10. ENGLISH VERSION PROLOGUE

A key discovery for the history buried, still dressed and in the state they view of “rabbinic jurisprudence”, that of medieval Europe were in when they were murdered. The the Talmud of Babylon admits the pre- excavation thus reveals a tragic moment, eminence of national laws over the Paul Salmona but also brings us closer to the magical Halakha, the Jewish law. This principle Director of the musée d’art practices in use in 14th-century Catalonia, is appears in the statement “Dina de et d’histoire du judaïsme, Paris which the Jewish texts make no mention malkhuta dina” (literally: “The law of the of. This shows the breach between the kingdom is the law”) and it reappears The discovery by Anna Colet, Oriol Saula religious norms and individual attitudes. in Morocco in a saying preserved by and their team of the Jewish necropolis This way, the archaeology enriches the Castilian Jews: “Donde fueres, has como in the site at Les Roquetes in Tàrrega history supplying material data that veres” (Wherever you go, do as you see).6 in 2007, was a very important event escape from the ideological or religious Thus, as Walter Laqueur explains, in the for our knowledge of the European tendencies of the written sources. medieval epoch, this rule had become Middle Ages. Indeed, in that preventive From the historical point of view, the a general principle in the relations archaeological dig, skeletons were works by Anna Colet, Oriol Saula and between Jews and the civil authorities: exhumed of seventy individuals their team are essentials. However, it “The law of the country [where the Jews (children, adults and the old) murdered should be remembered that previous live] is the supreme law and respect for during a massacre that took place in the studies of other tombs in the Jewish it is shown in the set of interpretations Jewish quarter of Tàrrega. The context necropolis of Les Roquetes meant a and comments made about it”.7 Thus, is well known from numerous sources: confrontation with certain Jewish from the viewpoint of the Jewish in 1348, the spread of the Black Death organisations that wielded strictly tradition, the application of the national provoked a series of extremely violent religious motives before the political law in questions of scientific research is anti-Jewish reactions across medieval and administrative authorities to halt perfectly acceptable. This does not mean Europe, and which happened at the the anthropological analyses that were that once the work by the researchers same rate as the spread of the epidemic, being carried out on those remains. The is completed, it is understandable that in a kind of criminal catharsis. In fact, archaeologists had to accept the reburial certain groups want to apply to human the massacre de Tàrrega appears of the bones in Collserola cemetery remains they believe belong to their in the archives of the Catalan Royal in Barcelona before they were able to community similar care to the funeral Chancellery, in documents that wish to complete their studies. This was a great rites as given to Jews today. return the survivors their rights. And loss. The exhibition “Tragedy in the call. if the archaeological discovery of the One can only lament these intromissions Tàrrega 1348”, presented in the Urgell evidence for a crime is exceptional, in that endanger the progress of District Museum, demonstrates this case, the combining of the historical knowledge: with the interruption unequivocally that the best way to sources and the archaeological data was of the research, not only was part of respect the victims is to study their crucial for characterising the remains. the history of the Jewish presence in remains as scientifically as possible, Excavations of old mass graves are Tàrrega sacrificed, but also part of the know their fate accurately, elucidate their not very common. In this sense, the history of the medieval Jewish world and story to give them back their dignity with “fossar dels jueus” can be likened to the European history. a symbolic burial, notwithstanding the graves at Virée de Galerne, dug in 1793 In this sense, the claim by some groups material burial they would have desired. in Mans in western France,1 during of exclusive rights over the “ancient 1 the revolutionary wars; It can also dead” raises legal, ethical and scientific See http://www.inrap.fr/archeologie- be compared to the remains of mass questions. Can the norms that regulate preventive/Actualites/Communiques- murders, like those of the Spanish Civil the current funerary practices of a de-presse/p-11883-Le-Mans- War or the Pinochet coup in Chile in 1973, religious group prevail over the general archeologie-de-la-viree-de-Galerne. or the massacres of Tutsis in Rwanda law that regulates the scientific study htm. in 1994 (the modus operandi of which of archaeological remains from seven 2 See William HAGLUND (2008), was similar to that of the massacre in centuries ago? Do the convictions Tàrrega with the use of knives and blunt “L’archéologie et l’anthropologie of a community suffice to demand médico-légales dans un contexte objects), or the systematic executions that knowledge be sacrificed against of Bosnian civilians by the Serbian international”, in Jean-Paul DEMOULE the general rights? Can a minority and Bernard STIEGLER (dir.), L’avenir forces of Ratko Mladi in Srebrenica prohibit a whole nation access to its in 1995. Like the work of forensic du passé: Modernité de l’archéologie, past? Nowadays, do the Catalan Jews, Paris, La Découverte. scientists and archaeologists in the without any family links to the victims 20th-century graves,2 the excavation of 1348, have any “particular right” 3 in Tàrrega documented el crime with See the exhibition “Angels & demons. over these ancient deaths? In contrast, Jewish magic through the ages”, anthropological data analogous to the would it not be better for the “rights” of forensic evidence. Seven centuries after presented in the Bible Lands Museum, possible descendents of the converts Jerusalem, in 2011. the events, it is evident that this evidence who remained in Tàrrega after the edict will not be used to seek those guilty of of expulsion in 1492 to prevail, currently 4 In his works on the Jews in Provence, the crime, but it is true that they confer a unaware of their Jewish origins but Danièle Iancu-Agou shows how tangible aspect to the massacre that can potentially linked, from the genealogic the recently converted Provençal or only be achieved through abstraction point of view, to the defunct in the Jewish Languedoc “neophytes” maintained uniquely with the documentary proof. necropolis of Les Roquetes?4 Whatever, cerain links to the rest of the Jewish The traces of the blows visible on the the case is that the political and family in the County of Venaissin after bones of the victims (sometimes more administrative authorities paid attention the Jews were expelled from France in than twenty on one individual) explain to these particular claims, although they 1394. See Danièle IANCU-AGOU (1998), the violence of the criminal acts better were not unique: in Europe, in many Être Juif en Provence au temps du roi than any description. Numerous preventive excavations of graveyards René, Paris, Albin Michel. medieval chronicles narrate the fury affected by building works, these claims that was unleashed against the Jewish arise and interrupt the work of the 5 La intervenció arqueològica a les communities in France, Germany and researchers. necròpolis històriques: Els cementiris the Iberian Peninsula, but this barbarity In 2009, in the congress “The jueus (2009), Barcelona, MUHBA and is still palpable in Tàrrega. archaeological excavations in historic Ajuntament de Barcelona, Institut de Another unique aspect of the graves cemeteries”, organised by the Museum Cultura, 2009. at Les Roquetes is, like the burning of History of Barcelona,5 the imperative 6 Reine AKRICHE and Christian clouds that swept over Pompeii, having need for research and cooperation NICAISE (2005), Proverbes judéo- preserved archaeological data that between the parties involved was espagnols: Refranes y dichos de mi never appears in a medieval Jewish shown, including in this the Jewish abuela Beïda Lévy, Rouen, L’Instant funerary context. One of the victims communities today, to carry out Perpétuel. was wearing amulets, which does not scientific studies begun with the fit very well with the vision of the norms discovery of graveyards. This position 7 of Judaism.3 Indeed, in the conventional Walter LAQUEUR (2006), The was formulated solemnly in Barcelona changing face of anti-Semitism: From funeral, this type of object is almost Declaration on Old Jewish Cemeteries, never used, as the Jewish ritual imposes ancient times to the present day, New which recalled the legal framework York, Oxford University Press. a great austerity on burials, so the that is established for the modalities dead are stripped of all kinds of funeral of archaeological intervention. This furnishings. In Tàrrega, because of the text confirmed the pre-eminence of context of extreme violence, the most the general law in a democratic state. likely is that the victims were hurriedly I may then note that, from the point of

362 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 363 1. From crossroads to market town

1.1. Conquest, colonisation and territories, but it also blocked the 3 The survey of the March of Berga fortification (“castellare”) that was traces that remain are around the road (Papell, 2005: I, 349-351, doc. 240), 1.2. The market town It was also decided to grant the transformation of the road network southward expansion of the counts of does not refer to the stretch between improved with the building of an between Balaguer and Tàrrega and which we can interpret as an indication towns that held markets the power Cerdanya through the March of Berga. La Rabassa and Els Quadrells (which additional tower. In Tàrrega, in 1058, the one made up of the municipalities that it was already then obsolescent. Joan E. García Biosca to collect the amounts demanded Joan E. García Biosca When the frontier settlements of Cervera must have been fairly close to the Tossal there was also an initial tower that the of Miralcamp and Sidamon. The plots through “impositions”, in other 19 (1026) and Tàrrega (1056) were created, de Miralles, north-east of Cervera) new feifholder, Ricard Altemir, agreed in question were studied by Lanuza This crossroads is none other than The geographic position of Tàrrega words, indirect taxes on commercial The displacement of the economic emphasis was given to the defence of the as a via. However, between La Rabassa to improve considerably following (1991), but we only have indirect the Plaça del Blat (nowadays the Plaça and the control it exerted over the transactions. The figures demanded and political centre from Tarragona to site, which meant seeking high isolated and Montpalau there is the spring the count’s instructions: “ut adcrescat references through Burés et al. (1988: Major) in the town, a place that served crossroads of the routes that linked from each town give us a rough idea Barcelona began during the Visigoth hills easy to fortify,10 as well as proximity called Font de la Via, and between the ipsam turrem que modo est incoata 119) and Rodrigo (2005: 25-26). as a market place and around which the Ebro valley with the coastal cities of their relative economic weight. period and was confirmed when to the river Ondara to guarantee the hill called Tossal de Miralles and La in ipso castro de Tarrega usque quo the parish church was built and then, of Barcelona and Tarragona, as well as Cervera stands out above the rest with 14 the former was abandoned under economic viability of the settlements. Cabana del Pont are the plains of El habeat centum palmos in altum, et Traces of segments of the old track centuries later, the council building. the drove roads between the summer a contribution of 50,000 sous followed the Muslim conquest, and with the These factors seem to have prevailed Via. All this gives the impression that faciat in predicto castro iam dictus from Tàrrega to Guissona are still The earliest references to the parish pastures in the Pyrenees and winter by a group of medium sized places consolidation of the latter as the leading over proximity to the road, which they are there was either an omission in the 1058 Ricardus alteram turrem de petra el visible in aerial photographs from the date from 1145, when the bishop of grazing in the Camp de Tarragona, (Manresa, Montblanc, Vilafranca del centre for the counties of the Carolingian slightly separate from.11 This, however, text, or this was the later extension or calc de centum palmos in altum et de 1950s, where they appear to the west Vic granted the church of Solsona where the great monasteries of Poblet Penedès and Tàrrega/Vilagrassa) that March first and the Principality of did not mean relinquishing control: consolidation of the path over the line alios centum in gros. Et insuper iam of, and parallel to, the road between the churches in the bishopric, among and Santes Creus grew over time and contributed 30,000 sous each. Behind Catalonia later. this is quite clear in the agreement of a ridgeway that linked Cervera with dictus Ricardus faciat ibi alias duas the two towns. The orientation of this which was the one in Tàrrega (ADS, which were also centres for livestock, these were the places that paid 10,000 axis is at an angle of approximately parchment num. 595; Bach, 2002: I, Over time, this mutation had effects on signed in 1077 between Counts Ramon the Anoia through the Vilaltés Gulley. [bestu]rres de quinquaginta p[almo]s in gave Tàrrega a marked commercial sous (Vic, Piera and Camprodon), and 45º from the dominant centuriated 378-380, doc. 305). However, we do not the road network, and led to an important Berenguer II and Mahalta, on one This valley, we must remember, runs altum unaqueque et de quinquaginta in character right from its founding. then those that were required to pay layout of the area of Iesso, which is, know if this refers to the church in the transformation, which is still reflected hand, and Arnau and Guillem Guald, on into the Anoia River at Santa Maria del gros; et inter predictas besturres faciat Thus, some of the first feofments lesser amounts (SÁNCHEZ, 2008: 83 in turn, characterised by a dominant square or an earlier church that would nowadays. In Roman times, the main the other, in which the latter received Camí, where there was a chapel in 1228 predictus Ricardus optimos muros de (1068 and 1077), designed to favour and 88). north–south orientation and the use have existed in the walled town that route from the coastal areas to the Ebro certain rights and franchises in that served as a hospital. (Junyent petra et de calc quales ibi conveniunt”. the fortification of the place and of a module of twenty actus (Rodrigo, grew up in the shelter of the castle. 1 valley was part of the way “de Italia in Tàrrega in exchange for collaborating and Mazcuñán, 1992: 522). (ACA, Cancelleria, Ramon Berenguer I, consolidate the presence of a small In 1068, the counts granted Mir Riculf in the defence of the stretch of road parchment num. 218; ACA, LFM, doc. 2005: 130). This type of diagonal axis “ipsum alium decimum de molinis sive Hispanias”, described in the itinerary of 20 squad of knights to defend it, granted 12 4 This place, that we find called “plano that crosses the pertica obliquely is The count of Barcelona entrusted Antonine, that linked Tarraco with Ilerda between Cervera and Anglesola. 171, p. 180-181; Feliu et al., 1999: II, the castellans or keepers of the castle de cunctas alias laboraciones que erunt de Fazrogad” in 1058 and as “loco de described by the Roman surveyor, the colonisation to “vobis omnibus through the mansiones of Ad Septimum As well as the mentioned conditions, the 934-935, doc. 511; Baiges et al., 2010: three types of economic resources: the factae vel edifichate infra terminos iam Fauzrogat” in 1181, owes its name to M. Iunius Nypsius as a “varationem hominibus de Tarrega, qui eritis Decimum (Vilaverd) and Ad Novas choice of the hill of the castle of Tàrrega III, 934-935, doc. 511). These works had tithe on the crops and the seigniorial dicti chastri Tarrage, et donant ad eum the Arab term fa s rugad (‘lush plain, in agris divisis” and characterised as populatores et statores in podio de (Vimbodí).1 In contrast, in the Muslim as the point from which to organise to be carried out in two years, but the monopolies linked to these (mills), as medietatem de ipsas leddas” (ACA, abundant plain’). For the identification a technique apt for both restoring the Avuinaixa” (Font, 1983: I, 138-139, and Carolingian epochs, the main route this territory was also influenced by the fact that in April 1061, Ricard Altemir well as the right to charge taxes on the Ramon Berenguer I, parchment num. and placing of these medieval toponyms, divisions of a centuriated plot that doc. 86; Altisent, 1993: 128, doc. 141). moved north, towards the line that was proximity of an important crossroads agreed to another year shows that had goods being transported across their 419; ACA, LFM I, doc. 174; Feliu et see Yeguas Gassó (2008: 12-15). have disappeared and integrating a 1 then taking shape based on stretches where four routes came together: three yet to be done (ACA, Ramon Berenguer territory. al., 1999: III, 1260-1262, doc. 725). In I, parchment num. 419; ACA, LFM I, centuriation into another pre-existing 1077, it was Arnau and Guillem Guald of the old secondary Roman ways with old ones (the path that led towards 5 The count’s desire to ensure control ACA, Cancelleria, Ramon Berenguer one (Roth, 1996: 360-418; Roth, 2004). other new ones: from the Barcelona of Balaguer,13 the one to Guissona14 and the doc. 174; Feliu et al., 1999: II, 1025- of the trade that used these important who were the beneficiaries of “omnes II, parchment num. 31; Baiges et al. The latter hypothesis seems to fit the the Counties to Andalusian Lārida and, one to Montblanc and Tarragona),15 and a 1026, doc. 570). Judging from the results roads led to the creation or seizure firmamentos et iusticias de castro et de (2010: 248-251, doc. 75). path that concerns us, the early dating then onwards to Saraqusta. fourth (between Tàrrega and Agramunt) of the excavation of the castle (personal of the key points on them. To ensure villa de Targa et de omnibus hominibus communication by Anna Colet and of which seems likely not only for its ibi intervenientes vel habitantes et Some of the earliest surviving documents that was perhaps medieval (fig. 2). Over 6 In that time, the limits of the castles stable a domain over these key places, Oriol Saula), it seems that the planned geometric qualities, but also for the fact medietatem de omni leuda de Tarrega” from the times of the feudal conquest the Ondara, all three tracks originally of Anglesola and Golmés stretched Piera, Cervera, Tàrrega and Montblanc extension was never built and, with that there is a considerable number (ACA, Ramon Berenguer II, Cancelleria, allow us to reconstruct a good part of crossed in the Partida de la Canaleta, a towards the west “usque ad aliam became part of the nucleus of incomes the following feofment documented in of sites around it, either from the late parchment num. 31; Baiges et al., its route. Thus, in 1058, the March of little over a kilometre northeast of the stratam qua itur publice de Tarrega that had to sustain the court of the 16 1068, the emphasis previously placed Iber or republican epochs. The dating 2010: I, 248-251, doc. 75). 2 Tossal del Mor (fig. 3), which ensured countess and, later, that of the Catalan- Berga used this way to mark its southern ad Leridam et descendunt per eandem of these settlements induced Cardona both control of this crossroads and the on the need to fortify the place was 2 border: the stretch described begins in stratam per quam itur ad Leridam Aragonese queens. 