40 Years of Democracy in Botswana : 1965
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Youth and Electoral Participation in Botswana
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, Vol.14 NO.1 (2000) Youth and electoral participation in Botswana Tidimane Ntsabane & Chris Ntau Democracy Research Project University of Botswana Abstract This article focuses on the changing trends and patterns in the yoU/h's participation in the electoral process. It examines trends in electoral participation in general and that of the youth in particular and attempts an explanation. It draws on the results of accumulated surveys and opinion polls that have been conducted over the years by the Democracy Research Project (DRP) of the University of Botswana. The article argues that the reasons for the lower participation rates among the youth are to be found in traditional Tswana society's political culture that does not consider public affairs a domain for women and the yoU/h. This culture is reproduced by the major agencies of socialisation such as the family, school system, political parties and the media. Introduction Botswana's constitution embraces a liberal democratic system of government. This system enshrines in it among other principles participation by the general population, at least, in the electoral process. The country has experienced three decades of uninterrupted electoral democracy. It is against this background that this article assesses youth participation in the electoral process. -
Thesis Sci 2020 Mogende Emmanuel.Pdf
Africa’s ‘miracle state’? the intersection of political leaders and non-state actors in the greening of Botswana through wildlife Emmanuel Mogende Thesis presented for the Degree of DOCTOR of PHILOSOPHY Department of Environmental and Geographical Science University of Cape Town February 2020 University of Cape Town The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town DECLARATION I, EMMANUEL MOGENDE, declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that it has not been previously submitted for a degree or any other qualification at this University or any other institution. Signature: Date: 10/02/2020 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It would have not been possible to complete this dissertation without the support and assistance of a number of individuals who deserve to be mentioned. I am greatly indebted for the enormous support and wisdom of my supervisor and mentor Prof. Maano Ramutsindela who provided the much-needed guidance throughout the PhD journey. Maano always offered constructive feedback on my writing and ideas and more often encouraged me to sit back and be reflective as I write. This has greatly helped me to improve on my writing as well as strengthen the argument of the thesis. Special thanks also go to the Faculty of Science in the University of Cape Town and the University of Botswana for generously funding my PhD. -
The Challenge of Democracy in Africa MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES
2 The Challenge of Democracy in Africa MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION As the recent In 1996, as Nigeria struggled • federal • apartheid histories of Nigeria and South with democracy, South Africa system • Nelson Africa show, ethnic and racial adopted a bill of rights that •martial law Mandela conflicts can hinder democracy. promotes racial equality. •dissident SETTING THE STAGE Beginning in the late 1950s, dozens of European colonies in Africa gained their independence and became nations. As in Latin America, the establishment of democracy in Africa proved difficult. In many cases, the newly independent nations faced a host of problems that slowed their progress toward democracy. The main reason for Africa’s difficulties was the negative impact of colonial rule. European powers had done little to prepare their African colonies for independence. TAKING NOTES Colonial Rule Limits Democracy Comparing Use a Venn The lingering effects of colonialism undermined efforts to build stable, demo- diagram to compare political events in Nigeria cratic economies and states. This can be seen throughout Africa. and South Africa. European Policies Cause Problems When the Europeans established colonial boundaries, they ignored existing ethnic or cultural divisions. New borders divided peoples of the same background or threw different—often rival—groups Nigeria together. Because of this, a sense of national identity was difficult to develop. both After independence, the old colonial boundaries became the borders of the newly South Africa independent states. As a result, ethnic and cultural conflicts remained. Other problems had an economic basis. European powers had viewed colonies as sources of wealth for the home country. -
Democracy Index 2020 in Sickness and in Health?
