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Government and Press Relations in Botswana: Down the Beaten African Track

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Government and Press Relations in Botswana: Down the Beaten African Track View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by CSCanada.net: E-Journals (Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental Culture,... ISSN 1712-8358[Print] Cross-Cultural Communication ISSN 1923-6700[Online] Vol. 10, No. 5, 2014, pp. 139-147 www.cscanada.net DOI: 10.3968/5220 www.cscanada.org Government and Press Relations in Botswana: Down the Beaten African Track L. B. B. Tutwane[a],* [a]Department of Media Studies University of Botswana，Gaborone， The themes of colonialism and post-colonialism thus Botswana. feature prominently in the literature on media policy *Corresponding author. in Africa and indeed a lot of the developing countries Received 12 March 2014; accepted 20 June 2014 elsewhere. Emphasis is on how colonialism has had a Published online 31 August 2014 lasting impact on post-independence media regulation in Africa. As Shome and Hegde (2002, p.258) point out, Abstract “postcolonial scholarship is concerned with phenomena, This paper analyses the manner in which the government and effects and affects, of colonialism that accompanied, treats and regulates the print media in Botswana, or formed the underside of, the logic of the modern, and especially the public media and argues that this fits within its varied manifestations in historical and contemporary the African context of authoritarian control. It argues times”. that Botswana is not a shining example of democracy in For McMillin (2007), there is cultural continuity in Africa, contrary to popular belief. This is demonstrated structures of control between colonial and post-colonial through comparative case studies with other African governments. “Specifically, colonialism and post- countries. The paper will also address the manner in colonialism cannot be regarded as dichotomous phases which the government has treated some of the private where post-colonialism marks a rupture from colonialism publications, notably, Botswana Guardian. or marks the point at which national consciousness Key words: Botswana; Colonial; Authoritarian; emerged…” (McMillin, 2007, p.71). African Even colonial rulers worked on the basis of pre- existing colonial structures, McMillin (2007) argues, in Tutwane, L. B. B. (2014). Government and Press Relations order to create and maintain the basic conditions necessary in Botswana: Down the Beaten African Track. Cross- for their rule. That is why, in Botswana the British used Cultural Communication, 10(5), 139-147. Available from: http// a policy of Indirect Rule, relying on the goodwill of the www.cscanada.net/index.php/ccc/article/view/5220 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3968/5220 local chiefs to run the tribal administration. In a systematic order, the colonialists suppressed the indigenous media and encoded a positive colonial image into early media law and policies in the colonies, INTRODUCTION according to McMillin (2007). This ensured that the media To understand Botswana’s present media policy, it is best systems were limited in their development and created a that one approaches it historically. There is abundant specific ordering regime, a symbolic structure where the evidence that shows that the modern day government coloniser was supreme and the colonised was “a menial of the country shares an umbilical cord with its colonial slave” (McMillin, 2007, p.76). mother, Britain. It is impossible to have a comprehensive The French case is a good example: For North Africa, overview of the current policy without delving back into in 1881, the French (in places like Egypt, Morocco, the colonial experience. This scenario fits into the colonial Benin, and Algeria) passed a law that declared Arabic picture of Africa, broadly speaking (Bourgault, 1995; as a foreign language in North African colonies, with Eribo & Jong-Ebot, 1997; Zaffiro, 1989; Mytton, 1983; the result that it was a crime to print in or import Tamado, 2005; Obonyo, 2011). publications in Arabic (Zaghlami, 2007; Barratt & 139 Government and Press Relations in Botswana: Down the Beaten African Track Berger, 2007, p.64; Napoli, 1997, Eribo & Jong-Ebot, existed between 1883 and 1901, with a brief interruption 1997, p.189). during the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1901). This paper In the case of the British Colonial government, which provided valuable information on both Bechuanaland is more relevant here, it too had a few strategies it was Protectorate and British Bechuanaland. Parsons (1968, p.4) using to manage the media in the 19th century Africa. One says this weekly was “more liberal in its views than one strategy that the British used was giving patronage such as might expect”, but catered for the new white settlers and subsidies to friendly publications such and creating their administrators. own state owned publications. Between 1886 and 1887, the colonial administration patronised a publication called the Vryburg Advocate and Bechuanaland Gazette. No further information is available 1. COLONIAL POLICY AND ITS LEGACY about this publication (Rantao, 1995). The role of South