2 changed into a requirement to double (2000: 93 and 98) to consider it a variant This trait, that we see outlined in La Rabassa (Sant Guim de Freixenet) way to Lleida, which passed just under usque ad fossam Maurelli et per rivum Coming almost continuously under the the number of knights in the fortress, of the important proto-historic drove the spousal allowance granted to and follows the ridge to a place called the hill. qui dicitur Arenarum, et exeunt ab ipso same dominion and with the economic an indication of a switch towards a road that linked the Pre-Pyrenees of the countess Almodis, in 1056, by Quadrells3 (possibly near Cervera) El Mor enjoyed greater proximity and rivo in directo et transeunt per rivum advantages and order derived form more offensive strategy. (ACA, Ramon Solsona and the Urgell plain, starting the towns of Cervera, Tàrrega and before turning towards La Curullada control over this crossroads, while the Curvum et pergunt usque ad ipsam this must have positively influenced Berenguer I, parchment num. 419; ACA, in Sant Pere Sasserra and ending in Granyena (ACA, LFM, f. 481; Feliu (Granyanella), continuing to La Corbella castle in Tàrrega, further away, not only Fontanellam et transeunt iuxta ipsam their evolution compared with other LFM I, doc. 174; Feliu et al., 1999: III, the great Iber settlement of El Molí et al., 1999: II, 887-890, doc. 479), did (north of Talladell), passing under the did not have direct visual control over fontem contra meridiem per planum places. Although the earliest evidence 1260-1262, doc. 725). d’Espígol in Tornabous. not impede the counts-kings from Tossal del Mor (Tàrrega) and ending in it, the view being blocked by the Sant quod est super Mulieruciam usque of the existence of formal markets in pledging or enfeofing these places at 4 area known as Ferrugats (Vilagrassa). Eloi ridge. However, its proximity to ad Aquam Vivam, que est ultra 11 In 1187, there is mention of the 15 The track between Tàrrega and these towns dates back to the first half times of financial necessities. The most Two parchments from 1077 and 1078 the fertile lands of the flood plain of the Cidamundum”. (ACA, LFM I, doc. 165; Verdú, documented as a drove road of the 12th century,3 it was not until the 17 presence of a “via veteri” near the cellar outstanding case was in the second also refer to this way, designating it Ondara and its better connection to Baiges et al., 2010: 273-275, doc. 89). that the monastery of Santes Creus in the modern epoch, follows the line central decades of the next century half of the 12th century, when Alfonso respectively a “caminum de villa the route to Tarragona were advantage owned in the town of Tàrrega. This was of one of the kardines of the centuriation when we find the granting of privileges 7 Burés et al. (1988: 119-120) drew I had to pledge Cabrera d’Anoia Cervarie usque ad Angularia”5 and enough to swing the balance in its favour. on the northern edge of the space that of Iesso (Rodrigo, 2005: 85-86) until it to regulate, protect and encourage attention to their existence pointing out and Piera to the Viscount Berenguer “strata qua itur publice de Tarrega ad A century later, it had not only managed was taking shape as a market place crosses the depression of Les Roques. the holding of weekly markets and Reverter in 1168. Eight years later, the 18 that, the fact of being “totally separate Leridam”,6 and extending the route not to take over that crossroads and moved and, later, as the Plaça Major (Papell, From here on, it deviates slightly annual fairs as part of the process of creditor would be Guerau de Jorba, 19 from the urban centres, could be that only to Anglesola, but also to the city it next to the castle to make it the centre 2005: 408-409, doc. 285; Papell, 2005: to cross the river Corb at the boundary configuring the municipal institutions. it was the way that linked Ad Fines who received Cervera, Tàrrega, Piera, of Lleida. These data are coherent with of the future growth of the town (fig. 4), 214, note 79). It could be a segment of between Ciutadilla and Guimerà. Thus, we find the first references to an [Martorell] and Ilerda”. Montblanc and La Riba as a guarantee the interpretation of the images from but had also attracted enough people to one of the kardines of the centuriation A milestone has been found in the latter eight-day fair to be held on the festivity for certain loans (Bisson, 1984: I, 83) so be able to send the surplus population of Saint Matthew in the uses and the “American flight” series of aerial 8 Itinerary described in the Chronicon of Iesso that crossed the town from place above the course of the same river that he controlled and exploited these southwards in response to the call by customs granted by James I in 1242, photos taken in 1956, in which one Albeldense (881 AD), which details north to south and is still well preserved and near the Roman villa of Palaus. four key crossroads, although only for can still see the fossilised path as the Count Ramon Berenguer IV in 1151 to It dates from between 44 and 45 AD the veritable birth of the municipality 20 the following route: “De Osca ad Eldra between there and Verdú. On the right a brief time. colonise the area of Vinaixa. of Tàrrega.4 boundary between the plots in the limits [Ilerda] ml. LXXX / De Eldra ad Gessona bank of the Ondara, the rectilinear and corresponds to the road between of Vilagrassa and Anglesola, then passing Tàrraco and Iesso (Soto, 2010: 77). One of the characteristic traits of the 3 From a date as early as 1129, we 1 ml. L / De Gessona ad Ierunda ml. layout and orientation this same axis near Castellnou de Seana, El Palau The exact route has been the subject economic life of Tàrrega was the have news about the fact that Guillem CXXX” (Rodrigo, 2005: 134). has survived between the land of 16 d’Anglesola and Bell-lloc d’Urgell before of debate, but, presently, there seems La Canaleta and near Altet, where it This site, possibly occupied important role of the Jews, both those Dalmau, the keeper of Cervera castle, 7 to be a degree of consensus about continuously from the end of the continuing to the bridge in Lleida itself. 9 Both the iconography of the mosaics deviates towards Claravalls (Rodrigo, from the town and others from outside, had exceeded the tax levy (“excessus in the location of its mansiones. The Bronze Age to the Roman epoch (down The absence of milestones or a and the style of the architectural 2005: 85). in the fairs and markets. Especially exactionibus”) inherent to his position, milestones that would correspond to to the 5th century), was again inhabited significant concentration of old remains recovered in 1920 indicate interesting, by being well documented, while implanting uses that were not this route are the one in Morell (253-256 12 around the 11th century, continuing settlements around it has meant that around the 5th and 6th centuries, while “Ita ut non faciatis aliquid censum is the figure of the corredor or agent usual (and, we imagine, advantageous AD), two in Vinaixa (97-98 and 238 AD), until the 16th. (Saula, 1989; Yeguas the possibility of a Roman or earlier date the presence of rough kitchenware nobis nec nostris nisi ut adiuvetis ad who acted as a representative of the to him) in questions of the markets one in Grealó (317-337 AD) and the Gassó, 2008: 11). for this part of the road network has pottery would indicate a possible deffendere caminum de villa Cervarie owners of the products put on sale and (“novellitates merchati”) (Altisent, two in Lleida (55 and 96-98 AD) (Soto, usque ad Angularia” (ACA, Cancelleria, 1978: 47-48). In 1139, on the other hand, generally been dismissed. However, it continuance of this settlement until 17 as a middle-man between these and the 2010: 78-86 and 123-125; Arrayás In 1116, at a time when Almoravid 5 cannot be ruled out that the origins of at the 6th-8th centuries. (RODRIGO, 2005: Ramon Berenguer II, parchment num. purchasers. The municipal sources the measurement of cereals from the Morales, 2005: 253-255). power seemed to be weakening, least the westernmost part of the road to 303-304). 31; Baiges et al., 2010: III, 248-251, conserve the oath taken as such by a market in Cervera is mentioned as a doc. 75). Count Ramon Berenguer III took two reference. (Turull, 1991: 19-20). The Barcelona (precisely the one that leads 2 good number of members of the local “... et sic vadit ad ipsa villa subtus 10 measures to encourage the colonisation from Lleida to Tàrrega or Cervera) lie In 1026, Countess Ermessenda, her aljama, while a prosopographic study first references in this sense regarding ipsa Rabaza, et inde vadit per ipsa 13 In 1078, this road constituted the of Tàrrega: freeing the inhabitants of in a Late-Imperial or Visigoth way that son, Berenguer Ramon I and Countess of the people who appear as guarantors Tàrrega seem to be no earlier than the serra usque ad ipsa villa erma qui northern border of the limits of the all kinds of services and censos (except th connected Cadis with Girona through Sança granted three families of settlers of their activity should shed new light mid 13 century. However, given that est super ipsos Quadrels, et inde vadit castle of Anglesola, which it faced “in the tithe and the primícies) and the the middle of the peninsula.8 The nearby “ipso puio et castellare quod ibidem on the evolution of the mechanisms for the town charter of Vilagrassa from usque ad ipsa strada et pergit per ipsa medio strate per quam itur ad Urgello”, concession of two days of water from presence of villae from later dates, like est, dictum Cervaria, quod vos contra integrating the Jews into the economic 1185 established the weekly market on strada usque ad ipsa Corbela, et sic and that passed “sub ipso Mauro”, in the Ondara to irrigate their lands 6 the one of Vilagrassa (fig. 1), could be infestationem paganorum positi and social life of the town. Thursdays (Turull, 1986a: 30 and 32), vadit per ipsa strada usque ad ipso other words, below the castle of El Mor (ACUR, FMT, LPT I, f. 65r-65v; ACUR, evidence of this.9 ante habitatores marchiarum omnes The agreements approved by the we must suppose that Tàrrega, which pugio de Mor, qui est primus contra (ACA, LFM II, doc. 165; Baiges et al., FMT, LPT II, f. 1r; Gonzalvo et al., was in some way previous and from th [per vestram] apprisionem et turris courts of Montblanc in 1333 offer an In the mid 11 century, this route became Tarraga, et inde vadit usque in plano de 2010: III, 273-275, doc. 89). This axis 1997: 36-37, doc. 4). constructionem in vestro iure iam interesting image of the mercantile where the colonisation of the new place one of the key lines for the strategy of Fazrogad”. (ACA, Cancelleria, Ramon seems to have been one of the elements retinetis”. (ACA, Cancelleria, Berenguer 18 structure of royal domain in Catalonia. was organised, must have had its own conquest and colonisation of the counts Berenguer I, carp. 13, parchment num. that structured a centuriation with In 1181, the stretch of path between Ramon I, carp. 8, parchment num. 52; That year, the decision was taken one by then. of Barcelona, given that controlling it 234; Feliu et al., 1999: II, 989, doc. 538). kardines orientated north-east – south- Mor and Anglesola through Ferrugats Feliu to negotiate a joint quèstia-subsidy not only allowed them to exert power west (24º) and a module of twenty actus was qualified as a “carrera vetera 4 BC, Arxiu, parchment num. 4458; et al., 1999: I, 482-484, doc. 172). Cervera from all the crown possessions, along the main route for Andalusian that stretched especially to the north of que discurrit de Mor ad Angleolam” ACUR, FMT, LPT I, f. 1r-2v; ACUR, seems to have had a pre-existing instead of doing so place by place. expeditions advancing on their Lleida, although the greatest density of FMT, LPT II, f. 1v-3r; Gonzalvo et al.,

364 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 365 2. The consolidation of the town

1997: 39-42, doc. 6. The competition and 2.1. The rise of church power generally thirty paces from the building Convent of Santa Maria del Pedregal the Ceremonious commissioned the overlapping of the fairs in Cervera and according to the prescriptions of the building of a bridge over the river Miquel Àngel Farré Targa Situated in El Talladell near the River Vilagrassa led to various changes to the constitutions of peace and truce. It was Ondara, the Cistercian convent of Santa Ondara to facilitate the access from the calendar during the medieval period. With the reconquest and repopulation, also often a shelter for the defenceless Maria del Pedregal was founded around monastery to the town centre. However, (Turull, 1991: 28-29). the Church took on a fundamental role and the meeting place for neighbours 1176 as an initiative by the Anglesola the bridge was not finished until in the structuring of the territory and to deal with all kinds of questions. It was September 1342. 5 The accounts of the Paeria of Cervera lineage, with the support of the as a spiritual umbrella for the people even used as the seat of the council in community of Vallbona, who sent a first The works on the church and monastery from 1373 include certain quantities 1 who settled the lands seized from the exceptional circumstances. On the other group of founding nuns (fig. 4). moved ahead very slowly and were not expended to convince some Jewish Muslims. The division of the territory hand, the rectors provided a notarial During the 13th century, the convent finished until over twenty years later. On corredors representing Castilian and into parishes and bishoprics helped the service for the community. the 5th of May 1364, the council appointed Lleida merchants who had come to new population to put down roots and received many donations and With time, the growing complexity of contributions (among these from Bernat Joan de Montrós and Ponç de Concabella the fair in Tàrrega to attend the fair granted the parish its own personality, the administration of the dioceses made to request the community of Friars Minor in Cervera too. (Turull, 1991: 34). one that varied as a result of the rise of de Granyena, his wife, Saurina, and it necessary to create subdivisions of son, Guerau), which allowed it to grow of Vilafranca to held their chapter in the new necessities and functions. Over 4 6 the ecclesiastical territories. These new new convent in Tàrrega. Conditioned by The oaths taken by the corredors time, the parish become the point of and build a hostel for pilgrims, walkers before the town’s councillors included, divisions were the diaconates, with and visitors who arrived at the convent. this commitment, the council, with Joan reference for many aspects of everyday jurisdiction over various parishes. Each de Montrós, a worker on the monastery, as well as the latter, two more people life, from popular manifestations and Despite owning important properties who guaranteed it: the main guarantor of these new entities was headed by a and assets that came from different at the head, did everything necessary to communal projects in the economic, deacon, who was generally the rector of finish the works for the event. and the bondsman. It is interesting social and religious fields. privileges from the Royal Household to note that a good proportion of the best-equipped and most important and the Anglesola and Cardona families In the modern district of the Urgell, Convent of Santa Clara the Jewish corredors had Christian parish in the area. The deacon carried out among others, the community was never ecclesiastical organisation reinforced guarantors and, especially, Christian the administrative functions delegated very big. The 13th century was the time of The convent of Santa Clara, no longer in all the systematic work by the Counts bondsmen, although, as the 14th century by the bishop and basically had powers its greatest splendour and vitality, with a existence, was founded outside the walls of Barcelona and Urgell to reconquer went by, the proportion of Jewish over ecclesiastical affairs. constant number of nuns (twelve plus the to the west, near the path to Anglesola. and repopulate the area throughout the th guarantors also grew. Many of the At the beginning of the 14 century, abbess), until it started to decline in the One of its leading protectors was the 11th century. Ermengol IV’s conquests references to these documents appear Tàrrega came under the diaconate of 14th century. notary Pere Amenós, who, in 1346, drew and a small sector seized by the county in Muntané (2006). Cervera, but the councillors of Tàrrega up a will in favour of the rule of Saint of Berga were added directly to the requested their own diaconate from Monastery of Sant Antoni Abat Clare. This will included the founding bishopric of Urgell, while the area James II, and this was granted by A house of Anthonian Hospitallers in the of the monastery of the nuns of the conquered by the counts of Barcelona Berenguer, the bishop of Vic, on the 24th old part of the town, between Carrer habit and rule of Saint Clare, with came under the mitre of Osona, so of December 1325.2 The diaconate of Major and Carrer de l’Hospital. Like the thirteen nuns who had to live according that the border between counties Tàrrega was granted in perpetuity and other Anthonian houses-hospitals in to the canonical rules (SEGARRA I also corresponded to the division according to this concession, comprised MALLA, 1984: 143). between dioceses. Thus, the line that Catalonia, it belonged to the preceptors the lower part of the Urgell, which would In 1350, as a result of the many debts divided the bishoprics ran through the general in Olite (Navarre). The correspond nowadays to the centre of he had to bear, Peter the Ceremonious southernmost part of the Urgell: through foundations were hospitals, where there the Urgell district. exempted the monastery from attending the parishes of Riudovelles, La Figuerosa, was a chapel or church dedicated to Saint Tàrrega, as the capital of the diaconate, the army and royal parade. In 1369, the Altet, Claravalls and Tornabous. This Anthony the Abbot. They were very had the most important parish in the same king Peter made a donation to way, the central part of the modern austere and comprised a kitchen with area, the church of Santa Maria, and, the monastery on his way through the district of the Urgell came under the refectory or place to prepare meals, a depending on this, the hermitage of Sant town of Tàrrega while transferring the bishopric of Vic, while the northern dormitory, a chapel and some service Eloi. remains of his father, Alfonso the Benign, part, conquered by the counts of Urgell, areas. They served to lodge pilgrims and from Barcelona to Lleida. became part of the bishopric of the The church of Santa Maria appears as a also the sick. Urgell. parish in the bishopric of Vic in different At the beginning of the 14th century, with lists between the mid 11th century and Convent of La Mercè While the limits of the bishopric of the the consent of the counts of Barcelona, 1154. It is mentioned in 1175 in the will th Urgell remained inalterable, part of the the Anthonians installed the house- On the 10 of August 1218, the order of of Pere del Talladell, who ordered that sector that depended on the bishopric hospital in the Agoders neighbourhood, the Mercè was founded in the cathedral the income he received from the town of Vic was segregated in the 12th century where they only attended to the poor of Barcelona. The order spread rapidly of Tàrrega be used to maintain a lamp lit th as the result of the restructuring and of the town. On the 28 of April 1319, around Catalonia and reached Tàrrega. day and night before the altar of Santa organisation of the metropolitan see an agreement was reached between The convent, on the outskirts of the town, Maria. From the 13th century, the parish th in Tarragona in 1154, in the times the town council and the commander was founded by James I on the 17 of of Tàrrega depended on the canonry of archbishop Bernat Tort. A direct of the Anthonian friars of Cervera and October 1227, in gratitude to the Virgin of Santa Maria of Solsona, which often consequence of that was the annexation Tàrrega to resolve differences caused Mary. meant jurisdictional conflicts. In 1269, the to Tarragona of a series of parishes in the by this hospital (GONZALVO et al., 1997: In 1451, the Mercedarian community brotherhood of merchants was founded th southern part of the Urgell. These were 126-129). Some months later, on the 20 requested the council for permission to in the church of Santa Maria under a Guimerà, Ciutadilla, Nalec, Rocafort of November, James II approved the build a church and house within the walls concession from Ramon d’Anglesola, de Vallbona, Llorenç de Vallbona, Sant chapters for the new brotherhood of of the town. The church was finally built bishop of Vic (fig. 2). In 1279 and 1280, the Martí de Riucorb and Belianes. Saint Anthony and the hospital of Sant in the centre and the community moved parish appears in the contribution of the Antoni de Jesucrist.3 This was a great The process of reconquest and to the place where the church of the papal tithe of the dioceses of Vic, in the impetus for the works on the hospital and repopulation included Tàrrega in the Mercè stands today. diaconate of Urgell. church of Sant Antoni (fig. 5), which went county of Barcelona and, thus, the The hermitage of Sant Eloi is on a hill ahead thanks to the order from King Convent of El Carme bishopric of Vic. The new lands were northwest of the town of Tàrrega (fig. 3). James II to the brotherhoods that had not Christianised, and the Church played This convent, situated in front of the The chapel was founded in 1249 by the paid the contributions they had pledged a decisive role in this task, especially in modern Plaça del Carme and known in silversmith Simó Canet from Tàrrega (SARRET, 1982: 75). the creation of a network of parishes the past as the Convent of Santa Llúcia, under the terms of his will. The parish under the dioceses or bishopric. Lists of was founded in 1364 thanks to the prior of Santa Maria in Tàrrega decided that a Monastery of Sant Francesc parishes belonging to the bishopric of of the Carmelite house in Manresa, who priest should take care of the hermitage, Vic is known, and these show how the This monastery, that no longer exists, obtained the licence from Pope Urban assigning it some censals from Seana and organisation and implantation of this was south of the town centre on the other V, the approval of King Peter III and Montperler and an annual charitable parochial structure spread across the bank of the Ondara (fig. 6). permission from the town (fig. 7). stipend of 200 sous. territory. The oldest date from the mid The Franciscans settled in Tàrrega in The convent must have been too small 11th century including the parishes of 1318, thanks to King James II, the bishop for the expected requirements as an The town’s convents and monasteries Montperler, El Talladell, Tàrrega, El Mor, of Vic, Berenguer de Guàrdia, and the extension was soon proposed. In 1384, Anglesola, Maldà, Verdú, Malpàs and The founding of monasteries and town of Tàrrega, which requested the when it was still under construction, Nalec in the Urgell (fig. 1). convents favoured the great colonising Friars Minor to come. As a result of this Prince Martin granted it some nearby The basis of the ecclesiastical structure and Christianising task begun by the request, Pope John XXII published a plots to be used as a cemetery and for the was the parish, which could be defined Church. In this district, special note must bull authorising the founding of this needs of the monastery. as the fundamental nucleus of the be taken of the influence of the Cistercian house. In 1322, with the building under The convent was damaged in the ecclesiastical organisation of a populated order in Santa Maria de Vallbona and its construction, James II ordered the Catalan Civil War (1462-1472). In 1472, place. The parochial institution lent subsidiaries (El Pedregal, Vallsanta and transfer of the assets of those affected moves were made to rebuild it. In these support to the delegates of the counts, La Bovera), as well as the dominions of by leprosy to the Franciscan, allocating circumstances, the relic of the True the keepers in charge of the defences, the Monastery of Poblet, such as Verdú those funds to the construction of the Cross, which was worshipped there, was justice and repopulation of the new (the most important). monastery in exchange for the Friars lost, but then recovered in 1476. settlements and, with the figure of A series of religious centres were caring for the patients. the rector heading it, these become founded in Tàrrega to further the aims of Alfonso the Benign authorised the 1 In this sense, we find an illustrative the Christianising centre of the new the Church. Franciscans to use the waters of the reference from Tàrrega on the 16th of communities. The parish had a sanctuary, county irrigation ditch, which passed September 1450, when an earthquake an inviolable terrain around the church, close to the monastery. In 1340, Peter interrupted the session of the council