Democracy Index 2020 In sickness and in health? A report by The Economist Intelligence Unit www.eiu.com The world leader in global business intelligence The Economist Intelligence Unit (The EIU) is the research and analysis division of The Economist Group, the sister company to The Economist newspaper. Created in 1946, we have over 70 years’ experience in helping businesses, financial firms and governments to understand how the world is changing and how that creates opportunities to be seized and risks to be managed. Given that many of the issues facing the world have an international (if not global) dimension, The EIU is ideally positioned to be commentator, interpreter and forecaster on the phenomenon of globalisation as it gathers pace and impact. EIU subscription services The world’s leading organisations rely on our subscription services for data, analysis and forecasts to keep them informed about what is happening around the world. We specialise in: • Country Analysis: Access to regular, detailed country-specific economic and political forecasts, as well as assessments of the business and regulatory environments in different markets. • Risk Analysis: Our risk services identify actual and potential threats around the world and help our clients understand the implications for their organisations. • Industry Analysis: Five year forecasts, analysis of key themes and news analysis for six key industries in 60 major economies. These forecasts are based on the latest data and in-depth analysis of industry trends. EIU Consulting EIU Consulting is a bespoke service designed to provide solutions specific to our customers’ needs. We specialise in these key sectors: • Healthcare: Together with our two specialised consultancies, Bazian and Clearstate, The EIU helps healthcare organisations build and maintain successful and sustainable businesses across the healthcare ecosystem. -
Democracy in Africa 00 Sarsar Adekunle Final 2/22/12 9:08 AM Page Ii
00 sarsar adekunle final 2/22/12 9:08 AM Page i Democracy in Africa 00 sarsar adekunle final 2/22/12 9:08 AM Page ii Carolina Academic Press African World Series Toyin Falola, Series Editor Africa, Empire and Globalization: Essays in Honor of A. G. Hopkins Toyin Falola, editor, and Emily Brownell, editor African Entrepreneurship in Jos, Central Nigeria, 1902 –1985 S.U. Fwatshak An African Music and Dance Curriculum Model: Performing Arts in Education Modesto Amegago Authority Stealing: Anti-Corruption War and Democratic Politics in Post-Military Nigeria Wale Adebanwi The Bukusu of Kenya: Folktales, Culture and Social Identities Namulundah Florence Contemporary African Literature: New Approaches Tanure Ojaide Contesting Islam in Africa: Homegrown Wahhabism and Muslim Identity in Northern Ghana, 1920 –2010 Abdulai Iddrisu Democracy in Africa: Political Changes and Challenges Saliba Sarsar, editor, and Julius O. Adekunle, editor 00 sarsar adekunle final 2/22/12 9:08 AM Page iii Diaspora and Imagined Nationality: USA-Africa Dialogue and Cyberframing Nigerian Nationhood Koleade Odutola Food Crop Production, Hunger, and Rural Poverty in Nigeria’s Benue Area, 1920 –1995 Mike Odugbo Odey Globalization: The Politics of Global Economic Relations and International Business N. Oluwafemi Mimiko In Search of African Diasporas: Testimonies and Encounters Paul Tiyambe Zeleza Intercourse and Crosscurrents in the Atlantic World: Calabar-British Experience, 17th –20th Centuries David Lishilinimle Imbua Pioneer, Patriot, and Nigerian Nationalist: A Biography -
Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
“The third wave of democracy did sweep across much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, but has now subsided, except for ripples and eddies.” Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa richarD Joseph n July 2009, President Barack Obama declared This is an appropriate moment, therefore, to in Accra, Ghana, that Africa no longer needs step back from the volatility and try to under- Istrongmen—it needs strong institutions. stand the deeper dynamics of political change Almost a year later, at a meeting of the African and continuity in the region. In this exercise, Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary of State the perspective of Richard L. Sklar, a longtime Hillary Clinton contended that many African lead- student of African affairs and retired professor of ers seem more concerned with staying eternally political science at the University of California, in power than with ably serving their people. In Los Angeles, is helpful. Sklar has argued for the some cases, she said, democracy “as one election, importance of studying power and the means by one time” still prevails. which it is acquired and exercised. He contends How much do these views correspond with what that all governmental systems are mixed, and is taking place in African countries? What patterns everything that is good in governance may not emerge in the configuration of political power? And necessarily be “democratic.” finally, how do we assess Africa’s democratic pros- Sklar calls attention, for example, to the sig- pects in light of global developments? nificance of oligarchic entities, such as the US As once impregnable autocracies fall in North Supreme Court or the British House of Lords, Africa, the people of sub-Saharan Africa can in capitalist democracies. -