IN BOTSWANA Africa in Botswana affairs needs to be understood in a historical context, as we saw in the previous chapter. In the 1890s, the British in Bechuanaland (as Botswana Some parts of South Africa, such as Mafikeng, Stellaland was known then) set up a paper called Bechuanaland and Vryburg had been part of Bechuanaland. In 1884, the News, printed in English as an official publication of the British declared a Protectorate south of Molopo River, colonial government (Parsons, 1968). The paper was used over the land of Batlhaping and Barolong tribes3. On 30 to communicate official notices by the government and September 1885, this area was named the Crown Colony of the tribal authorities, the local chiefs, who were used by 1 British Bechuanaland, with the capital based on Vryburg. the Colonial government to run the Protectorate cheaply, British Bechuanaland was handed to the Cape Colony through a system of Indirect Rule. For instance, Influential in November 1895. The area north of Molopo River chief of the Bangwato tribe, Khama III and Ndebele was named Bechuanaland Protectorate and it is this that chief, Lobengula, in Southern Rhodesia (precursor to became present day Botswana. Interestingly, once more present day Zimbabwe) used the Bechuanaland News to Vryburg became the capital, until 1895 when it was moved publish official notices. In 1891, the paper announced the to Mafikeng [British Bechuanaland] (Tlou & Campbell, appointment of a new Magistrate for Kanye, Ramotswa, 1997, pp.206-207). The Governor of the Cape Colony, Gaborone and Palapye by Queen Victoria. the British High Commissioner, was also the governor of Previous year’s edition reported the replacement of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, as both South Africa and the famous Scottish missionary Robert Moffat by another Bechuanaland Protectorate were under British control. white man as a government interpreter. It therefore appears From August 1958, the government gave subsidies to that this was an elitist publication, not only because it another paper, the African Echo (based in Johannesburg, was printed in a foreign language which only a few, were 4 2 South Africa) and its Setswana sister publication, Naledi able to read but also in its content. It appears primarily ya Batswana. The latter was distributed widely among to have been intended to be an official mouthpiece of the literate Africans in major towns within the Protectorate protectorate government to communicate decisions of the from 1947. At some point, the former (Echo) was known Crown to her subjects. It is not surprising that the chiefs to be generally sympathetic to the views of the regime in also used it because they were agents of Her Majesty, as Mafikeng (Zaffiro, 1989, p.52). However, the colonial Britain ruled Bechuanaland and some of her other colonies government’s views about these South African papers were through a system of Indirect Rule, where the chiefs were later to change radically in the light of growing nationalism important players. They ran the tribal administration on in South Africa and the cold war, amongst others. behalf of the Crown, and collected taxes, tried most court The colonial government came up with yet another cases, kept the peace, announced new laws and organised publication called Bechuanaland Newsletter, in 1963. labour for public works (Tlou & Campbell, 1997). Not It lasted until 1965 when it was succeeded by (or much is known about Bechuanaland News, save to say rather continued as) the Bechuanaland Daily News and that it existed between 1883 and 1901 (Parsons, 1968, p.4). Botswana Daily News in 1966 (Zaffiro, 1989). Another government publication, the Vryburg, Mafikeng and Malmani Protectorate Chronicle also 2. COLONIAL POLICY IN THE REST OF 1Bechuanaland was known as a Protectorate because it was not forcefully annexed by the British, but rather the local chiefs went AFRICA to Queen Victoria in England to ask her to protect the territory from These British practices could be seen in other British other imperial powers, notably the White minority in South Africa. colonies in Africa. In Tanzania, then known as Tanganyika, 2One of the major failures of British rule in Bechuanaland was the neglect of education. It was the European missionaries who invested in education, notably the London Mission Society, the Dutch Reformed, the Anglican, the Roman and Lutheran churches as well 3These tribes both speak variations of Setswana language, the as the tribal chiefs. See Tlou and Campbell (1997, pp.194-197) and language of Botswana. Fawcus, (2000, p.181). 4 Setswana is the name of the language of the people of Botswana. Copyright © Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental Culture 140 L.B.B. Tutwane (2014). Cross-Cultural Communication, 10(5), 139-147 the British introduced tough seditious laws and clamping The government engaged a consultant, A.J. Hughes down on indigenous publications. In 1958, the nationalist in 1968 to advise on the information functions of Mwafrika newspaper was charged with sedition for government and he made recommendations that calling the British “suckers of African blood” (Grosswiler, would veer government off the track of modern liberal 1997; Eribo & Jong-Ebot, 1997, p.103).
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