366 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 367 just when they were discussing the way 2.2. The council and the nobility 1). However, for operative reasons, the other, and divided the incomes from a avall. E compren Almanara e tota 2.3. The urbanism of the turrets and the wall.4 We do not beginning of the following century, to reduce the censals that the university Consell was limited to a certain group the castellany, protecting their subjects la honor d’en Ramon Arnau. E hix a the medieval town know if the works were carried out when the growing Jewish community, owed to the creditors from Barcelona: Miquel Àngel Farré Targa of people (consellers or prohoms) that and often abusing their power with the Bocsènich et a Bellmunt entrò al terme according to the calendar envisaged, that had initially settled in the area of “en aquest punt feu terratremol e tot The development of municipal varied in number over time. The leaders collecting of censos3 from the population. de Muntgay. E puys travessa entrò a Joan E. Garcia Biosca but the appointment of the next keeper the modern Carrer de Sant Agustí, was lo conceyll decendi cuytadament de government in the towns and cities of the government were the paers (three The nobles, through relations of la Ràpida. E travessa tot Urgel. E ix al in 1068 included a doubling, from 10 to granted permission by the bishop of la casa de la payria hi ha en aço nos that depended on the public authorities or four), representing the different vassalage with an oath of loyalty, made Palau d’Anglèola, que compren e va The joint interpretation of the 20 knights, of the garrison, while there Urgell in 1306 to build the synagogue, dona fi”. The startled councillors took was favoured, whether they came social estates of the town: mà major, up a well-defined feudal pyramid. entrò al terme a Aygüesvives. E passa cartographic and documentary sources was as considerable drop in the stipend and again in 1319, with another royal refuge in the church and, after being under the Catalan count-kings or the mà mitjana and mà menor (the upper, The feudal structure of Tàrrega was d’aquí amont, e compren Sidamon. Eix allow an evolutionary hypothesis about granted to the county vicar, from 40 authorisation that ratified the permission recomforted by the divine protection, Counts of Urgell. In the western area of middle and lower hands). Sometimes, headed by the king, and under him, the entro al terme d’Arbeca, e comprèn the medieval town to be put forward ounces of gold to 85 mancusos of gold from Bishop Ponç of Vic. However, given continued the meeting to its end: Catalonia, this local government went a paer represented one of the four most castellany was held by, among others, the Miralcamp. Eix als Exades, e comprèn that defines it as built by successively (1 ounce = 10 mancusos).5 Altogether, the difference of years between these “acò fonch fet dins la sglesia maior de by the name of Paeria, as in the cases of important neighbourhoods. The batlle Pinós, Peramola, Santafè, Torroja, Oluja, Sent Martí. E va entrò al riu d’Analech, adding seven major elements: the this seems to imply that the defensive two authorisations, there remains the Tarrega justat lo dit consell per causa Lleida, Cervera, Balaguer, Agramunt and (royal deputy) had to attend the meetings Aguiló, Granyena, Tàrrega and Rufaca e va entrò al riu de Ciutadylla, e va county castle, the walled town around requirements had by then been met, and possibility that the 1319 permission was del terratrèmol”. [ACUR, FMT, Llibre Tàrrega. of the Consell, as the delegate of the lineages. Most members of the families entrò a Vallfagona, e comprèn Guimerà. the castle, the area built around the Plaça the place was ready to accept a larger to rebuild the synagogue as a result of de consells (1446-1451), f. 192]. See also Although the municipality of Tàrrega lord of the town. The elective systems that held the castellany of Tàrrega lived E torna d’aquí per la serra entrò deyós Major, the areas of urban growth prior contingent than those assigned in the the damage caused by possible flooding FARRÉ (2008: 160). arose in the first half of the 13th century, for the posts of government changed outside the town and did not take part in za Mora, el terme dez Taylladel. Ha lo to the second half of the 14th century, the initial enfeofments and that focus was of the Ondara.17 Perhaps it was this there is evidence of a settlement from the with royal decrees that tried to make the its affairs. Thus, the castellans remained seynor rey dins aquesta vegeria, qui new convents built at the beginning of now on strengthening the offensive same flood that obliged the council to 2 ACUR, FMT, collection of parchments, beginning of the previous century. The Consell representative of all the estates.1 outside municipal government, with the són seus propris, Tàrrega, Vilagrassa. that, and surrounding all the previous advantages this fortress offered.6 rehabilitate the town’s well, possibly num. 31. first half of the 13th century was a period However, in the Late Middle Ages, the exception of the Rufacas, the only ones Pren-se lo comte d’Urgel la iurisdicció elements, except some of these religious known later as the well of the Romans The walled castle town 3 of transition of this primary community municipal government was dominated who resided habitually in Tàrrega. In this de gran res dels castels d’aquesta institutions, the walls built between and which was reached through ACUR, FMT, collection of parchments, 18 towards the establishment of a legal by the most privileged estates. sense, in 1300, we find a member of this vegeria ves lo comdat”. (ACUR, FMT, 1366 and 1370. These set the limits for East of the castle, on the side that Carrer de la Font. Another significant num. 21. th entity. This took shape from the second The Paeria had very wide powers. It had family, Ramon de Rufaca, as a councillor parchments, num. 41; transferred on Tàrrega until the growth of the 13 and drops down to the Ondara, there was indication of the rise of this area during 4 th of June 1329 by Bernat Bertoní, th the first half of the 14th century was the 4 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells, f. 64r. half of the century, with the system of civil servants for different roles including in Tàrrega. the 20 14 centuries began to spill over them the primitive town, possibly from the municipal government in Tàrrega being the racional, the treasurer, the mostassà The great noble families who had public notary of Montblanc, from and force the progressive demolition second half of the 11th century and that extension of the Plaça de Sant Mateu consolidated later. (inspector of weights and measures), domains in the district influenced the a notebook that is conserved in the of the medieval walled enclosure. We would have grown up there to service (now de Sant Antoni), an initiative In broad traits, J. Ribalta and M. Turull notaries and scribes. The Consell could social and economic development of the Archive of the Crown of Aragon). will follow the evolution of the town the detachment posted by the counts of promoted by the neighbours against the establish two periods of evolution until pass ordinances to regulate the fairs town one way or another. So, on the 7th through these different elements that, wishes of the municipality and for which 3 A fixed annual payment on a censal Barcelona. This urban embryo would the end of the 14th century: from the and markets, and administered the flour of April 1269, one of the members of the over time, became part of it and defined they obtained permission from King a fixed-income loan (translator’s note). have been structured around streets consules to the universitas (1214- shop, the butcher’s and the ice store, that Anglesola family, Ramon d’Anglesola, its characteristics. (like the modern Pujada del Castell) that James II to demolish houses and build porches around the square. These have 1274) and from the universitas to the was often leased to private individuals. It the then bishop of Vic, founded the 4 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells (1300- linked the fortress and lowest and flattest municipality (1274-1382) (RIBALTA and also had tax inspectors and could impose brotherhood of merchants in the church The county castle part, built around streets that would survived down to our times (Segarra, 1334), f. 1r. See also SABATÉ (1991: 33). 1984: 85; Günzberg, 2003: 384) (fig. 4). TURULL, 1992: 143-231). bans and set taxes and extraordinary of Santa Maria in Tàrrega (FARRÉ and The origins of the fortification that correspond to the modern Carrers de la In the first period, there was a series of contributions. MIARNAU, 2007: 85-102). Under this 5 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de privilegis ii, presides over the town have still to be Cendra and d’Urgell (the upper part) and The Plaça del Blat or del Mercat events that established the basis for the In the supra-municipal field, the protection, a large number of merchants, f. 1v-3v. See also FONT (1992: 88-89). established.1 Although the first direct Major and dels Capellans (the lower).7 further development of the system of the territory was organised into vegueries furriers and tailors came together in documentary reference is from 1056, From the latter, three gateways through With the expansion of the town beyond Paeria. Thus, in 1214, there is evidence (magistracies). The vegueria was a the brotherhood, a circumstance that when Count Ramon Berenguer I of the adjacent wall opened led out of the the first walls, the church of Santa Maria of activity by four consuls (Guillem de system of territorial division that the favoured the development of the Tàrrega Barcelona endowed his wife Almodis town. Two of these would have survived soon became to small for the growing Bell-lloc, Ramon d’Oromí, Jaume de count-kings of Catalonia imposed on market. Trading activity must have been as the ones of Urgell and Sant Antoni (fig. population. The primitive church must th with a series of castles including those Bell-lloc and Bernat Calvet) who swore the Principality in the Middle Ages. important in the second half of the 13 2 2), while the third was possibly near the have been extended or rebuilt, possibly th of Granyena, Tàrrega and Cervera, it oaths of allegiance to King James I at At the top, there was the vaguer or century, bearing in mind that on the 8 of must date from earlier and perhaps could old church of Santa Maria,8 where the between the mid 12th and mid 13th the assembly held in Lleida. With the magistrate, a position created by James March 1242, with the granting of the uses be linked chronologically to the process Plaça Major is nowadays.9 centuries, as shown by the remains of institution of the uses and customs I in the 13th century, with judicial, police, and customs by James I, an eight-day of colonisation that began a generation sculptural decoration dated from around 19 20 in 1242, municipal government was military and administrative powers, in annual fair starting on Saint Matthew’s before around the nucleus of Cervera. At The areas of growth outside the walls 1215-1225 with documents from 1150 representation of, or delegation from, the day was established.5 The founding of 21 developed and facilitated the application that time, there was a tower, perhaps a From the second half of the 12th century, and 1205 which contain the donations king. However, it seems that the official the brotherhood thus served to group of the norms, the imposition of bans and outlying watchtower to warn the capital after the Muslim threat had disappeared, to pay for the works then underway. network of vegueries in Catalonia was the traders together through common the power to make rulings about water. of the Segarra about any danger coming we begin to find indications of growth The gateway next to the old church, at not established until 1301, under James interest and, thus, promote and regulate In the following years, there is proof of up the Ondara valley from Lārida, but, beyond the walls of the primitive walled the junction of Carrers Major, d’Urgell, II. The veguer had a court, and officials the commercial affairs. the existence of a common bossa (chest) in the eyes of the counts of Barcelona, castle town. The earliest expansion that dels Capellans and de Falcó (nowadays (the sotsveguer, the judge, lawyers, etc.) Various members with roots in Tàrrega and a complex administration able to its defensive capacity was insufficient we see in that century is along the paths Carme) (fig. 5), as well as Carrers and a scribes’ office with a notary. His were relevant in the affairs of the town organise the payment of taxes. At this for the role he wanted to assign to this that led out through the gateways to the d’Agoders, de la Vilanova and de les role was to apply justice and the king’s and the area, and even further afield. time, the term paer and a new conception forward position. west and north. Thus, around 1155, the Piques, had to be demolished before dispositions in his vegueria. Sometimes, Outstanding among these noble families of the term universitat also appeared. The counts of Barcelona planned to town was beginning to grow in the area the building of new walls in Peter III’s the powers of the veguer were confused were the Llúria, Copons, Oliva, Espígol, While the paers are documented in 1257, convert the small tower into a real that was then known as the vila nova de times to make space for the many uses with those of the batlle, which led to Folquet, Perellós and Ardèvol lineages the universitat, understood as a legal fortress and make it the launch point for Tàrrega10 (possibly, the modern Carrer given to this space around the church entity that represented the municipality conflicts. (figs. 2 and 3) (SARRET, 1994: 12-13). expansion into Andalusian controlled de la Vilanova), while, during the 1190s, of Santa Maria. A sentence from 1319 of Tàrrega, did not appear in the At first, the vegueria of Tàrrega came The involvement of people from these territory, and also as a centre for building spread to the threshing grounds offers a vivid panorama of both its layout documentation until 1274. under that of Cervera, until the 27th families in the affairs of the area is quite colonisation to make the outer frontier north of the modern Plaça Major, under and the activities conducted there. In the second period, defined as “from of January 1330, when King Alfonso clear. As an example, the Copons family more stable. To this end, on the 5th of the Camí del Mor.11 This area was also Labourers offered their services in front the universitas to the municipality III created the vegueria of Tàrrega, supplied abbots and abbesses for the February 1058, the counts of Barcelona the site of large storehouses where large of the doorway of the church, while on (1274-1382)”, there was an ever clearer segregated from Cervera (GONZALVO Cistercian monasteries of Poblet and invested Ricard Altemir with the monasteries, like Poblet12 and especially market days, farmers and merchants difference between universitat and et al., 1997: 202-203). Vallbona. Thus, Abbot Ponç de Copons castellany of Tàrrega with 40 ounces Santes Creus,13 stored the crops and sold their products. Meanwhile, the Consell. The Consell became the At the beginning of the 14th century, its was behind the Gothic works in Poblet of gold a year so that, over two years incomes from the lands they owned in women entered the church to take part organ of government that allowed the limits were established.2 The extension and the castle in Verdú. The Espígol from the following Christmas, he had to the municipality. This was also when in the services from the choir through the universitat or collectivity to express of the vegueria of Tàrrega changed family donated a great deal of their finish the building of a new fortification the first hospitals were set up outside cemetery gate (closed off by a wall to stop their wishes. In the first phase of the over time, often for the powers of heritage to the monastery of El Pedregal. adequate for a contingent of ten knights, the walls, especially around the streets animals from entering).22 organisation of the institution, the neighbouring vegueries, political The Folquets had wide influence as who the castellan agreed to maintain that led east from the old gateways of the merchants all over Catalonia. And the system of mans (literally “hands”) was strategy or local interests. However, until the following festivity of Saint church. These hospitals were destined to The convent buildings established as a social criterion for in the end, it was always the king who Ardèvol family had special relevance, as Michael (fig. 1). attend both to the sick and to travellers Miquel d’Ardèvol founded and instituted The appearance on the periphery of the political election. Starting in 1342 and decided these territorial questions. In The detail given about the works to be and pilgrims.14 built-up area of the houses of religious th the hospital of the Ardèvol in Carrer de throughout the 14 century, there was 1357, it reached its minimum extension, done is as unusual as the characteristics The plots in the area between the orders is a characteristic trait of the a tendency towards oligarchisation only covering the limits of Tàrrega and Falcó (nowadays Carrer del Carme) and was one of the most important figures of the fortification it was planned to build. Carrer Major and the river Ondara are period of economic prosperity prior and the regime of the Paeria was Preixana, but the growing importance of th behind the urbanization of the Plaça de This had to have two large towers one particularly regular, like in the new, to the crisis of the mid 14 century. The consolidated progressively, reaching a Tàrrega meant that this area grew again, 15 Sant Antoni (then Plaça de Sant Mateu). hundred “palms” high (approximately or newly-planned, towns. This was a monastery of the Friars Minor was high level complexity and efficiency, and including municipalities that nowadays 20 m) and as many thick, the first of way of building based on the regular founded on the left bank of the Ondara a system of quarters was adopted as a form part of the Pla d’Urgell, Segarra and 1 st which was to be built by heightening the repetition of party walls made with stone in 1318, as the result of a common will spatial criterion for elections. Urgell districts. In two royal privileges dated the 21 of July and 10th of August 1313, James existing one, while the second, identical arches with keystones, which could be of King James II and the bishop of Vic, James I (1213-1276) was the monarch The nobility also played a fundamental II dictated the method for electing the in size, was to be built ex novo using opened up or sealed off depending on the Berenguer de Guàrdia, and the support who most favoured the creation of role in the formation and consolidation paers, thirty councillors and twelve stone and lime. These two outstanding needs of use or passage (fig. 3). This way of the town council (fig. 7). In 1340, the municipal governments in the royal of the medieval town. The noble families prohoms, shared between the three elements had to be completed with of building is documented in Barcelona Franciscans managed to connect their towns, organisms that were fully th gradually entered the seats of power in “hands”, for the good government of turrets, 50 “palms” in height and the between the mid and late 13 century monastery to the town by building a consolidated in the 14th century, with the town, namely the Church and the the Paeria (ACUR, FMT, collection of same in diameter, as well as walls (González, 2003: 152), a chronology bridge that had then to be rebuilt after many dispositions from James II and 23 municipal government. parchments, nums. 8 and 9). See also connecting these structures, all built in coherent with the plausible urbanisation a flood in 1344. Also, in 1346, not very Peter III. In principal, the highest organ th 3 Since the 12 century, members of SARRET (1982: 50-52). stone and lime. of this sector of medieval Tàrrega. far from the house of the male branch of was the Consell General of the town, important noble families had been After the deadline for the works had Thus, there is a stark contrast between the Franciscan order, the Tàrrega notary, made up of all heads of family. This is appointed as the castellans of the castle 2 “La vegeria de Tàrrega combrense expired, they were still not finished, so, the situation at the beginning of the 13th Pau Amenós, promoted the creation of where the concept of universitat arose of Tàrrega for services rendered to the a sa Mora sobres Taylladel, e passa on the 28th of April 1061, Ricard Altemir century, when there was still mention of the convent of Santa Clara (fig. 7) outside to designate the authority in Tàrrega, counts in the process of reconquest. per za Cardosa e Conyll, e hix al coll agreed to an extra year to build the animal pens and some isolated houses the walls near the road to Anglesola in the hands of all the population (fig. These married and succeeded each d’Agremunt e pel coll d’Almenara two towers and another to complete along the Sequia dels Molins,16 and the