The Big Governance Issues in Botswana
MARCH 2021 THE BIG GOVERNANCE ISSUES IN BOTSWANA A CIVIL SOCIETY SUBMISSION TO THE AFRICAN PEER REVIEW MECHANISM Contents Executive Summary 3 Acknowledgments 7 Acronyms and Abbreviations 8 What is the APRM? 10 The BAPS Process 12 Ibrahim Index of African Governance Botswana: 2020 IIAG Scores, Ranks & Trends 120 CHAPTER 1 15 Introduction CHAPTER 2 16 Human Rights CHAPTER 3 27 Separation of Powers CHAPTER 4 35 Public Service and Decentralisation CHAPTER 5 43 Citizen Participation and Economic Inclusion CHAPTER 6 51 Transparency and Accountability CHAPTER 7 61 Vulnerable Groups CHAPTER 8 70 Education CHAPTER 9 80 Sustainable Development and Natural Resource Management, Access to Land and Infrastructure CHAPTER 10 91 Food Security CHAPTER 11 98 Crime and Security CHAPTER 12 108 Foreign Policy CHAPTER 13 113 Research and Development THE BIG GOVERNANCE ISSUES IN BOTSWANA: A CIVIL SOCIETY SUBMISSION TO THE APRM 3 Executive Summary Botswana’s civil society APRM Working Group has identified 12 governance issues to be included in this submission: 1 Human Rights The implementation of domestic and international legislation has meant that basic human rights are well protected in Botswana. However, these rights are not enjoyed equally by all. Areas of concern include violence against women and children; discrimination against indigenous peoples; child labour; over reliance on and abuses by the mining sector; respect for diversity and culture; effectiveness of social protection programmes; and access to quality healthcare services. It is recommended that government develop a comprehensive national action plan on human rights that applies to both state and business. 2 Separation of Powers Political and personal interests have made separation between Botswana’s three arms of government difficult. -
African Union Election Observation Mission to the 2019 General Elections in the Republic of Botswana PRELIMINARY STATEMENT 25 October 2019 I
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA African Union Election Observation Mission to the 2019 General Elections in the Republic of Botswana PRELIMINARY STATEMENT 25 October 2019 I. INTRODUCTION 1. At the invitation of the Government of the Republic of Botswana and the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), the Chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC), H.E. Moussa Faki Mahamat deployed the African Union Election Observation Mission (AUEOM) to the country’s General Election held on 23 October 2019. The Mission is headed by H.E. Fatoumata Jallow Tambajang, Former Vice President and Minister of Women’s Affairs of the Republic of The Gambia. 2. The AUEOM comprised 30 observers drawn from the Pan-African Parliament (PAP), African Ambassadors accredited to the African Union (AU), Election Management Bodies (EMBs), independent electoral and governance experts and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). The observers were drawn from 17 AU Member States namely: Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Libya, Malawi, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, Saharawi Republic, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, The Gambia, Uganda and Zimbabwe. 3. The AUEOM mandate is to observe the 23 October 2019 General Elections in line with relevant AU instruments, especially (a) the African Union Guidelines for Elections Observation and Monitoring Missions (2002); (b) the OAU/AU Declaration on Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa (2002); African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (1981) and (c) African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (2007), among others. The deployment of the AUEOM in the Republic of Botswana demonstrates the AU’s commitment to supporting democratic, credible, inclusive and peaceful electoral processes in its Member States by providing an objective assessment of the process and the political environment within which the elections were conducted. -
Beyond the Arab Spring: Will Economic and Security Challenges Further Test Tunisia’S Democracy?
