ivan Bagrianov, the minister of agriculture in the 1938-1939 cabinet, occupied Bulgarian politics. King Boris III had hand-picked K'oseivanov for the premiership in 1935, after the struggles following the Military League's coup d'etat of the previous year had brought the state under the domination of the throne. -
THE UNIFIER KING and the RESCUE of the JEWS from UNIFIED Bulgariapage 1 of 200
THE UNIFIER KING AND THE RESCUE OF THE JEWS FROM UNIFIED BULGARIAPage 1 of 200 THE UNIFIER KING AND THE RESCUE OF THE JEWS FROM UNIFIED BULGARIA (ON THE ROLE OF KING BORIS III OF THE BULGARIANS DURING THE YEARS OF THE HOLOCAUST) Contents: БЪЛГАРС Two statements contradicting a third one (Foreign The "it was all Hitler's fault" argument BULGARI Minister and Prime Minister vs. President) The "it wasn't our jurisdiction" argument The issue and the response of official Bulgaria The impediments to a solution STARTING Why is it to the best Bulgarian public interest to What could the Prime Minister do today? POINT FOR name the culprits? Bulgarian Civil Society as a savior THOSE WIT Is there a place for Boris among the saviors? A magic formula: "Nothing could be done in NO PREVIOU The credit that goes to Boris Bulgaria without the King's involvement" KNOWLEDG The Government's responsibility The role of Bulgaria's diplomacy today ON THE The arguments in favor of Boris Who was saving the Jews from whom? SUBJECT The "they were not Bulgarian citizens" argument What is of greater importance - the label or the policy? ↓ The real saviors ☼ Two statements "The King must have obviously shown great ingenuity in negotiating with the contradicting a third Nazi leaders to substitute the internal administrative and police measures one (Foreign Minister for the deportation. A policy act of the magnitude of the revocation of the and Prime Minister vs. deportation, which had already begun, couldn’t be done without the support of the head of state." [...] "At the same time my compatriots deployed lots of President) efforts, alas, unsuccessful, to save 11000 Jews – who were not Bulgarian citizens – from Aegean Thrace and Macedonia, where, notwithstanding the Bulgarian military presence, the highest authority were the Nazis." Excerpts from the statement of Foreign minister Solomon Passy at the OSCE conference on anti- Semitism in Vienna, 19 June 2003 "We mourn, of course, the fate of those who could not be saved. -
Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again?
Southeast European Politics Vol. IV, No. 2-3 November 2003 pp. 157-174 Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again? ROSSEN VASSILEV The Ohio State University ABSTRACT This article deals with the much debated question of whether post-Communist Bulgaria should restore the monarchy abolished by the 1946 referendum. The prospects for bringing back the monarchy are believed to be negligible, given the existing constitutional hurdles and the population’s pro-republican sentiments. But ex-King Simeon’s triumph in the June 2001 parliamentary election has dramatically changed his standing at home. Any restoration of the monarchy will depend on the perceived success of his coalition government, especially in rebuilding the ailing national economy. It is questionable whether Simeon II will be able to live up to the overoptimistic expectations of Bulgarians who believe that like a Messiah he will save their country from the economic, social, political and institutional turmoil into which it has descended. But with a population distrustful of the politically bankrupt old parties and politicians and despondent enough to grasp at straws, a revival of the monarchy cannot be ruled out. Introduction Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan consider the issue of constitutions and constitutional formulas to be a significant, if neglected, aspect of democratic transitions (Linz and Stepan 1996: 81-83). They offer a classification of six different possible constitution-making environments, ranging from those that present the most confining conditions for democratization to those -
70353,16-Utks-Ozetlerpdf.Pdf
16th INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF TURKISH ART: ABSTRACTS 16. ULUSLARARASI TÜRK SANATLARI KONGRESİ: ÖZETLER MINISTRGENERALY OF DIRECTORATECULTURE HACETTEPE KÜLTÜR VE GÜZELTURİZM SANATLAR BAKANLIĞI HACETTEPE AND OFTOURISM FINE ARTS UNIVERSITY GÜZEL SANAGENELTLAR GENEL MÜDÜRLÜĞÜ MÜDÜRLÜĞÜ ÜNİVERSİTESİ GENERAL DIRECTORATE OF FINE ARTS T.C. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, No: 3642 Editor / Editör Serpil Bağcı Translation and proof reading / Çeviri ve Düzelti Serpil Bağcı Lâle Uluç Graphic design and application / Graf ik tasarım ve uygulama Yasin Büyüktaşkapulu Printing / Baskı Önka Matbaa www.onkamatbaa.com +90 312 3842685 © Scientif ic responsibility of the abstracts belongs to the authors © Özetlerin bilimsel sorumluluğu yazarlarına aittir. ISBN 978-975-17-4291-9 Print run / Baskı adedi 300 Ankara, September / Eylül 2019 The Local Organization Committee is grateful to the following for their collaboration and contribution to the16th International Congress of Turkish Arts: Members of the International and National Committees of the International Congress of Turkish Arts; the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Directorate General of Fine Arts, Directorate General for Copyright; Hacettepe University, Faculty and Students of the Art History Department, Max van Berchem Foundation; Anatolian Civilizations, Cermodern, Erimtan Archeology and Art, and Rahmi Koç Museums, Vehbi Koç Ankara Studies Research Center; Mehmet Nuri Ersoy, Turkish Minister of Culture and Tourism, Deputy Minister Özgül Özkan Yavuz; Prof. Dr. Haluk Özen, Rector of the Hacettepe University, Deputy Rector Prof. Dr. Rahime Nohutçu, Dean of the Faculty of Letters Prof. Dr. Sibel Bozbeyoğlu; Member of the Presidential Council of Culture and Art Policies Havva Hümeyra Şahin; Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism, General Director of Fine Arts Assoc. -