368 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 369 (Segarra, 1984: 143). A third convent, esse iuxta predictas turres et besturres”. 11 In 1191, Bernat Granell sold his son 18 In 1321, James II commissioned 2.4. The Jews as a factor of Strategically at a crossroads of trade Many instruments of this type were the growth of the community in the first El Carme, was added in 1364. (ACA, Cancelleria, Ramon Berenguer Guillem “una aera, qui fuit de Petro a jurist from Cervera to rule over consolidation of the town routes,8 the Tàrrega in transformation destroyed during the riot of 1348 (fig. 1-2). three decades of the 14th century and the I, carp. 14, parchment num. 266; ACA, Arnallo, quod abeo et teneo pro Sancti the demands by the university of and expansion of this period witnessed Deed of debt awarded on the 9th of June resulting need for more space, led to a Josep Xavier Muntané Santiveri The wall of Peter the Ceremonious LFM I, f. 189r; Feliu et al., 1999: II, Cucufati iusta intrante iam dictam Tàrrega against Verdú to contribute the rise in the office of corredor d’orella. 1336 by Ramon Barba, Pericó Barba and move the second third of the century. 1025-1206, doc. 570). villam Tarrega, in quo faciat casas. [...] “in missionibus nunc de novo factis in Thursdays, the weekly market day, and Arnau Barba, from Verdú, in favour of The area newly occupied by the Jews The instability caused by the war with The Jews, a sign of the penetration and iamdicta aera affrontat in via publica, adaptando et mudando fontem dicte the annual fair9 were the time for their Chelomo Sullam, jew from Tàrrega, for involved the de facto urbanisation of part Castile and the arrival in the country of 5 assimilation in Tàrrega in the figure of ACA, Cancelleria, Ramon Berenguer .II. in terra Bernardo Garrufer, .III. in ville Tarrege” (ACUR, FMT, LPT III, f. privileged work, thanks to the influx of the town that until then had been an companies of foreign mercenaries led the late medieval municipality 250 sous, that they had to repay in two I, carp. 17, parchment num. 419; ACA, domum Sancti Cucufati, .IIII. in via qui 2v; Gonzalvo et al., 1997: 131, doc. of merchants and the corresponding installments: 100 sous for the next festival area of market gardens, pens and untilled Peter III to encourage the refortification LFM I, f. 189; Feliu et al., 1999: III, The arrival of the first Jews in Tàrrega 24 pergit deversus Mor” (Papell, 2005: II, 46). This well, that was destroyed by increase in commercial transactions. of the Our Lady of August (15th of August) land, the area between the Carrer Major of the main towns in his reigns. In 1358, towards the end of the 13th century can 1260-1262, doc. 725). 499-500, doc. 341). the floods of Santa Tecla in 1874, has From time to time in the oldest volumes and 150 sous for All Saints’ Day (1st of and the wall on the river, between the Tàrrega was told to build a new enclosure be understood as a sign of the evolution recently been reexcavated, although the of the books of proceedings of the November). In case of non-payment, Carrers de Santes Creus (nowadays to protect not only the old walled town 6 The excavations done in the castle 12 In his will, written in 1175, Pere de of the town at that time. The presence but also the growth outside the walls that structures documented correspond council in Tàrrega, there are lists of those the interest was set at 20%. It is from the Carrer de la Font) and Arnau Farrer (the (personal communication by Anna Talladell donated to the monastery th of these new inhabitants is another th to a 17 -century reform. who swore to exercise as public corredor Parish Archive in Verdú.14 modern Carrer de les Piques) (fig. 3). had taken place between the 12 century Colet and Oriol Saula) have yet to shed of Poblet “... omnem honorem indicator of the growth that followed the th 25 in the town. There were many fewer New streets, more houses and shops, and the first half of the 14 . This would light on the remains of the fortifications 19 approval by James I of the Usos i Costums [recto] Sit omnibus notum quod nos quem habeo in villa Tarrega vel in For this, see the contribution by Jews, almost always annotated at the some special buildings like the leave only the convent buildings outside the mentioned documents refer to. for the town of Tàrrega in 1242. However, Raymundus Barba, Periconus Barba, Ar- eius terminis et omnia vasa que ibi Alberto Velasco in this same volume. end of these registers, than Christians synagogue and the bakery added to and the walls. The works began in 1366 and However, in contrast, a small set of the social, economic and political naldo barba, de Verdu, uterque nostrum habeo, scilicet VI tonas et IIos chubs and their surnames appear time and expanded the urban layout of medieval lasted four years, after which a wall with inner chambers could correspond to 20 In his will, Gonter left “ad Sancta maturity that the town had reached in insolidum per nos et omnes nostros con- et una archa et VI portadores et alia again without any specific frequency Tàrrega and shaped it in a way that is still nine new gates (twelve, according to these chronologically. Nevertheless, the Maria de Tarrege morabatinum .i. ad the mid 13th century, reflected precisely in fitemur nos debere vobis Salamoni Sul- que cellario sunt necessaria. Tali and few changes between 1300 and visible nowadays. other sources) circled most of the citadel description of this castle by the royal eius opere” (ADS, parchment num. 661; the concession of these regulations,1 was lam, judeo Tarrege, et vestris ducentos videlicet pacto ut abbas et conventum 1332: Avinpelx, Avinçaic, Rimoc, Cera, (figs. 6 and 7). commissioners in 1328 puts doubts on annualiter donent leprosis de Anglerola Bach, 2002: I, 404-406, doc. 331). only the base for the future municipal quinquaginta solidos barchinonenses Mocatill, Bedoç, Satorre, etc. In contrast, 1 J. M. Font (1992), Els Usos i Costums These works had a large economic whether the work was actually done (at quinquaginta migeras vini et leprosis organisation of Tàrrega, the evolution terni quos nobis pro bono amore mutu- 21 in 1343 and 1344, there were two lists of de Tàrrega, Tàrrega, Ajuntament impact as they were paid for by a least, in the conditions set by the counts Bernat Granell’s will consigns teh and consolidation of which has to be astis. Ideoque renunciamus exceptioni de Tarrega similiter quinquaginta, et corredors at the fair in which, for the first de Tàrrega, Arxiu Històric Comarcal community and an economy much of Barcelona), as, on that date, they following bequeathment: “ad operam compared events in other parts of the non numerate peccunie et doli et accione hospitali de Tarrega XXa migeras vini, time, Jews outnumbered the Christians. de Tàrrega and Museu Comarcal weakened by the crisis of the first half claim that the fortress was destroyed Sanctam Mariam de Tarrega .xxx. Principality. in factum. De quibus promitimus vobis et predictum sit datum anual[i]ter per These included some from Barcelona, de l’Urgell, p. 21-27. of that century and, especially, by the (“dictum castrum Tarrege est dirutum”) solidos et ad capellanos .XI. solidos th solvere in prius venturo festo Sancte censum, in die Omnium Sanctorum” In a limited way during the 13 century 10 per misses” (AHN, Clero, Parchments, Monzón, Lleida and Tudela. Marie augusti centum solidos et residu- havoc caused by the plague of 1348. A and was not useful militarily, given (AHN, codex 992 B, f. 154v; Altisent, and more generally during the 14th 2 Poblet, carp. 2090, num. 15; Bisson, These Jews were of great importance os centum quinquaginta solidos in prius J. Ribalta, M. Turull (1987), good example of the extent to which the that it was “sine turribus et muro et 1993: 389-390, doc. 527). century, a system of organisation and 1984: II, 301-303, doc. 168). for consolidating the trading activity venturo festo Omnium Sanctorum. Et Alguns aspectes del règim municipal social fabric of Tàrrega had deteriorated sine aliquo opere”. Then, inside there local government was developed in de Tàrrega i Cervera al segle XIV, in those years is the petition by the were only the ruins of the old quarters 13 The houses-cellars of Santes Creus, of Tàrrega, especially for attracting a dictis terminis in antea pro[mitimus] 22 Catalonia that produced a social and “... attendentes etiam quod melius, merchants and purchasers from distant vobis et vestris dare et solvere ad ratio- Tàrrega, Grup de Recerques de les councillors to the king in 1360, asking for of the keepers, of which only those where the censos and the benefits in legal personality similar to human competencius, honestius ac facilius places to the fair.11 In a council meeting nem quatuor denarios in mensse pro Terres de Ponent; M. Turull (1990), the four quarters the town was divided of Guerau d’Aguiló were remotely kind of crops from their tenants were communities in the territory. In this gentes et potissime domine et alie in 1361, just after the fair, recognition libra iuxta c[otum] domini regis. Quare La Configuració Jurídica del municipi into for the elections to the council to be habitable (Sabaté, 1991: 58). Nor can stored, were at the entrance to the sense, the Usos i Costums of Tàrrega mulieres, que in superiori parte supra was given to three Jewish corredors for uterque nostrum insolidum. Renuncia- Baix-Medieval. Règim Municipal reduced to two, as the neighbourhoods we discard the possibility that the castle church square, at the junction of the mark the town moving from a high- ecclesiam sunt et degunt, venient ad the work they had done for free to seek mus beneficio dividende accionis et nove i Fiscalitat a Cervera entre 1180-1430, that congregated in the church of Sant was demolished during an Andalusian path leading from Tàrrega to El Mor medieval communal regime and orandum ad dictam ecclesiam, si per clients (“an ajudat aytant com an pogut constitucionis de duobus pluribusve reis Barcelona, Fundació Noguera. Antoni and in the houses of Creus had counter-attack and that it was thought (PAPELL, 2000: 214). acquiring some of the legal features dictum cimiterium transire poterint, en aporroquiar la fira de gràcia”) and it debendi vel promitendi et omni alii iuri. been left so depopulated that it was unnecessary to rebuild it after the city necessary for it to adopt and consolidate 3 By this, we understand the Christian 14 In 1175, Pere de Talladell bequeathed quam si transire haberent per plateam was decided, “per ço que d’ací a avant Obligamus inde vobis et vestris nos et impossible to gather the minimum of Lleida had been captured in 1149. the model of late-medieval municipality, town between the reconquest of the some donations to a “hospital de dicte ville, impedientibus cultoribus se tinguen miylls pertanguts de donar omnia bona nostra habita et habenda. Et number of candidates necessary to opt although it had yet to reach this model.2 castle and its territory in the mid 11th 26 7 In the plan of the medieval town Tarrega”, although its whereabouts et agricolis, qui ad portale maius profit a la fira”, and to reward them with recepimus decem dies a vicario Tarrege to the Paeria. Thus, it seems that the century by Ramon Berenguer i (1035- The arrival of the Jews is evidence of 12 neighbourhood between the Carrer published in Bolós (1997: 560), the is not indicated (AHN, codex 992 B, quilibet die locant operas suas, et 20 sous. sub pena tercii. Actum est hoc va idus etiam mercacionibus, que ante ipsum this asymmetry: nonexistent or present 1076) and the concession of the Usos Major and the Ondara (precisely where original town wall passes between f. 154v; Altisent, 1993: 389-390, Meanwhile, the capital lent by the Jews junii anno Domini millessimo ccc xxx i Costums by James I (1242). Carrers de la Cendra and Major, with doc. 527). At the beginning of the portale fuerint comuniter precipue in perhaps only sporadically in the town sexto. Sig+num Raymundi Barba. Sig+- the Jewish quarter was) and the area 3 meant an injection of liquidity of a th before 1242, the figure of the Jew did north of the Plaça Major were the worst the latter outside the walls. In contrast, 14 century, there were at least two die fori, [...] quod portalia dicti cimiterii different kind than the traditional one. num Periconi Barba. Sig+num Arnaldi 4 The same did not occur with other not appear in the 25 chapters of the Usos affected by the events of 1348. the excavation of the Portal de Sant hospitals in the town: one founded sint et stent perpetuo aperta et sine In fact, beside the lending known as Barba predictorum, qui hoc firmamus et uses and customs, like those for Tortosa, i Costums of Tàrrega.4 In contrast, as the Antoni has shown that this structure by Miquel d’Ardèvol in 1324 in Carrer ianuis, ponendo tamen rexias ferreas survival loans, characteristic of Jewish concedimus. Testes huius rei sunt Ber- Lleida or Barcelona. Jewish minority cannot be disassociated 1 According to information from Anna dates from before the refortification in de Falcó (nowadays Carme) (Graus, in quolibet portali taliter quod animalia medieval lending and that is also found in nardus Barba et Johannes Taylada. Ego, from the history of the late medieval 5 Colet and Oriol Saula, in charge of the Peter III’s times and, in consequence, 2001: 120 and fol.) and another in Carrer quadrupedum dictum cimiterium Tàrrega,13 there is evidence of loans to the Petrus Çolçina, notarius publicus de Tar- To obtain an idea of the spread of the Catalan municipality,5 the population excavations in the castle, no structures that the Carrer Major must have been d’Agoders (“hospitalis nominati Beati intrare minime valeant” (ACUR, FMT, municipal government, both in Tàrrega rega, hoc scribi, iussi et meum sig+num Jewish communities around Catalan of Tàrrega always included members th or levels have been identified that date inside the first wall (Saula et al., 2012: Antonii, constructi in villa de Tarrega, LPT I, f. 57r-58v; ACUR, FMT, LPT II, itself and to nearby places. Although it feci. territory in the 14 century, see the map of this community in this stage. This clearly from the Andalusian epoch, 83 and fol.). in vico de Aguades”), around which an f. 127r-128v; Gonzalvo et al., 1997: is true that at that time in Tàrrega, there by J. Riera (1987), Catalunya i els jueus, is the perspective from which we although some fragments of pottery agreement was esdtablished between 129-131, doc. 45). was no shortage of Christians who Barcelona, Generalitat de Catalunya. 8 consider these first Jews as a sign of the [verso] attributed to that culture have been This church was first documented in the Paeria and the Antonian friars in lent money to Christians, the arrival of 23 The excavation of the bridge in penetration and consolidation in the 6 recovered. 1108 in a list of parishes that paid tithes 1319 (ACUR, FMT, LPT II, f. 125v-127r; the Jews, some extremely rich, meant [línia 1] The person who acted as the question, as well as part of the convent, town of the features of the late medieval and other tributes to Santa Maria in Gonzalvo et al., 1997: 126-129, doc. an increase in cash flow and thus, go-between for negotiating sales 2 has given a good idea of the size of the municipality. ACA, LFM, f. 481r; Feliu et al. Solsona (ADS, parchments num. 416, 44). The hospital of the Antonians was commercial transactions, communal and loans. Translator’s note. works. For this, see Cots (2012: 118 (1999: II, 887-890, doc. 479). 417 and 418; Bach, 2002: I, 128-130, later moved to the actual Plaça de Sant investments, etc. doc. 75). and fol.). The Jews and the municipal economy 7 The money-lending activity of Antoni (until then de Sant Mateu), The attraction of a population in 3 “... convenit ad predictos [comitem] where the church and hospital house The initial stage of this model of these Jews is not much documented 9 24 transformation like Tàrrega for the Jews et comitissam ut adcrescat ipsam The existence of this gate is conjectural For the general characteristics of this in Tàrrega because the books of notes were built during the first half of the phenomenon, see Verdés (2003). organisation, especially during the is evident. These population movements turrem que modo est incoata in ipso and not based on documentary or th th and the manuals of the notaries in 14 century. second half of the 13 century and the were perhaps one of the most visible [translation line 1] Ramon Barba, Pericó archaeological data. In contrast, the th Tàrrega form these centuries have not castro de Tarrega usque quo habeat 25 For the process of construction and first third of the 14 , was characterised Barba, Arnal Barba. 250 sous. 100 sous in fact that a series of streets that we 15 For these phenomena and the elements of the progress and expansion survived. In the Parish Archive of Verdú centum palmos in altum, et faciat in the line of the new wall, see Segarra by a period of social transformation mid August [1]336. 