Beyond the Arab Spring: Will economic and security challenges further test Tunisia’s democracy? by Rorisang Lekalake Copyright © Afrobarometer 2017 0 Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 40 | May 2017 Introduction In contrast to sub-Saharan Africa, where many countries experienced political liberalization during the late 1980s and early 1990s (Bratton, 1997), the authoritarian regimes of North Africa were largely able to resist popular demands for transformation by introducing limited, top- down reforms. In Tunisia, there were some improvements to political freedoms after Zine El Abidine Ben Ali took office in 1988 and was elected as president the following year in the country’s first election since 1972 (Abushouk, 2016). This brief period of loosened restrictions was followed, however, by decades of authoritarian repression: “Even in a region that was notorious for its leaders’ disdain for honest government and civil liberties, Tunisia [under Ben Ali] long stood out for the thoroughness of its system of control and repression” (Freedom House, 2012, p. 4). Optimism about the prospects for democratization in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region emerged in 2011 in response to a series of mass anti-government protests known as the Arab Spring. The events led to the overthrow of four authoritarian regimes in rapid succession that year, including Ben Ali’s, but it was soon evident that most regimes would ultimately prove resistant to these demands for reform (Freedom House, 2012). The protest movements have resulted in divergent outcomes, from a full democratic transition in Tunisia to ongoing civil conflicts in Libya and Syria. Although widely considered to be the only unqualified success story of these uprisings, Tunisia’s progress has been accompanied by periods of severe political upheaval and insecurity. -
Senegal Since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou
Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou To cite this version: Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou. Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age. Turning Points in African Democracy, 2009. hal-02614085 HAL Id: hal-02614085 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02614085 Submitted on 20 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Mustapha_01 1/5/09 15:48 Page 13 2 Senegal since 2000 Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age TARIK DAHOU & VINCENT FOUCHER Senegal is often seen as a model of democracy in Africa. The changing character of Senegalese political life since independence has been paralleled by just as many changes in the literature about it. Initially most work tended to focus on the long history and rooted character of Senegalese democratic culture. This was essentially an urban-based political history centred on the lives of an enlightened class of évolués, African elites with a French education. In various shades, subse- quent authors described how the powerful Muslim brotherhoods functioned as mechanisms for political integration in the countryside: in exchange for agricultural services and other resources channelled to client marabouts, the party-state could count on the votes of the disciples attached to these marabouts (Copans 1980; Coulon 1981). -
2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS REPORT II Keireng A
REPORT TO THE MINISTER FOR PRESIDENTIAL AFFAIRS, GOVERNANCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ON THE 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS I REPORT Honourable Justice Abednego B. Tafa Mr. John Carr-Hartley Members of CHAIRMAN DEPUTY CHAIRMAN The Independent Electoral Commission Mrs. Agnes Setlhogile Mrs. Shaboyo Motsamai Dr. Molefe Phirinyane COMMISSIONER COMMISSIONER COMMISSIONER Mrs. Martha J. Sayed Vacant COMMISSIONER COMMISSIONER 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS REPORT II Keireng A. Zuze Doreen L. Serumula SECRETARY DEPUTY SECRETARY Executive Management of the Secretariat Keolebogile M. Tshitlho Dintle S. Rapoo SENIOR MANAGER MANAGER CORPORATE SERVICES ELECTIONS AFFAIRS & FIELD OPERATIONS Obakeng B. Tlhaodi Uwoga H. Mandiwana CHIEF STATE COUNSEL MANAGER HUMAN RESOURCE & ADMINISTRATION 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS REPORT III Strategic Foundations ........................................................................................................................... I Members of The Independent Electoral Commission ................................................ II Executive Management of the Secretariat........................................................................... III Letter to The Minister for Presidential Affairs, Governance and Public Administration ............................................................................................................... 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.................................................................................................................. 2 ACRONYMS ............................................................................................................................................... -
119 Modernizing the Botswana National Front
Botswana Notes and Records, Volume 44, 2012 Modernizing the Botswana National Front: A Case for Political Marketing Letshwiti Tutwane* Abstract This paper argues that the choice of a younger and more popular, Duma Boko as president of the opposition Botswana National Front in 2010 was a good move for the party. However, this is not enough. The party needs to take a further step and revolutionize its policies and rhetoric. A comparison is made between the BNF and the Labour Party in the United Kingdom. Both parties have a history of trade union support and leftist ideology. They have also faced similar challenges and the BNF can learn from Labour. It must modernize and utilize the tools of political marketing. Boko must do what Blair did with Clause IV of the Labour Party constitution which ensured that that Labour won the general elections in 1997. The argument is that communist or socialist rhetoric was relevant until the 1980s and has now run its course as a political strategy. It must be replaced with rhetoric that strikes the right chord with voters. Introduction The paper starts with discussion of the Labour Party, looking at its ideological foundation. It then examines internecine strife in the party and in particular the left-right feud in the party and how it paralyzed the organization. It then shows how tools of political communication, marketing in particular, were used to revive the fortunes of the party under Tony Blair. It then moves on to examine the BNF along the same lines. It demonstrates that the BNF and the Labour Party have similar history and that the former can learn from the latter to revamp its image and enhance its electoral chances.