There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
Ust Dergi Sayi 17 Layout 1
THE MAKING OF THE RHODOPEAN BORDERS AND CONSTRUCTION OF THE POMAK IDENTITIES IN THE BALKANS Cengiz HAKSÖZ Ph.D. Candidate Department of Anthropology University of Pittsburgh Ph.D. Candidate Department of Sociology Middle East Technical University Abstract: Nation-state borders are a phenomenon became part of the international relations as well as the everyday lives of people. Even though borders, in theory, are constructed entities state borders directly or indirectly influence identity formation of communities. The Pomaks are Slavic-speaking Muslim population living historically in the 47 Rhodope Mountains region on the Bulgarian-Greek border. In Bulgarian, Greek, and Turkish nation-building processes, Pomak identity was continuously contested by all the three states. For the Bulgarian state, the Pomaks are ethnic Bulgarians who forcefully converted to Islam. Thus, if this process can be reversed, they can become “real” Bulgarians, again. For the Greek state, the Pomaks are descendants of Hellenic tribes who were assimilated by more populous Slavic-speaking populations in the region. In Turkey, the Pomaks are regarded as descendants of pre-Ottoman Turkic tribes, such as Kumans and Pechenegs, who later assimilated by Slavic-speaking populations. This paper discusses how the modern Rhodopean borders were created and how their creation influenced and shaped the construction of Pomak identity in Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey. The first part focuses on the making of the modern Rhodope Mountains borders between Bulgaria and Greece. The second part evaluates the identity construction processes of Pomaks in Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey. Finally, the paper discusses how the making of state borders, directly and indirectly, influenced the construction of Pomak identity boundaries in Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey. -
The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800S-1900S
The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800s-1900s February 2003 Katrin Bozeva-Abazi Department of History McGill University, Montreal A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 Contents 1. Abstract/Resume 3 2. Note on Transliteration and Spelling of Names 6 3. Acknowledgments 7 4. Introduction 8 How "popular" nationalism was created 5. Chapter One 33 Peasants and intellectuals, 1830-1914 6. Chapter Two 78 The invention of the modern Balkan state: Serbia and Bulgaria, 1830-1914 7. Chapter Three 126 The Church and national indoctrination 8. Chapter Four 171 The national army 8. Chapter Five 219 Education and national indoctrination 9. Conclusions 264 10. Bibliography 273 Abstract The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. -
During the Second World War
DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR _______________StK______________ SK MARSHALL LEE MILLER Stanford University Press STANFORD, CALIFORNIA I 975 Stanford University Press Stanford, California © 1975 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Printed in the United States of America is b n 0-8047-0870-3 LC 74-82778 To my grandparents Lee and Edith Rankin and Evelyn Miller Preface SOS h e p o l it ic a l history of modern Bulgaria has been greatly ne T glected by Western scholars, and the important period of the Second World War has hardly been studied at all. The main reason for this has no doubt been the difficulty of obtaining documentary material on the wartime period. Although the Communist regime of Bulgaria has published a large number of books and monographs dealing with the country’s role in the war, these works have been concerned mostly with magnifying the importance of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP) and the partisan struggle. Despite this bias, useful information can be found in these works when other sources are available to provide perspective and verification. Within recent years, German, American, British, and other diplo matic and intelligence reports from the wartime years have become available, and the easing of travel restrictions in Bulgaria has facili tated research there. As recently as 1958, when the doctoral thesis of Marin V. Pundeff was presented (“Bulgaria’s Place in Axis Policy, 1936-1944”), there was very little material on the period after June 1941. It is now possible to fill in many of the important gaps in our knowledge of Bulgaria during the entire war. -