150 sous in [the year know to have existed in the 12th century morphology that derived from them, of the town. (from here on, APV), in contrast, thanks predicto castro iam dictus Ricardus (1984: 178-198) and Salas Flotats and economic growth. It would have (said)], for [All (Saints)]. alteram turrem de petra el calc de converged next to the church gives this see Lavigne (2002). been difficult for it to be accepted and to the research project we are carrying hypothesis feasibility. On the other, in (1996). A deed of debt between three christians out, we have found clear evidence of centum palmos in altum et de alios to spread as it did if it had not meant an from Verdú and a jew from Tàrrega The Jews and urbanism in medieval Cervera, a street also linked the castle 16 In 1213, Guillem de Montalbà gave centum in gros. Et insuper iam dictus 26 “... et nunc due ex dictis partibus, ille improvement in the lives of the local Tàrrega the dedication to usury of these Jews and the church, next to which there Santes Creus a corral that faced “ab The deeds of debt are notarial documents and other that do not appear in the Ricardus faciat ibi alias duas [bestu] videlicet que congregabantur in ecclesia communities, or if it had not been shown As the documents in the Urgell District was one of the gates of the old walled oriente in corrale Petri Guerreti et that prove that one or more people are Arxiu Comarcal de l’Urgell. rres de quinquaginta p[almo]s in altum Sancti Anthonii et domibus Sanctarum to be an effective means of participating Archive move towards 1300 and the unaqueque et de quinquaginta in castle town. This gate was dismantled, chohendum suorum et Guillelmi et indebted to another person who has Crucum, a tempore mortalitatis citra in the social and economic progress years immediately after, there is a rise 8 as in Tàrrega, with the extension of Guillelmi de Tarrega, ab occidente lent them money. This one, like most M. Sánchez, (1978) “Impuls comercial gros; et inter predictas besturres faciat fuerint ita ad parum numerum reducte being experienced by other communities in the number of Jewish names. This the church and the conversion of the in domibus Raimundi Ferrarii et deeds of debt, contains the name(s) of i financer entre el 1200 and el 1350: predictus Ricardus optimos muros de et bonis personis viduate, quod in in the same territory. ongoing trickle of new neighbours surrounding area into the Plaça Major de me donante rei, a meridie in the debtor(s) and the creditor(s), the Mercaders i banquers.”, in Història petra et de calc quales ibi conveniunt”. nulla ipsarum reperitur aliqua persona was characterised in that case by their (Julià, 1991: 133). cequia molendini, a circio in honore Excluded from the first aspect, in other amount lent, the lucrum or interest, the Salvat de Catalunya. Barcelona, Ed. (ACA, Cancelleria, Ramon Berenguer suficiens, que ad dicta officia paciaritus words, social progress, segregated by religion. The Jewish newcomers tended I, carp. 13, parchment num. 218; ACA, Bernardi de Acrimonti”. (AHN, Clero, date of repayment or payment of the Salvat, vol. III, Salvat p. 104; C. Batlle 10 et consiliiariatus admiti possit”. (ACUR, to congregate together for religious To become canon of Santa Maria in Parchments, Santes Creus, carp. 2777, ecclesiastical instruction and royal will debt and the conditions in case of non- (2004), Fires i mercats: Factors LFM, f. 188r; Feliu et al., 1999: II, 934- FMT, LPT III, f. 57v-58r; Gonzalvo reasons, which led to the appearance Solsona, Alegret of Tàrrega endowed nums. 1 and 2; Papell, 2005: II, 770- from the Christian population, the Jews compliance. The deed of debt was held de dinamisme econòmic i centres de 935, doc. 511). et al., 1997: 366-368, doc. 194). of a specific area within the medieval himself with the same church, as well 772, doc. 539). did however, participate intensively in by the Jewish creditor and he returned it sociabilitat (segles xi a XV), Barcelona, Christian town, the Jewish quarter, with 4 “... ut predictus Ricardus habeat in “meas casas quas feci in Vilanova the economic activity of the privileged to the Christian debtor once the later had Rafael Dalmau, p. 149. 17 setting of the medieval municipality. the homes and public buildings of the Tarrega factas optimas ii turres, de de Tarrega, iuxta casas Ysarni de For this aspect, see the article repaid the debt, as proof of payment. The Jews, and a common space with shared 9 centum palmos in alto et de centum in Castronovo” and other alodia and by Xavier Muntané in this same Almost all the documents about the notary also kept a copy in the manual of The weekly market was held on elements, especially in the butchery, grosso, usque ad festivitatem Sancti rights in Vilosell and Torrefeta (ADS, publication. The excavation carried out first Jews in Tàrrega that have survived notes. Thursdays until 1458, when Mondays in the de Urgell District Archive relate where the meat for the Jews was usually were added, L. Sarret (1982), Privilegis Andree que modo erit prima. Et de ista parchments num. 681 and 682; Bach, in the limits of the old Molí del Codina In the case of this deed of debt, from to economic questions. There is a sold on separate tables. de Tàrrega, Tàrrega, A. G. Camps, festa sancti Andree que modo venit 2002: II, 441-442, doc. 354). A stretch brought to light a building dated 1336, the jew who had it in his possession dominance of references to the office of p. 395. The fair of Tàrrega was granted usque ad aliam festam sancti Andree of wall built during the second half of archaeologically from the beginning noted the names of the debtors the There are various indications that Jews th th the public corredor6 the rest show the th by James I in 1242; in fact, this was habeat factas in predicta Tarrega ii the 14 century was called muralla de of the 14 century that, in the opinion quantity owed and the terms of payment who settled in the town during the 13 Jews participation in the money market the last chapter of the Usos i Costums. besturres, unaquaeque de quinquaginta Vilanova; its memeory has survived of the team who did the excavation, on the outside in Hebrew, to make it century chose the area near the Bell- as lenders.7 At first, it lasted eight days from Saint palmos in altum et de quinguaginta in in the street that still bears this name could correspond to the mentioned easier to consult. lloc gate (in the modern Carrer de St. 15 st grossum, et ipsum curtilium quod debet (Segarra & Malla, 1984: 196). synagogue. Agustí). Various reasons, including Matthew’s day (the 21 of September),

370 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 371 then it was extended to ten, from Saint 2.5. Santa Maria in Tàrrega been created five years earlier.10 This was The lack of documentation prevents would have been part of. This figure has be corbels (perhaps the figures of the origins lie in the French world, from façade at the foot of the church, facing Martin (11th November) and, after 1417, in the 14th century at one of the high points in the town’s us from knowing the real extent of the been dated from the last quarter of the apostles rested on them).37 where the artist is supposed to have away from one of the main public places with a return to 11 days it was given history, reflected in the vigour of its reforms carried out in the church, but 14th century (see the corresponding entry Besides these, we have found two come. We cannot forget that Tàrrega in the town. Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez permission to last for 20. G. Gonzalvo craftsmen and traders and, especially, we have to suppose that these were in this same catalogue).27 The same can other reused sculpted elements that is about sixty kilometres from Santes In the study of the urban and parochial et al (1997), Llibres de privilegis Until 1672, the Plaça Major, the main the wealth and the rise of its important very significant. This can be deduced be said about a wooden Virgin of the may have been related to the Gothic Creus, which was then becoming an setting, the cemetery located at the foot de Tàrrega: 1058-1473, Barcelona, square of Tàrrega was presided over Jewish aljama.11 from a series of unpublished references Milk from Tàrrega (fig. 4), from the first doorway. These were found in the dead important centre for the spread of of the doorway, played a fundamental Fundació Noguera, num. 6 § 25 and by a monumental medieval church The monarchy contributed to this from the municipal documentation. half of the 14th century, in the Episcopal space between the vaults of the current the new ideas from France, with very role (fig. 3). The first news we have num. 55; L. Sarret (1982), Privilegis de dedicated to Saint Mary. However, on splendour by granting numerous One of these, from 11th January 1341, is Museum in Vic since 1918 (num. inv. church and the roof. This is a series of innovative projects that converted it into about burials in this area dates from the Tàrrega, p. 368-369. the 15th of February that year, the bell privileges, many of them after the town an authorisation from the Council for 5498, 77 cm). Unfortunately, it is not large ashlars, long in shape decorated the place where the most avant-garde 7th of November 1391, when the rector tower collapsed (fig. 1-2), probably due Bernat Senres to build a chapel. Senres known which the church it comes from.28 artistic works of that time in Catalonia 10 had paid large amounts of money to with diamond patterns, a very common confirmed the cemetery of the parish References and transcriptions of to the damage suffered in the earthquake the royal household. The king who was fulfilling one of the conditions of This is the same with the large Christ motif in medieval doorways from the were being done.43 church was where the market was these documents are in J. X. Muntané of 1660, which caused widespread contributed most to this was James II his father’s will, which stipulated the on the cross now in the Frederic Marès Romanesque period and that survived To date, the only chronology we have of held.51 However, the documentation (2006b), Fonts per a l’estudi de l’aljama devastation in the town.1 The fall of the (1291-1327), who awarded the town some building of a chapel “en la volta primera Museum in Barcelona (MFMB 731, 143 × through the Gothic.38 The fact that this a work by the Mestre d’Anglesola is for seems to indicate that the burials did not jueva de Tàrrega. Documents i regesta, steeple destroyed two bays of the nave sixty privileges. Thus, on 28th March 1327, de l’església de Santa Maria” (which we 27 × 22 cm), and whose arms have been motif was used over a long chronological the tomb of Ramon Folc VI of Cardona take place in the area of the square until Barcelona, PPU. and three side chapels, Santes Espines, the monarch promised not to separate thus suppose, was parallel to the first lost (fig. 5). Stylistically, it resembles the period, especially during the 13th and 14th in Poblet (fig. 10), done around 1320, the after the building of the doorway, which Sant Blai and Sant Jordi. Immediately bay of the church).21 The rest is a series of work of Jaume Cascalls and parallels can 44 11 As also happened with the fair of Tàrrega from the Crown because it centuries, prevents us from dating these year of Folc’s death. This places us in a is symptomatic and interesting. Until after the collapse, building began on was “[...] locum solemnem, notabilem, references corresponding to the period be found in the Lleida area in Agramunt, elements. One of these ashlars is in a context that can be linked with the above- that time, burials only took place on the Cervera, M. Turull (1991), “Intercanvi a new Baroque church, a process that et insignem”.12 This rise of the town between 1324 and 1344, which mentions Balaguer and Cervera.29 crossing space in a wall under the roof, mentioned deixes for the work on the north side of the church, in the modern comercial, fira i mercat a Cervera entre involved the progressive demolition of deixes ad opera for the parish church and 1136 i 1392”, Miscel·lània Cerverina, under James II led to large architectural In any case, it is not very likely that the in the access to the vaults of the central church in Tàrrega, the first of which dates Plaça dels Àlbers and Plaça de Lluís the old structures as the new ones were from which it can be supposed that the 52 num. 7, p. 34. and urban changes, with a series reform involved a full demolition of the nave, reached from the stairs that start from 1324. However, we have to add a Millet. This extension of the cemetery erected. The new church was finally collective initiatives that contributed to work was underway.22 existing church and its replacement with on the side with the remains of Ferran much more interesting detail from 1319, on the south side could have been a 12 consecrated in 1696, although not all the its beautification, most of which were Everything seems to indicate that these a completely new building, even more so Saperas (fig. 9). The most important set that had not been related to the doorway consequence of the construction of the ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells 2 (1361-1367), f. 18r [24.11.1361]. work had been finished. backed by the monarchy. These included deixes ad opera were not generic, in other bearing in mind that there is abundant of ashlars is in a blocked-up hole on the until now. This is a document that states doorway, which converted that area of There are very few surviving material the reform and extension of what is words, destined to a fund that could be news about the poor state of the building inside of the façade at the bottom of the that the market square was the busiest the church into the most adequate place 13 This was a loan of small amounts remains from the medieval church in nowadays the Plaça de Sant Antoni (ca. used when required, but rather that the in the 15th century.30 Our hypothesis is church. We can clearly see this empty and noisiest place, and thus the men and to rest eternally.53 The existence of an of money, at an interest of up to 20% Tàrrega and we have few documentary 1319), the founding of the hospital of church of Santa Maria was undergoing a based on documentary evidence that space this was covered with a series of women who lived in the upper part of the architectural structure that enormously per year, the maximum rate allowed references to help us to know its artistic Saint Anthony (ca. 1321), together with profound reform that surely dated from will have to be corroborated by the ashlars from the medieval epoch, three town managed to obtain permission to dignified the church, the square and, in the domains of the Catalan kings, history. Moreover, we also lack a study the brotherhood and chapel dedicated years before. This is shown by three archaeology if possible. That is why the of which, in their current position, show enter the church from the back, through in general, the urban appearance of the the beneficiaries of which usually came that brings together all the existing to the same saint, the project for a new more items from which a certain amount reconstruction of the monument we the decorations with diamond patterns the cemetery, so avoiding having to pass town possibly encouraged a manifest from the most humble classes. It was information, which would give us a much well (ca. 1321), and the building of the of building activity can be deduced. The present here is full of questions (fig. 3) (fig. 9). According to time span of the through the square, where the “portale desire of some of the people of Tàrrega called “of survival” because the money clearer idea of the original appearance Franciscan monastery outside the walls first is the town council’s desire to build that we will try to answer in the future. building of the Baroque church, this part maius” of the church was located.45 The to be buried at the foot of the main was used to tide them over until the of the building (fig. 3).3 Its origins must (from 1318).13 a steeple. According to a royal document From the historical-artistic point of view, was not finished until the 1740s,39 given fact that the doorway is mentioned in this access to the church, as it had become next harvest or to purchase tools and be sought in the Romanesque period, The urban physiognomy of Tàrrega from 11th May 1340, Tàrrega council had the most interesting of the structures that it had to await the dismantling of document obliges us to ask whether it a privileged place.54 In this sense, the basic raw materials to enable them to coinciding with the growth of the town. was undergoing rapid changes and the passed a tax on meat to collect money built in the church is the doorway, on the Gothic doorway in 1709. Therefore, was the one that the Mestre d’Anglesola tomb of the person who was buried in work. From the last third of the 11th century and town council was fully involved in the for building the belfry,23 which indicates the façade that faced the Plaça Major.31 it is possible that some of the ashlars worked on or the previous one. Bearing front of, or near, a doorway (in porticu especially over the following century, process. The definitive layout of the walls that, if this was not already under The collapse of the bell tower in 1672 from the doorway were used to cover the in mind that the sculptor was working or ante limina) would be walked over 14 Our thanks to Father Ramon Roca for the main nucleus had grown up in the was finished during the reign of Peter construction, work on it was about to did not affect it, but the building of the hole. Moreover, the dimensions of these in Poblet the following year, this could by the faithful on entering and leaving enabling us to consult and reproduce it. shadow of the castle, as in many places the Ceremonious (1366-1370),14 while begin. A second reference to this work new Baroque church meant it being ashlars indicate that they were part of a indicate that the Tàrrega doorway could the church, a sign of humility before Transcription and translation by Josep around the Catalan territories.4 It is the council paid for some projects that is an agreement by the Council in 1343 disassembled, an operation done in 1709. large doorway. have been built (or at least begun) before the community. Moreover, the defunct Xavier Muntané. possible that the start of work on the contributed to transforming the street which reported on a series of stones and On that date, the Llibre d’obra of the Going back to the five apostles and 1319.46 However, the information in the would benefit from the passing of relics church coincided with the expansion plan. These included the gateway that slabs that were causing problems “en lo church tells us about the withdrawal of the fragments of others in the Urgell document in question is excessively brief and processions over their tombs, 15 In fact, after populating what was of the town towards the east, and that was built in 1330 near the Franciscan mercadal que és davant la església” (in the sculptures of the apostles, Jesus and District Museum, it can be deduced from to enable this to be confirmed with any while they were also in a privileged and the nucleus of the medieval town, in the church and its vestry formed the monastery, “en lo camí que es a cap del the square in front of the church), and the Virgin Mary.32 Thanks to this news, we the stylistic analysis that at least three confidence. symbolic place awaiting the opening of other words, the Plaça del Blat (actual 24 backbone of the area, including the Plaça carrer dels frares menors lo qual torne al bothering merchants and buyers. The can document something that we knew sculptors worked on them.40 It is clear The fact that the doorway faced out onto Heaven’s Gates on the day of the Final Pl. Major) and the main streets that th Major on the south side of the church. camí de Verdú” (on the path to Verdú),15 same can be said of a report form 6 from other documents, in other words, that one of them was more important for the most important square in the town Judgement, near Christ the Judge who, radiated from the square as the roads Starting from the little information or the bridge built close to the same July of the following year, in which the that the doorway was presided over by the project than the others. The former and one of its most emblematic places, in the case of Tàrrega, had been sculpted that led to the main places in the 55 available, Lluís Sarret i Pons supposed monastery, for which various municipal Council agreed to allocate the money an apostolate located on the jambs and was an architect who we know more or conditioned its monumentality and on the doorway. territory (Barcelona and Lleida), the that this was a 12th-century building.5 deixes (legates) are documented between that the rector had earned with the sale an image of the Virgin that occupied less well, namely the Mestre d’Anglesola, decoration. These aspects magnified town grew from the Plaça St. Mateu 1 As we shall see below, this church must 1342 and 1344. The last of these deixes, of some roof tiles from the church for the the central mullion.33 It also allows us an epithet behind which there is one of the access to the building and affected M. A. Farré Targa (2008), “Fenòmens (later St. Antoni) towards the river, have had a single nave and apse facing dated 3rd March 1344, highlights the purchase of two 6-pound wax torches to deduce that the tympanum had a the most interesting artistic characters the visual perception the faithful had naturals i religiositat a la Tàrrega dels following the Verdú road, around 25 east, but we can say little else. The importance of the involvement of for the festivity of Corpus. These stones Christological representation, surely of of Catalan sculpture from the first half of this architectural structure. This segles XVI-xix”, URTX: Revista Cultural Carrer de Bell-lloc. This area was at Urgell District Museum holds the only the council, because it was “common that got in people’s way and the tiles the the judgmental type, mandatory on this of the 14th century. The work that gives was an addition to an existing building de l’Urgell, num. 22, p. 160. Apart from one end of medieval Tàrrega. It was a surviving remains (of any size) from work for all the town”.16 Outstanding rector sold were surely spare material type of doorways following the French this anonymous master his name is the and which furthermore served as a through the documents, we know relatively quiet area as the traffic along this primitive Romanesque church, amongst the private initiatives was that from the reforms mentioned above. tradition and that were beginning to frontal-altarpiece originally from the connection with one of the busiest the date of the collapse of the tower the main road was concentrated at namely a capital that the tradition says of the Ardèvol family, who founded a The building of the Gothic doorway appear in the Crown of Aragon in those church of Anglesola, nowadays in the and most densely occupied places, the through a plaque on the outside of the the other gates. It was also quiet from is from Santa Maria and that is currently hospital just in front of the family home, was certainly one of the most important times.34 Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, and he market (fig. 3). In short, the doorway base of the chapel of the Santes Espines a religious point of view, being far now attributed for the first time to the in the modern Carrer del Carme. This projects in this reform. It was done is attributed with other works from the acted as the link between the public area in the new parish church and that has from the parish of Sta. Maria, and the Some of the sculptures from the workshop of the sculptor Ramon de was finished in 132417 and was in full around 1315-1320, a date we propose modern provinces of Tarragona and of the square and the consecrated space survived until today. Franciscan convent on the other side doorway were reused in the new church, Bianya (see the corresponding entry in operation in 1342, when the municipal based on the style of the apostles Lleida.41 His style fitted the patterns of the church.47 of the river still did not exist. Moreover, while others suffered a curious fate 2 this same catalogue). Its style indicates Council qualified it as “obra comuna per conserved in the Urgell District Museum of early Gothic sculpture in Catalonia, M. Garganté (2004), “L’església the place chosen by the first Jewish that we tried to recreate in an earlier These questions lead us to ask about parroquial de Tàrrega durant els segles a very precise chronology, around 1215- Tàrrega i necessària a la vila” (common and a report from 1319 that is analysed 35 characterised by a strong French settlers must have been close to the work. Nowadays the Urgell District the topography and orientation of 1225, bearing in mind the intervention of and necessary work for Tàrrega).18 below in detail. Something similar can influence that surely indicates the artist’s XVII i XVIII: Del classicisme de fra river Ondara, whose floods heavily Museum holds five apostles. We can the medieval church (fig. 3). This that workshop in the Lleida and Urgell The Ardèvols also had a chapel built be stated for the building of the bellower origins, as the specialists in this question Josep de la Concepció al barroquisme affected the primitive synagogue. make interesting deductions about the apparently did not coincide with the area (Lleida, Anglesola and Vallbona de dedicated to Corpus Christi, an annex to that collapsed in 1672, that, as we have have unanimously agreed. de Pere Costa”, URTX: Revista Cultural authorship of the project for the doorway current building, which is orientated de l’Urgell, num. 17, p. 183-207. les Monges). This is the only element that the family’s palace, which would hold seen, must have been started around and its building from these. Then, in The surviving remains show that the north-south.48 In the Middle Ages it was can supply us with any information about the magnificent tombs of two members 1340 (fig. 2).26 It is thus highly likely that the actual parish church of Santa Maria Mestre d’Anglesola was the leading mandatory for the churches to face east, 3 In this sense, see A. Velasco the project for the doorway was already the high medieval church, the building of the family, nowadays in the National there is series of sculptural elements artist on the project for the doorway, with which we deduce that this changed (forthcoming), “La desapareguda complete and the Council concentrated of which began in the second half of Museum of Art of Catalonia and that date that could be membra disjecta of the which, given its characteristics, was with the building of the new church, as portalada gòtica de Santa Maria de th 19 its efforts on the other structure for the the 12 century and continued over the from 1365-1370. doorway and that supply complimentary a relatively pioneering initiative in happened with many other churches Tàrrega”, in Congrés Internacional 6 church. 36 following century. All these public and private initiatives information. They have been reused in the Crown of Aragon. The work must during the Modern Age. Otherwise, in “Portalades gòtiques a la Corona The 13th century was a time of important can be explained by the favourable This all indicates a major renovation various parts in the building but in places have involved the master spending a the Gothic centuries, the major doorways d’Aragó”, Barcelona, Amics de l’Art demographic and economic growth economic climate and the dynamism of probably caused by the lack of space in that mean they are not very accessible to long time in Tàrrega and surrounding with apostles on the jambs were also the Romànic i Institut d’Estudis Catalans. for the town. This must be analysed the Tàrrega oligarchy and authorities of the Romanesque church, that would the public. These are, firstly, two sculpted himself with collaborators to help carry main access points to the churches, and alongside the concession of statutes that time. The works done during James have become too small owing to the heads on the north and east walls of the out the commission. The fact that he tended to be placed at the foot of the 4 J. Bolós (1997), “Vila de Tàrrega”, and customs to the people of Tàrrega by II’s reign became, moreover, the context growth of the town and its population. bell tower, at a height of about fifteen took on a project like this demonstrates church, on the west side of the building. in Catalunya romànica, vol. XXIV, James I in 1242, as it implied a regulation in which we must see the important From the information mentioned, it metres (fig. 6-7). Given the style, we his versatility and ability to tackle a However, this was sometimes impeded Barcelona, Enciclopèdia Catalana, of the population and the creation of a reforms carried out in the church of can be deduced that the reform meant attribute them to the Mestre d’Anglesola, range of works, as we see him moving by external factors, as for example, in p. 557-559. local council.7 These changes and the Santa Maria, outstanding among which adding various chapels and a massive who, as we shall see, is surely the comfortably in such fields as the Vilagrassa, where the doorway is on resulting prosperity help to explain the was the building of a monumental Gothic façade on the south side, as well sculptor around whom the project or the production of altarpieces, tombs and the north side, also facing onto the 5 “Era d’istil romànich, probablement important urban reforms in Tàrrega in Gothic doorway with apostles on the as such other structures as the belltower. doorway revolved. There is a third head individual figures.42 Thus, it is possible place where the market was held.49 In del segle XII; no tan gran com la d’avui the first half of the 14th century, part of jambs (some of which can be seen in the We do not know if the scope of the reform on the south face of the bell tower (fig. that the other artists who participated the case of Tàrrega, the position of the sinó que tenint la façana a la Plaça, a process that spread all over Catalan Urgell District Museum). This was very also implied a renewal of the liturgical 8) at about the same height, but the style on the project did so under his orders market place to the south of the church l’absis arribava a poca diferència on territory.8 Moreover, from the point innovative in the Catalan context of those scenography of the high altar, but this is seems more quattrocentista and, thus and that, as master builder, he was also determined the position of the doorway, en la d’avui acaben les capelles de la of view of the civil administration, it years.20 A growing town whose layout also very likely. In this sense, we should there are doubts about it having come in charge of the architectural aspects which was logically placed on the south Puríssima i de les Ànimes i comença became the capital of the vegueria after was undergoing profound changes also not discount the building of an altarpiece from the doorway. Although we have besides his responsibilities for the wall of the church, at a point level with el cimbori; de manera que el que avui és 1330,9 while, in the religious terrain, the needed a church that was adequate for or that some kind of work was done on been unable to inspect these elements sculptures. This is shown by the kind the last of the three bays of the nave of the creuer, presbiteri, sagristia i campanar, diaconate of Tàrrega, in the bishopric the new times. the high altar that the alabaster virgin, in detail, the flat ledge of the upper of doorway erected in Tàrrega, almost present church.50 There would have been llavors era cementiri. El campanar era a of Vic and outside that of Cervera, had nowadays in the Urgell District Museum, part of some indicates that these could unknown in Catalan lands and whose no sense in having such an imposing la part del carrer de Cervera i la Capella

372 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 373 de les Santes Espines sota el campanar, request by James II, the bishop of Vic by the municipal council in October Ramon Cescases he madona Catherina la Concepció al barroquisme de Pere 39 M. Garganté (2004), “L’església p. 82-83; G. Gonzalvo et al. (ed.) (1997), 51 Taking advantage of the pastoral cap a la part del cementiri; a l’altra and the town council. See P. Sanahuja 1343 which stated that the councillors muler sua fan en lo cos de la sglesia Costa”, URTX: Revista Cultural de parroquial de Tàrrega durant els segles Llibres de privilegis de Tàrrega: 1058- visit by the bishop of Vic, the rector banda del presbiteri, cap a la part del (1959), Historia de la seráfica provincia who were late to the council meetings maior de la dita vila, se feu posar per l’Urgell, num. 17, p. 194. XVII i XVIII: Del classicisme de fra 1473, Barcelona, Fundació Noguera, presented him with the complaint. carrer de Sant Joan, hi havia un portal de Cataluña, Barcelona, Seráfica, p. 100; after the belles were rung, would pay a dita aquesta setmana e lo maestre que Josep de la Concepció al barroquisme p. 129-131, doc. 45. For this second door Many people used to be buried in 33 per on entraven a l’església, passant J. M. Segarra (1984), Història de Tàrrega fine of 6 diners, 4 of which would go to aquel fa [?] que les brandoneres que son In 1575, the Council of Tàrrega signed de Pere Costa”, URTX: Revista Cultural into the church, see note 52. that area, but he was surprised that pel cementiri, els veïns dels carrers de amb els seus costums i tradicions, the works on the church (ACUR, FMT, als costats del altar maior faeren gran a capitulation with two belltowers, de l’Urgell, num. 17, p. 194-195. nobody had asked to be buried there 46 Sant Joan i Santa Maria”. See L. Sarret vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, Tàrrega, Museu Llibre de consells [1341-1344], f. 55v). nosa e donarien deformitat al dit retaule and the document informs us that, As mentioned above, it is possible that year. The rector suspected that (1926a), “Església parroquial I: Ruïna de Comarcal, p. 91. The last piece of news is from January e per semblant aquella biga grossa among other tasks, they had to take 40 A. José and L. San José (coord.) that the work was finished around 1340. this was because of directives from the care of the lamp of the Virgin Mary (2008), Maestros de alta época: Galeria l’església vella. Plànol per a la fàbrica de of the following year, when the council en la qual hi penjen cet brandons de 47 town council, which surely prohibited la nova”, Crònica Targarina, num. 247 14 M. Salas Flotats (1996), “Les obres agreed to send a letter of supplication certs singulars e lo ciri dels lauradors on the main doorway of the church. Bernat, Barcelona, Galeria Bernat, p. These questions are further developed people from being buried there. See J. in A. Velasco, “La desapareguda (22nd May), p. 7. d’emmurallament de la vila de Tàrrega to the bishop of Vic to request that a e de sent Steve hi faria gran nosa e The document also stipulates that the 14-15; A. Velasco (2009), “Els apòstols M. Segarra (1984), Història de Tàrrega (1366-1370)”, URTX: Revista Cultural de quarter of the money collected from donaria deformitat al dit retaule e que bell ringers “sien obligats sis voltes de la desapareguda portalada gòtica de portalada gòtica de Santa Maria de amb els seus costums i tradicions, 6 In 1268, the document of the founding l’Urgell, num. 9, p. 81-96. those who had uttered insults be de necesari sen hauran alevar per donar quicun any de stararinyar la sglesia, y Santa Maria de Tàrrega”, URTX: Revista Tàrrega”, in Congrés Internacional vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, Tàrrega, Museu of the brotherhood of merchants of destined to the works on the church enbelliment al dit retaule que es molt les festes de nostra senyora enrramar Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 23, p. 236-239. “Portalades gòtiques a la Corona Comarcal, p. 231. The coincidence of the Tàrrega, the members mentioned that 15 Arxiu Comarcal de l’Urgell tant la figura de Nostra Dona del portal d’Aragó”, Barcelona, Amics de l’Art (ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells [1341- bell e notable per que delibera e acorda 41 market and the cemetery in the same it was constituted “to the honour of the (henceforth, ACUR), FMT, Llibre 1344], f. 62v). lo dit honorable consell que si les dites com los apòstols que stan junct ha ella Outstanding are the tomb of Ramon Romànic i Institut d’Estudis Catalans, place should be no surprise, given that Virgin Mary, mother of the Saviour, and de consells (1300-1334), f. 105v-106r. brandoneres e biga e altres coses [?] y lo dit dia dels apòstols enrramarlos Folc VI of Cardona, in the monastery (forthcoming). this derived from well-rooted uses in 23 egarra egarra of Poblet, or the Saint Paul of Narbonne her glorious altar built, blessed and 16 J. M. S (1984), Història en la dita sglesia que necesaries sien y stararinyarlos”. See J. M. S 48 Catalonia. All together, it was surely consecrated in the church of Tàrrega”. “obra comuna a tota la vila” ACUR, de Tàrrega amb els seus costums i (1987), Història de Tàrrega amb els that currently presides over the high X. Bermúdez López (2012), FMT, Llibre de consells (1341-1344), a levar per embelliment del dit retaule “Intervencions entorn de la plaça Major related to the origin of the market in See J. M. Segarra (1984), Història tradicions, vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, Tàrrega, sen hauran a levar o hauran a romandre seus costums i tradicions, vol. II: Segles altar of the church in Anglesola. the place of the old sanctuary of the de Tàrrega amb els seus costums i f. 4r, 11v, 18r, 71v and 75r. See other Museu Comarcal, p. 128. The document XVII-XVIII, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, Moreover, there is a series of works de Tàrrega: 4.000 anys en 175 metres”, information about this work in J. M. aço remeto lo dit honorable consell als URTX: Revista Cultural de l’Urgell, parish, as documented in other places tradicions, vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, Tàrrega, is a royal missive in which the monarch senyos de pahers e als promens desus p. 55-56. Other similar reports are that have been linked directly to his in the country. For these questions, Segarra (1984), Història de Tàrrega environment, like the dynastic pantheon num. 26, p. 93-103. The architectural Museu Comarcal, p. 37. ordered that 1,000 sous from the money known and these appear in A. Velasco F. Fité (1996), “Algunes qüestions amb els seus costums i tradicions, scrits o a la maior part de aquels car surveys of the subsoil of the square see collected with this tax should be given lo honorable consell ara per lavos ha (forthcoming), “La desapareguda of the counts of Urgell from the sobre urbanisme medieval en les 7 vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, Tàrrega, Museu in 2008 brought to light the existence J. M. Font (1953), “Costumbres de to the Friars Minors to build a bridge portalada gòtica de Santa Maria de monastery of Bellpuig de les Avellanes, àrees de repoblació de la Catalunya Comarcal, p. 128-129. per ferm e agradable tot ço e quant of a wall about nine metres from the Tárrega”, Anuario de Historia del over a stream near the monastery. This sobre aquests afes per los dits senyos Tàrrega”, in Congrés Internacional nowadays in the Cloisters Museum in Nova i el Llevant (segles XII-XIII)”, in Derecho Español, num. 54, p. 429-443. “Portalades gòtiques a la Corona New York. See F. Español (2002), El gòtic current facade of the church. This was 17 In a document from 1324, Miquel is the bridge that has been referred to de pahes e promens sera fet ordenat Homenatge a mossèn Jesús Tarragona, Later published in J. M. Font (1992), d’Aragó”, Barcelona, Amics de l’Art català, Manresa, Angle, p. 124-126; some 25 m long and about 17º off the d’Ardèvol mentions the “hospital que above. e provehit e son los promens segents Lleida, Ajuntament de Lleida, p. 145- Els usos i costums de Tàrrega, Tàrrega, F. Español (2007b), “El Mestre east-west axis. It was interpreted as [...]”. (ACUR, FMT, Llibre de Consells Romànic i Institut d’Estudis Catalans. 166; F. Fité (2006-2007), “Arquitectura vaig fer construir en la dita vila, en les 24 the possibly the wall of the cemetery of Ajuntament de Tàrrega. Arxiu Històric ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells (1341- [1446-1454], f. 18v-19r). The reference to d’Anglesola”, in L’art gòtic a Catalunya: i repoblació a la Catalunya dels segles Comarcal de Tàrrega and Museu cases que foren d’en Falcó, al carrer 1344), f. 56r. 34 For the theme of the Judgment in Escultura, vol. I: La configuració de the medieval church and its orientation the document appears in J. M. Segarra x-xi: Parròquies i sagreres. Els exemples Comarcal de l’Urgell. també anomenat Falcó”, a name that this type of doorway, focussed on the l’estil, Barcelona, Enciclopèdia Catalana, was taken for a general proposal then referred to Carrer del Carme. 25 (1984), Història de Tàrrega amb els d’Àger i Tartareu”, Lambard: Estudis ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells case of Lleida cathedral, see F. Español p. 87-92; A. Velasco (2009), “Els apòstols about the church, north-south, as it seus costums i tradicions, vol. I: Segles d’Art Medieval, vol. xix, p. 51-95; F. 8 For this process, see J. M. Segarra See L. Sarret (1931), Nobiliari targarí, (1341-1344), f. 72r. It seems that this (2004), “El claustro gótico de la catedral de la desapareguda portalada gòtica was considered that this wall would XI-XVI, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, p. Fité (forthcoming), “Sobre l’origen i la (1984), Història de Tàrrega amb els seus Tàrrega, F. Camps Calmet, p. 54-55. unpublished reference is the oldest to have run parallel to the bottom of the 286-287. de Lérida: Forma y función”, in P. Klein de Santa Maria de Tàrrega”, URTX: formació de les places, o mercadals, costums i tradicions, vol. I: Segles XI- the celebration of Corpus in Tàrrega, (ed.), Der mittelalterliche Kreuzgang, Revista Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 23, church. However, this proposal clashes 18 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells (1341- a la Catalunya medieval: Alguns XVI, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, pàssim. given that the earliest to date was from 28 Architektur, Funktion und Programm, p. 239-245; A. Velasco (2011), “Un with the habitual east-west orientation 1344), f. 8r. J. Bracons Clapés (1983), Catàleg de exemples de la Catalunya de Ponent”, See also the summary of this period by 1438. See J. M. Segarra (1984), Història Regensburg, Schnell-Steiner, p. 363. nou fragment del sepulcre de Ramon of medieval churches that we must l’escultura gòtica del Museu Episcopal de forthcoming; F. Fité (forthcoming), “La J. M. Planes (1987), “La Tàrrega dels de Tàrrega amb els seus costums suppose the one in Tàrrega respected. 19 F. Español (1993), “Els sepulcres Vic, Vic, Patronat d’Estudis Ausonencs Folc VI de Cardona del monestir de plaça del Mercadal de Balaguer en segles XIV-XV”, in L’evolució històrica i tradicions, vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, 35 A. Velasco (2009), “Els apòstols de The topographic details that Lluís Sarret monumentals d’època gòtica a l’Urgell”, i Museu i Biblioteca Episcopals de Vic, Poblet”, Aplec de Treballs, num. 29, el context de les places medievals de de Tàrrega (des de la prehistòria fins Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, p. 249; R. la desapareguda portalada gòtica de i Pons supplied also have to be added URTX: Revista Cultural de l’Urgell, num. p. 79, cat. 33. p. 209-219; A. Velasco (forthcoming), Catalunya i d’Europa”. al 1987), Lleida, Museu Comarcal de Miró Baldrich (1997), “La celebració de Santa Maria de Tàrrega”, URTX: Revista 5, p. 120-125. “La desapareguda portalada gòtica de (see note 5), and these coincide with the Tàrrega and Generalitat de Catalunya. Corpus a Tàrrega entre els segles XV i 29 A. Franco (1991), “Crist crucificat”, Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 23, p. 227-248. Santa Maria de Tàrrega”, in Congrés proposed east-west orientation. Further 52 There are more or less contemporary Departament de Cultura, p. 17-18. 