Blood Ties: Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878
BLOOD TIES BLOOD TIES Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 I˙pek Yosmaog˘lu Cornell University Press Ithaca & London Copyright © 2014 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 2014 by Cornell University Press First printing, Cornell Paperbacks, 2014 Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Yosmaog˘lu, I˙pek, author. Blood ties : religion, violence,. and the politics of nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 / Ipek K. Yosmaog˘lu. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8014-5226-0 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-8014-7924-3 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Macedonia—History—1878–1912. 2. Nationalism—Macedonia—History. 3. Macedonian question. 4. Macedonia—Ethnic relations. 5. Ethnic conflict— Macedonia—History. 6. Political violence—Macedonia—History. I. Title. DR2215.Y67 2013 949.76′01—dc23 2013021661 Cornell University Press strives to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the fullest extent possible in the publishing of its books. Such materials include vegetable-based, low-VOC inks and acid-free papers that are recycled, totally chlorine-free, or partly composed of nonwood fibers. For further information, visit our website at www.cornellpress.cornell.edu. Cloth printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Paperback printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 To Josh Contents Acknowledgments ix Note on Transliteration xiii Introduction 1 1. -
Waldemar PARUCH1
Humanities and Social Sciences 2014 HSS, vol. XIX, 21 (3/2014), pp. 185-196 July-September Waldemar PARUCH1 AUTHORITARIANISM IN EUROPE INE THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: A POLITICAL-SCIENCE ANALYSIS OF THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM (PART 2) The article is a political-science analysis of authoritarianism as a political system, which was an alternative to democracy and totalitarianism in Europe in the twentieth century. Three of seven elements of the authoritarian syndrome were analyzed in second part of this article: consolidation of State power; the traditionalist axiological order and its sources; the authoritarian camp. The results of the author’s studies presented in the particle show that the collapse of the authoritarian system in Europe in the twentieth century did not stem from the achievement of the declared goals but for two other reasons. First, the defeats suffered during the World War Two caused the breakdown of the authoritarian states in Central Europe, in which the authoritarian order had been established. Regardless of the circumstances, the authoritarian leaders were unable to prevent the loss of independence and of the status of political actor by the states and nations in this part of Europe. Second, in Western Europe (Spain, Portugal, and Greece) there was an internal crisis of the authoritarian political system triggered by the dispute within the ruling camp over the direction of politics and new strategic goals, especially in the face of rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union under conditions of confrontation between the democratic order and totalitarianism. This was accompanied by the loss of legitimacy by the authoritarian camp, which was tantamount to the delegitimation of the political system. -
Small State Autonomy in Hierarchical Regimes. the Case of Bulgaria in the German and Soviet Spheres of Influence 1933 – 1956
Small State Autonomy in Hierarchical Regimes. The Case of Bulgaria in the German and Soviet Spheres of Influence 1933 – 1956 By Vera Asenova Submitted to Central European University Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Julius Horváth Budapest, Hungary November 2013 Statement I hereby state that the thesis contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. The thesis contains no materials previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgement is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Vera Asenova ………………... ii Abstract This thesis studies international cooperation between a small and a big state in the framework of administered international trade regimes. It discusses the short-term economic goals and long-term institutional effects of international rules on domestic politics of small states. A central concept is the concept of authority in hierarchical relations as defined by Lake, 2009. Authority is granted by the small state in the course of interaction with the hegemonic state, but authority is also utilized by the latter in order to attract small partners and to create positive expectations from cooperation. The main research question is how do small states trade their own authority for economic gains in relations with foreign governments and with local actors. This question is about the relationship between international and domestic hierarchies and the structural continuities that result from international cooperation. The contested relationship between foreign authority and domestic institutions is examined through the experience of Bulgaria under two different international trade regimes – the German economic sphere in the 1930’s and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in the early 1950’s.