20 A. Velasco (2009), “Els apòstols de inicis del XVII”, URTX: Revista Cultural in F. Español and J. Yarza (ed.), Catàleg See also the corresponding entries in Internacional “Portalades gòtiques a la excavations will be required to confirm references to the building of the la desapareguda portalada gòtica de de l’Urgell, num. 9, p. 165. d’escultura i pintura medievals: Fons this catalogue. Corona d’Aragó”, Barcelona, Amics the questions posed here. doorway, from 1318-1319, that place 9 L. Sarret (1982), Privilegis de Tàrrega, Santa Maria de Tàrrega”, in URTX: del Museu Frederic Marès, Barcelona, de l’Art Romànic i Institut d’Estudis the cemetery to the north of the current Tàrrega, A. G. Camps, p. 108, doc. XIII; 26 The use of the church tower as a 36 They have as yet not been analysed 49 P. Bertran Roigé (2013), “Mercat i Revista Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 23, Ajuntament de Barcelona, p. 348-349, Catalans. church. It was walled in and had one G. Gonzalvo et al. (ed.) (1997), Llibres prison is documented below, as we by the historiography. Some of them are fira a Vilagrassa (s. XII-XIV): De les p. 227-248; A. Velasco (forthcoming), cat. 325. gate. In this sense, a arbitral sentence de privilegis de Tàrrega: 1058-1473, read in a 1442 document in which presented in A. Velasco (forthcoming), 42 concessions reials a les tensions amb “La desapareguda portalada gòtica de For these questions, see F. Español from 1319 stipulated that the existing Barcelona, Fundació Noguera, p. 187- various men appear imprisoned for 30 th “La desapareguda portalada gòtica de els municipis veïns”, in Romànic tardà Santa Maria de Tàrrega”, in Congrés Throughout the 15 century, various (2007b), “El Mestre d’Anglesola”, in walls had to be demolished and other 188 and 202-204, doc. 71 and 82. stealing the relic (and we suppose the Santa Maria de Tàrrega”, in Congrés a les terres de Lleida, Lleida, Grup de Internacional “Portalades gòtiques a la reports mention the deterioration of L’art gòtic a Catalunya: Escultura, vol. ones built, five hands in height, coated corresponding reliquary) of the arm the church, surely due to its age. One, Internacional “Portalades gòtiques a la I: La configuració de l’estil, Barcelona, Recerques de les Terres de Ponent, p. 10 Corona d’Aragó”, Barcelona, Amics with cement and covered with flat J. M. Segarra (1984), Història de of Saint Ursula from the monastery from the 26th of March 1453, tells us that Corona d’Aragó”, Barcelona, Amics Enciclopèdia Catalana, p. 90. 130-131. In Vilagrassa, the coincidence de l’Art Romànic i Institut d’Estudis slabs. See J. M. Segarra (1984), Història Tàrrega amb els seus costums i of the Friars Minor. See J. M. Segarra de l’Art Romànic i Institut d’Estudis between the cemetery and the access Catalans, forthcoming. the faithful had difficulties to follow the de Tàrrega amb els seus costums i tradicions, vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, Tàrrega, (1984), Història de Tàrrega amb els Catalans, (forthcoming). Besides these 43 F. Español (2011a), “L’art al servei de to the parish (and we suppose, also to services because “la sglesia Maior està tradicions, vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, p. 95; G. Gonzalvo 21 seus costums i tradicions, vol. I: Segles more defined sculptural elements, Jaume II: Els mausoleus dinàstics i el the market) caused some problems, ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells (1341- tant mal parada que quant plou per tot Museu Comarcal, p. 82-83. A piece et al. (ed.) (1997), Llibres de privilegis XI-XVI, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, p. on the external walls of the modern claustre de Santes Creus, portaveus as shown by the complaint that the 1344), f. 6v. hi ha goteres”. It also mentions that of dated the 10th of December 1330 de Tàrrega: 1058-1473, Barcelona, 285. We also know that the tower was church, one can see numerous ashlars, àulics”, Lambard: Estudis d’Art síndic and the batlle of the town sent “està ab gran vergonya de la Universitat also places the graveyard in that area. Fundació Noguera, p. 166-168, doc. 22 Two are from the 1st of October 1324 in deplorable conditions in 1573, given columns, mouldings and profiles Medieval, vol. xXII, p. 191. The short to the bishop of Vic, Benet de Tocco, in i perill gran de caure”. See J. M. Segarra The document states that the acequia 56-57. and are related to the some provisions that the Council signed a capitulation of nerves from the vaults of the old distance from the monastery at Poblet 1556. See P. Bertran Roigé (1986), “Marc (1984), Història de Tàrrega amb els seus that watered the town passed “per lo by the council about breaches by the with the master of houses Martí costums i tradicions, vol. I: Segles XI- church. should also be born in mind. At that històric de l’església de Vilagrassa”, 11 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts per a sementiri de Senta Maria destro devers elected councillors. The first imposes Vernach to repair it, we must deduce XVI, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, p. 284, time, artists like Guillem de Tournai (ca. in Vilagrassa: VIII centenari de la carta l’estudi de l’aljama jueva de Tàrrega: 37 los puyals”, in other words, on the north fines of 100 morabatins, of which half that it was important. See J. M. Segarra 287, 289-290 and 402. Its original morphology would not 1300-1324), author of the tomb of the de població, 1185-1985, Lleida, Institut Documents i regesta, Barcelona, PPU. side of the present church, given that had to donated to “the work on the (1987), Història de Tàrrega amb els have been very different from one bishop of Huesca, Jaume Sarroca, were d’Estudis Ilerdencs, p. 209; J. Yeguas at another point, the same document church in Tàrrega”, while, the fine in seus costums i tradicions, vol. II: Segles 31 The case of the Gothic doorway of of the corbels of the eastern gallery working there. Gassó (2013), “La riquesa artística de 12 L. Sarret (1982), Privilegis de Tàrrega, mentions that from the cemetery, one the second was 12 sous, that all had XVII-XVIII, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, Santa Maria in Tàrrega is especially in the cloister of Santes Creus, Vilagrassa i Anglesola a l’època del Tàrrega, A. G. Camps, p. 91; J. M. 44 could go “destro al portal d’Urgelet”. to go to the work (ACUR, FMT, Llibre p. 50-53. We only know the church relevant because, at that time, doorways recently attributed to Pere Bonhull, F. Español (1991b), “Atribuïble al Renaixement (1500-1640)”, in Romànic Segarra (1984), Història de Tàrrega See ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells de consells [1300-1334], f. 165r i 165v). tower through the view of Tàrrega of that type had only been (or were a sculptor stylistically close to the Mestre d’Anglesola: Cap d’àngel”, in tardà a les terres de Lleida, Lleida, Grup amb els seus costums i tradicions, (1300-1334), f. 187r. The second item The following news is from the 17th of by Pier Maria Baldi from 1668, where being) built in Tarragona, Valencia, Mestre d’Anglesola. See F. Español F. Español and J. Yarza (ed.), Catàleg de Recerques de les Terres de Ponent, vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, Tàrrega, Museu fits perfectly with the location of this November 1342, when it was decided it can be seen that it was Gothic. See Huesca and Morella. It even dates (2011a), “L’art al servei de Jaume II: d’escultura i pintura medievals: Fons p. 209. Comarcal, p. 99. doorway, which is well known through that, during liturgical celebrations, the Atles de les viles, ciutats i territoris de from before what would become the Els mausoleus dinàstics i el claustre del Museu Frederic Marès, Barcelona, de Santes Creus, portaveus àulics”, Ajuntament de Barcelona, p. 329-330; 50 We deduce this from some the topography of the medieval wall. 13 For all these projects, see J. M. bací or collecting bowl for the work on Lleida (2001), Lleida, Diputació de Lleida most important building of that style Lambard: Estudis d’Art Medieval, A. Velasco (2011), “Un nou fragment del documented data. In 1696, we know On the other hand, the door of the Segarra (1973), Recull d’episodis the high church had to be passed round i Col·legi d’Arquitectes de Catalunya. in the area begun shortly after, namely vol. xXII, p. 174, fig. 6. sepulcre de Ramon Folc VI de Cardona that the parts of the new church that church that faced the graveyard is d’història targarina, des del segle xi al after the one for the poor ashamed. This Demarcació de Lleida, p. 228-229. the Seu Vella in Lleida. See F. Español del monestir de Poblet”, Aplec de had been built were the presbytery, the still documented from shortly before xx, Tàrrega, Francesc Camps, p. 21; document dictated orders about the (2007a), “El Mestre d’Anglesola”, in 27 On 10th August 1446, Ramon Cescases 38 For example, they appear in various Treballs, núm. 29, p. 209-219. chapel of Santes Espines, the transept, the collapse of the belltower, when L. Sarret (1982), Privilegis de Tàrrega, collecting of alms during the services L’art gòtic a Catalunya: Escultura, vol. and his wife Caterina are documented doorways of the 13th-century Lleida one of the four chapels that had to the captains of the brotherhood of the Tàrrega, Camps, p. 67-70; J. M. Segarra in the church and also decided that I: La configuració de l’estil, Barcelona, as paying for the predella that was school, such as Vilagrassa, Cubells or 45 “[...] quam si transire haberent per Dolors declared their desire to move (1984), Història de Tàrrega amb els the baciners who breached these rules Enciclopèdia Catalana, p. 90. be built on each side, the bell tower being made in the high altar. However, Vinaixa, or in other nearby examples, plateam dicte ville, impedientibus the chapel of the Mare de Déu, given seus costums i tradicions, vol. I: Segles would have to pay a fine that would (incomplete) and the sacristy. See M. it is not known if this work was an 32 L. Sarret (1926c), “Nota històrica Santa Maria in Baldós de Montanyana, cultoribus et agricolis, qui ad portale Garganté (2004), “L’església parroquial that it was too small. So they asked the XI-XVI, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, p. go to the bowl of the works. See J. M. addition to an existing structure or targarina: Església parroquial V”, in Huesca province. During the 14th maius quilibet die locant operas suas, et de Tàrrega durant els segles XVII i dignitaries to “[...] se mude la Capella 81 and 84-87; G. Gonzalvo et al. (ed.) Segarra (1984), Història de Tàrrega Crònica Targarina, num. 255 (17 July), century, these elements continued to etiam mercacionibus, que ante ipsium XVIII: Del classicisme de fra Josep de de Nostra Senyora del Roser allí hont (1997), Llibres de privilegis de Tàrrega: amb els seus costums i tradicions, was part of a full renovation of the p. 4; J. M. Segarra (1987), Història appear on facades, as we can see in portale fuerint comuniter precipue la Concepció al barroquisme de Pere es la porta del fossar”. See R. Ribalta 1058-1473, Barcelona, Fundació vol. I: Segles XI-XVI, Tàrrega, Museu altarpiece. The document mentions de Tàrrega amb els seus costums i the rose window and the eaves of the in die fori [...]”. See L. Sarret (1982), Costa”, URTX: Revista Cultural de McElherron (1991), “La capella de la Noguera, p. 131, doc. 46. Regarding Comarcal, p. 285. The fact that the that the altarpiece was flanked by large tradicions, vol. II: Segles XVII-XVIII, doorway of Santa Maria de Huerta in Privilegis de Tàrrega, Tàrrega, A. G. l’Urgell, num. 17, p. 190. The Gothic Mare de Déu dels Dolors de l’església the founding of the monastery of the money collected from these fines was torch stands with candles and it was Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, p. 187; M. Sória or the portal of Santa Maria in Camps, p. 68; J. M. Segarra (1984), doorway had not yet been dismantled parroquial de Santa Maria de l’Alba Friars Minor in 1318, Pope Joan XXII destined to the works on the church “molt bell e notable” (very beautiful and Garganté (2004), “L’església parroquial the cathedral in Manresa, among many Història de Tàrrega amb els seus (this was not done until 1709), which de Tàrrega”, URTX: Revista Cultural de issued the bull Clara Ordinis Vestri, may indicate that it was an ongoing notable). The text states, “E apres lo de Tàrrega durant els segles XVII i others. costums i tradicions, vol. I: Segles XI- means that this was, more or less, at the l’Urgell, num. 3, p. 194. According to which awarded the order the founding project that required resources. We honorable consell sabent que lo bancall XVIII: Del classicisme de fra Josep de XVI, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, level of the three bays of the nave that Sarret, the position of the doorway of of a convent in Tàrrega, following a can say the same about an agreement del retaule que los honorables en remained to be built.

374 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 375 3. Jewish medieval Tàrrega the church opening onto the graveyard conclusions”, in Ch. Sapin (ed.), Avant- 3.1. The aljama of Jews in Tàrrega inside and outside the Jewish quarter açò en què peca ni en què no e per tant was resolved in the autumn of 134627 and coincides with that of the first chapel nefs et espaces d’accueil dans l’église came under its jurisdiction. The number que ab los dits juheus se puxa de açò the document states the huge amount on the side of the gospel in the actual entre le IVe et le XIIe siècle: Actes du of councillors depended on the size of comunicar e saber la veritat del fet com that Xemuel Chelomo Natan agreed to Josep Xavier Muntané Santiveri church (of the Roser), in other words, colloque international d’Auxerre, 17-20 this population and, in the medium-sized passa, elegí los pròmens deiús scrits, als pay into the royal treasury to purchase the one closest to the chapel of the juin 1999, Paris, CTHS, p. 497-498, which aljamas, there were between 10 and 13. quals donà lo dit honrat consell càrrech his absolution: 70,000 sous. Constitution of the aljama of jews arret Santes Espines. See L. S (1926b), mentions two studies on the theme: in Tàrrega In fact, there were 13 councillors in the de saber, sentir e treballar en los dits affés The case of the murder of na Rosa and “Nota històrica targarina: Església A. Angenendt (1994), “In porticu ecclesiae Tàrrega aljama of 1355 (out of a total hi en posar en algun bon tayll e regla la Avraham Bellivenya’s daughter was In the Middle Ages, the Arab term 11 parroquial II”, Crònica Targarina, num. sepultus: Ein Beispiel von himmlisch- of over 50 heads of family ). However, universitat dels dits juheus, e per reposar exceptional, as despite both being “aljama” was used to designate a Jewish 248 (29 maig), p. 7. irdischer Spiegelung”, in H. Keller thanks to a document from 1361, we aquels i metre’ls en bona regla hi orde, Jewesses, it was decided that all the community in a Christian place from the and N. Staubach (ed.) (1994), Iconologia know that the aljama in Tàrrega had the a ffi que los juheus visquen en repòs e costs should be born by the municipal 53 legal point of view, in other words, as 12 20 Although there has never been a sacra: Mythos, Bildkunst und Dichtung privilege of choosing up to 15. Fourteen pacíffichs d’aquí avant.” authorities. On Tuesday 18th August an entity with recognised legal powers, large enough excavation of the Plaça in der Religions und Sozialgeschichte swore obedience to Princess Isabel, Leaving aside the usual practice, known 1377, these two Jews were found with rights and obligations. The initial Major with stratigraphic methods, Alteuropas. Festschrift für Karl Hauck, the new lady of the town in 1470, in and shown in this document, of meeting their throats cut in the home of na Rosa, settlement of a few Jewish families in 13 the archaeological work done in 2008 Berlin and New York, s. n., p. 68-80; representation of the aljama. However, in the synagogue when community from which the murderers had taken a given place led to a natural process corroborates what we have said about Ch. Sapin (1996), “Dans l’église ou hors as the latter document does not indicate affairs had to be dealt with, what is “tot aytant argent e moneda com han of growth that, after a period under the the cemetery. When the pavement of l’église: Quel choix pour l’inhumé?”, the quality under which they swore, it interesting is the way the town council atrobada” (all the silver and money they auspices of the nearest aljama,1 could the Plaça Major were renewed in the in H. Galinié and É. Zadora-Rio (ed.), is quite likely that there was a mixture justified its decision to involve itself in had found). The case was so serious that lead to the recognition of that community 1950s, graves appeared, as also some Archéologie du cimetière chrétien: Actes of councillors and secretaries in this the internal affairs of the aljama: the the town council, meeting the following as an aljama. Documents from the end years later (1970s) in the Plaça dels du 2e colloque ARCHEA (Orléans, 29 group, which would reduce the number Jews were regarded favourably by the day, called on the councillors to begin of the 13th century, among the oldest Àlbers, where the oldest part of the septembre-1er octobre 1994), Tours, of councillors to eleven given that there municipality, so the idea of them leaving the relevant process for ensure justice references to the Tàrrega community, graveyard was. The digs mentioned FERACF, p. 65-78. were usually three secretaries. In fact, the town had to be seen as something to was done, sending “aqueles letres e refer to the “Jews de Tàrrega”,2 while in above from 2008 unveiled new burials there were three on the roll from 1354: be avoided. en aquells lochs e parts que als dits in the area of the square, all except a document from 1303 the designation Perfet Adret, Vidal Moshe and Bonjuha 3 paers serà vist faedo”, all the papers to one facing east and with the same used was “aljama of Jews of Tàrrega”. 14 Saporta. The relations with the civil the places deemed necessary by the 17º deviation as the supposed wall of However, this desire for emancipation Sometimes not very suitable, the and ecclesiastical authorities councillors, and allocating funds for the the cemetery. They dated from the (and one that was very legitimate) came shortage of candidates, or the desire of expenses.28 Modern age and the conlusion drawn up against an insurmountable obstacle some families to dominate it, meant that A) Civil authorities was that the square was redesigned in the Catalan tax system, organised some names were perpetuated in the for the new church starting in 1672, in collections. Whatever the level of Barcelona government, or that various members King and royal family and that involved a large extension of development of an aljama, from the fiscal of the same family held various posts. After the town had been sold to the the medieval area, even doubling it in point of view, it remained subordinate The Jews were part of the royal patrimony councillors in Barcelona, the city On the payroll of 1354, one secretary and 21 size. These changes also involved the to the aljama that was the head of its four councillors were from, or related or were the king’s to sell or give away. exercised its domain over Tàrrega and demolition of old structures related collection. to, the Natan family.15 We only find two The Catalan monarchs started from the its population between 1391 and 1460. to the church, such as the possible In fact, when collecting taxes and of them on the 1361 payroll, but among principle according to which the jews However, the council that represented cemetery wall, and the ending of burials subsidies, the royal administration the 13 councillors from 1354, 9 names are existed because they protected them: and defended the aljama of Tàrrega in this area. In this sense, the study decided that the most effective way was repeated. “judeos nostros vel eorum calles, domus during this period was not so much concluded that the graveyard in the vel hospitia ipsorum, que sub nostra the one in Barcelona but rather its to group the Jewish communities of a After the election and appointment square was in use from the medieval certain area together under the aljama regali custodia, protectione et guidatico counterpart in Tàrrega. epoch until the 17th century. See X. of those responsible for the aljama, speciali constituti existunt cum eorum considered the leader from the historical, traditionally held at the Jewish New In this sense, in 1441, Tàrrega council Bermúdez López (2012), “Intervencions bonis”.22 Without this royal protection, demographic or economic point of view. Year (September-October), according to sent the town’s lawyer to the procurator entorn de la plaça Major de Tàrrega: There were four great collections in their existence among Christians became general, who represented the Barcelona a concession granted by James II to the 23 4.000 anys en 175 metres”, URTX: Catalonia: Barcelona, Girona-Besalú, 16 precarious, hanging by a thread. The council, because the latter was holding Revista Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 26, Tàrrega aljama, the new councillors Catalan monarchs used this situation to Tortosa and Lleida. Tàrrega came under had two weeks to nominate two or three various Christians and Jews, charged p. 95-96 and 101-102. There were still 4 impose heavy tax burdens on those they the latter and so when fiscal questions leaders to judge the affairs and disputes with offences that, if they were found burials in front of the doorway in were being dealt with, it had the right to “protected”. guilty, could not be punished by corporal th of the members of the aljama. the early 17 century. In 1599, there send a couple of delegates to negotiate The aljama in Tàrrega paid its taxes to punishment or mutilation of limbs. The The other public posts, some of which were many deaths from an outbreak with the administration of the Lleida the royal coffers and went before the lawyer told him that acting that way were paid a salary from the community, of plague in Tàrrega and the bodies aljama about the proportion of taxes that throne many times to claim favourable went against the town’s privileges, were chosen by the community or else were buried in the graveyard of Sant Tàrrega was due to pay, as shown in this intervention from the person who which envisaged caplleuta (bail) for that by its government. These were the Antoni. As this cemetery was too small, document from 1319.5 sat upon it. Privileges, remissions, class of prisoners.29 The procurator’s st appraisers, tax collectors, auditors, and on the 21 of February 1602, they were th On 16 April 1325, James II accepted 17 administration of justice, various expedite manners provoked another exhumed and moved to the Santa Maria scribes, the khazan, xamaix and xokhet, the petition proposed (and paid for) 18 concessions... everything had a price. We conflict in 1448, when he decreed prison cemetery, in front of the doorway. Other etc. by the representatives of the Tàrrega know how much this was some times but for masters Iossef and Baruc, Jews from bodies from the above-mentioned It was precisely during the tense election Jews and granted this aljama the same not in others (fig. 1). Tàrrega. Although thanks to certain outbreak were moved there. These of the khazan and the xamaix in 1309 that “privileges, graces and good uses” as For example, we do not know the price privileges held by the town and the had been buried in the convents of James II granted the Tàrrega aljama the the one in Lleida.6 This concession, of the letter from James II, that Moshe aljama, the Jews had been able to leave Santa Clara and Sant Agustí. See J. power to nominate these by a simple which was ratified by the successive Natan presented to the sotsveguer of the prison, the document about the M. Segarra (1987), Història de Tàrrega majority.19 However, one and a half rulers of the country and defended Cervera in 1319, which ordered him to events explains that they had been under amb els seus costums i tradicions, vol. centuries later, in 1446, the principle of by the town’s councillors,7 can be arrest and begin proceedings against house arrest for almost two weeks. The II: Segles XVII-XVIII, Tàrrega, Museu the majority no longer calmed tensions considered one of the high points in the Bernat d’Alagau, from Verdú, accused town councillors, considering that “en Comarcal, p. 76; J. M. Planes (1994), (as the Tàrrega councillors could process of consolidating the aljama in of throwing stones and using a sword aquests juheus sia feta gran iniustícia e La parròquia i la vida religiosa de confirm) but rather inflamed things even Tàrrega. This process finally led it to a to threaten some Jews from Tàrrega tot hom vega e conega que ells stan molt Tàrrega: Segles XVI-xix, Tàrrega, more, especially when the minority, in pre-eminent position among the Jewish returning from Verdú.24 In 1322, James II bé en la universitat e fan gran proffit en Parròquia de Santa Maria de l’Alba, disagreement with what the majority communities in the surrounding area pardoned Xemuel Abeçmel, found guilty aquella, quiscú en son art i offici” (to these p. 58. had passed, refused to obey: “E més, (Verdú, Vilagrassa, Anglesola, Bellpuig, of injuring na Mira, widow of Cresques Jews great injustice has been done and com lo honrat consel general, axí per dita 54 etc) some of which, after 1331, were Astruc, and her brother Saltell Bonafós. everyone who sees and knows that they For the funerary practices at church de juheus habitants en la vila, com per officially designated as its collection8 and The document does not go into details are very well in the university and make a doorways, which appeared in the late cristians de aquella hi per moltes altres from 1340 could enjoy the “privileges, about what happened in the case of these great profit in that, each with his art and antiquity, see Y. Duval and J. Ch. Picard persones, haga sabut e sentit que dies 30 freedoms, exemptions and graces” of the siblings, but does specify that Xemuel trade), demanded that the charges be (ed.) (1986), L’inhumation privilégiée ha la universitat dels juheus de la present Jews of Tàrrega.9 obtained the remission in exchange for made public to give them the chance to du ive siècle au viiie siècle en Occident: vila viuen fort desareglats hi [enfre] ells 25 defend themselves or reach an amicable Actes du colloque de Créteil, 16-18 The ongoing close relation during the paying 1,000 sous into the royal coffers. molt desbaratats, en tant que tota volta 26 agreement with the procurator.31 mars 1984, París, De Boccard; J. Ch. last decades of the 13th and first of the 14th In 1331, Queen Elionor, lady of the town, que per ells se fa congregació en lur scola pardoned various of its inhabitants, Picard (1988), Auprès des saints corps century between the Jews in these places hi han a tractar de affés a la universitat some Christians whose names are not et âme: L’inhumation ad sanctos dans encourages us to think that a good part des juheus tocants, enfre ells bonament Nobles la chrétienté d’Orient et d’Occident of the Jews who settled in Tàrrega came given and the Jew, Chelomo Natan, Before Tàrrega became a vassal of no·s poden concordar, hi de ells hi ha found guilty of killing three people from du IIIe au VIIe siècle, Paris, Études from these same places and the aljama of alguns juheus que per la major part dels Barcelona, it had briefly ceased to be Augustiniennes. Lleida. Vilagrassa and injuring others. The royal property. Indeed, in 1357, Peter altres en res que facen ni ordenen no·s document does not state the sum paid volen adonar ni areglar, de què se seguex III ceded his rights to Henry, count of 55 Internal structure of the aljama for the absolution, but it cannot have For these questions we started from dan, hodis hi rancós hi males voluntats Trastàmara, and the town remained the works of C. Roux (2004), “Entre of the Jews in Tàrrega been small given the serious nature of outside the royal patrimony until 1369.32 enfre ells, hi alguns juheus per aquesta the events and the involvement of one sacré et profane, essai sur la symbolique Each aljama had its own governing body, rahó se’n van de la present universitat They were difficult years, but we have et les fonctions du portail d’église en the council, that, since the 14th century, of the richest Jews in the town. A year news about the Jews in Tàrrega and e muden lur habitació en altres parts, e later, Peter III absolved one of the sons of France entre le XIe et le XIIIe siècle”, was made up of representatives of the axí matex se seguex dan a la universitat. the Castilian count. The neighbouring Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire, three social classes Jewish society was Chelomo Natan, who was dead by then, nobles did appear in some incidents Per aquesta rahó, lo dit honrat consell, by the name of Xemuel Chelomo Natan vol. LXXXII, num. 4, p. 846; A. Dierkens divided into, and that imitated Christian volent provehir a la universitat dels dits with the Tàrrega Jews beyond this brief (2002), “Avant-corps, galilées, massifs society: mà major (major hand), mà and his daughter-in-law, na Falconeta, period of Trastàmara domain. juheus hi de la universitat e per sostenir e found guilty of killing Natan Chelomo, occidentaux: Quelques remarques mitjana (medium hand) and mà menor conservar aquels e perquè se puxa veure méthodologiques en guise de (minor hand).10 All Jews living both his brother and her husband. The affair

376 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 377 In the summer of 1448, Mordekhai was until the 29th of July, when the entry of the Jews, no more than two or three families, goodness that was totally missing in the 5 ARB, reg. 217, f. 148v [22.06.1319]; 11 ACSG, FN, Ramon Rama, Manual hi han a tractar de affés a la universitat l’Urgell, num. 14, p. 147-150, with caught filling water pitchers at the Ofegat royalist troops finally put an end to the had to pay him the most. handling of the riot in 1348. J. Régné (1978), History of the Jews in (1373-1382), f. 17r-19r [03.10. 1375, des juheus tocants, enfre ells bonaly transcription of some documents spring and the lady of Anglesola seized town’s participation in the armed conflict The two or three heads of family Aragon: Regesta and Documents 1213- with references to a document dated no·s poden concordar, hi de ells hi ha nowadays missing. his ass with the pitchers and water jars (fig. 2). who, despite the crisis and abuses by B) Ecclesiastic authorities 1327, Jerusalem, The Magnes Press 05.05.1355], publ. in J. M. Llobet (1984), alguns juheus que per la major part and sent him of empty-handed under the and The Hebrew University, num. 3114. Algunes notícies sobre els Jueus de dels altres en res que facen ni ordenen 25 ARB, reg. 222, f. 27v [27.05.1322]; With the outbreak of the war, the the troops, contributed most to the Given that Tàrrega never came under threat of imprisoning him in the castle.33 relations between the aljama and the royal coffers were the doctors David Sometimes the negotiations became Tàrrega. 1303-1486, Lleida: Institut no·s volen adonar ni areglar, de què se J. Régné (1978), History of the Jews, any ecclesiastical lordship (in contrast to more complicated than expected, as d’Estudis Ilerdencs, p. 11. seguex dan, hodis hi rancós hi males num. 3224. The second case is much more complex, monarchy, which had again held the Abenaçaia and Avraham Salom and the Verdú, for example), the Church’s power both for the people involved and the domain over Tàrrega since 1460, were moneylender Iahudà Iossef de Besés. happened on 7th March 1345, when voluntats enfre ells, hi alguns juheus over this aljama always had to go through 12 26 In 1329 Elionor, Alfonso III’s wife, economic interests that lay behind it. affected. During the month and a half The mestre racional noted down the the king was requested to intervene ARB, reg. 906, f. 165r-165v per aquesta rahó se’n van de la present the king or whoever was the lord. to resolve the disputes between the [11.01.1362], quoted in C. Ferragud universitat e muden lur habitation en received Tàrrega and other Catalan Briefly, in 1450 Iahudà Iossef de Besés, a that the town fought on the side of the quantities that they handed over in these towns as her dowry and espousal. 34 This is visible even in the licences that the aljamas, ARB, Pere III, c. 20, num. 2724. (2005), Medicina i promoció social a la altres parts, e axí matex se seguex dan Jew from Bellpuig d’Urgell, purchased Generalitat, this relation ceased. With years of the war, mainly for questions of For the document of absolution, the freedom to be able to move, “mudar the later change of sides to the royalist loans.46 bishop of Vic (1306) or his vicar general baixa edat mitjana (Corona d’Aragó, a la universitat. Per aquesta rahó, lo 6 G. Gonzalvo et al. (1997), Llibres sa habitation e domicili” from the ranks, the old link was re-established (1346) granted to the aljama of the Jews to “Privilegiis et graciis et bonis usibus”, 1350-1410), Madrid, Consejo Superior dit honrat consell, volent provehir a Thanks to the testimony of the 51 de privilegis de Tàrrega, num. 97 35 rebuild the old synagogue. Despite the ARB, reg. 226, f. 137v; J. Régné (1978), de Investigaciones Científicas, la universitat dels dits juheus hi de la town’s lord, baron Ramon de Cardona. but with a third interlocutor: the councillors, we also know that during the [15.10.1331]. The Tàrrega council immediately let councillors of Tàrrega. While those exceptional nature of the first document, History of the Jews, num. 3328. It was p. 356-357. universitat e per sostenir e conservar first weeks of the war, the Jews took part in which the bishop awarded himself an not unusual for the set of privileges that it be known that they “avie voluntat who had traditionally dominated this aquels e perquè se puxa veure açò 27 in defensive tasks: “armarn-se hi stant nit attribute that belonged to the secular regulated a certain aljama to be taken 13 ACUR, FMT, parch. num. 189 The document of absolution dates de viure e morir enfre nosaltres e avie aljama at one moment or another during en què peca ni en què no e per tant th hi dia en guarda dels portalls e murs”, all power, namely that of conceding licences as a model by another aljama to request [26.06.1470]. from 4 October 1346 (ARB, reg. 881, voluntat de comprar hic casa e alberch its history, namely the monarchy or day and all night guarding the walls and que ab los dits juheus se puxa de açò f. 88v-89r), although the unrest came for synagogues,52 years later, in 1319, it and obtain royal consent. Tàrrega did comunicar e saber la veritat del fet com e altres posesions e propietats en gran Barcelona, were focussed on the war, gates.47 It seems that even after the arrival 14 In 1388, another Saporta, Khanokh by from further back: on 16th February was the king who not able to deny what so in 1325, Lleida had done so in 1268. passa, elegí los pròmens deiús scrits, quantitat”. The council, aware that said the council strengthened its position as a of the 200 soldiers, the civil population name, and also secretary, complained 1345, the king granted Natan Chelomo he saw (“visa quadam carta pergamenea Lleida had earlier adopted the uses that als quals donà lo dit honrat consell Jew “wished to live and die among us and close and effective institution the Jewish continued to watch over the walls and the that the livestock of the town butcher separation from Falconeta and sigillo appendicio venerabilis quondam had been granted to Barcelona. J. Régné càrrech de saber, sentir e treballar en wished to purchase his house and home community could resort to. land around the town. This lasted at least were grazing in the Jewish cemetery, permission to take another wife as Poncii episcopi vicensis sigillata”), on one (1978), History of the Jews, num. 400. los dits affés hi en posar en algun bon and other possessions and properties During the decade of the civil war, until the 23rd of June. ACUR, FMT, Llibre de bans (1388), “cum racione inimicitie et male in great quantity”, because he was very hand ratified the episcopal licence and on tayll e regla la universitat dels dits the authorities in Tàrrega reiterated st 7 untané f. 11r [26.04.1388], publ. in J. X. Muntané voluntatis” between the two (ARB, reg. Thus, on Monday the 21 of June, first the other authorised the rebuilding of the J. X. M (2006b), Fonts, num. juheus, e per reposar aquels i metre’ls rich, accepted his petition. However, a themselves (in their own words) as (2006b), Fonts, num. 285. Among the 880, f. 130r) and on 30th May 1346, given thing in the morning, the alarm was synagogue in the same terms contained 108 [reina Elionor, 01.03.1332], 119 en bona regla hi orde, a ffi que los few months later, problems arose for “sostenidors e mantenidors dels habitans raised that some of the king’s men were [Pere III, 01.12.1336] and 128 [Pere III, various functions of those responsible of the symptoms of serious dementia the Jew and the councillors when the in it (“in ea melius et plenius continetur”) juheus visquen en repòs e pacíffichs de aquesta vila tota hora e quant los sera 53 for the community was to look after the that he showed, his father, Chelomo stealing a herd of livestock from right but which, by law, were his to award. 17.10.1339]. In being sworn into office, d’aquí avant.” ACUR, FMT, Llibre de Baron of the Bellpuig, going back on the fet coses no degudes” in other words, properties that belonged to the aljama. Natan obtained permission from the in front of the town. Thinking that they In 1346, when the old synagogue had to the councillors of Tàrrega agreed to consells (1442-1446), f. 191r [29.03.1446], permission granted to Iossef de Besés, the support and protection, without were few in number, a large group of defend and maintain the uses, customs king to retain him at home and also be rebuilt, authorisation was requested 15 publ. in J. X. MUNTANÉ (2006b), Fonts, demanded that he return to town and distinction of faith.40 In fact, during the J. X. Muntané (2010), Qüestions de the promise that, in case of death, the civilians and soldiers set out to pursue first from PeterIII ,54 as should be, and and privileges of the Jews in the town: num. 362. basing his arguments on the assets the first half of the 15th century, on various the thieves only to find themselves “E més, encara juraren [de paer, Mateu vida, Barcelona, Institut Món Juïc and family would not be blamed (ARB, reg. Jew still had there.36 The documents occasions the councillors had taken on only later, and with the monarch’s PPU, p. 45-46. 881, f. 3r). It seems that after Chelomo surrounded by the enemy army. The 55 Folch, Francí Ponces, Jaume Junques 21 In the late Middle Ages, the legal cover the coming and going of the the task of the defence and welfare of the permission, did the aljama request Natan’s death and the death shortly ambush was fatal: “han morta e nafrada 56 and Miquel Xirima] e que de tot lur situation of Jews in Europe worsened delegates from the Tàrrega council in 41 authorisation from the dioceses. 16 ARB, reg. 126, f. 294r [13.02.1303]. Jews in the town. Thus, in contrast with molta gent en nombre de cent o sens poder deffendran e mantindran contra notably. The spread and acceptance after of his son, the king forgot this Barcelona, which then held the domain other occasions when the aljama had It was also royal orders in 1279 and 1344 promise and began proceedings against entre morts e presos, entre los quals és totes persones usos, costums, privilegis 17 In 1384, Prince Martin granted the of the notion of “servi regis”/“servi over the town, and also the journey there not hesitated about working against the lo capita [Pere de Sant Clement] e molts that regulated the preaching of friars e libertats, axí de la vila com dels juheus Chelomo Natan’s heir and his widowed 37 Tàrrega aljama to power to choose cameræ regis” left them totally enslaved by the noble Ramon de Cardona. We regulations of the town in exchange for spinguarders”.48 or converted Jews in the town. In the habitants en aquella, e ordinacions de sister-in-law, among others. J. X. do not have the sentence dictated by the first of these, Peter II ordered various scribes to draw up documents in to the power of Christian princes, who royal privileges, during the civil war, it In a missive written two days after the la vila fetes e fahedores. Encara totes could do what they wished with their Muntané (2010), Qüestions de Barcelona councillors, although there is behaved with “un sol cor i un sol voler ab officials in the territory, including Hebrew, with the same validity as vida, p. 29-31. defeat, the councillors and dignitaries concessions atorgades a la dita vila per the documents by the scribes of persons and property. In the Court no doubt that Iossef de Besés continued la universitat”.42 The survival of everyone the batlle of Tàrrega, to prohibit the los senyors reys passats e persones, of Tàrrega complained to the deputies the Cuirassa: “eligere scriptore seu of Barcelona in 1283, Peter II firmly 28 to live in Tàrrega, as did his descendents, depended on this local understanding entry of Christians in the sermons by com encara per la illustríssima senyora ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells 38 of the Generalitat about the “cruelties” scriptores iudeos qui scripturas et upheld the principle under which the who converted to Christianity in 1492. during those years of chaos and danger. Dominicans and Franciscans in the princessa, senyora de la dita vila”, (1376-1378), f. 49v, publ. in J. X. of the soldiers to the villagers, including 57 contractus in ebrayco faciat et conficiat Jews were, and should continue to be, Of the times when Tàrrega was on the Jewish synagogues to avoid disorders. ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells, Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 272. the ban on them participating in the th seu faciant et conficiant inter vos”, ARB, royal property, despite the pressure Council of Tàrrega side of the Generalitat, the councillors The other document, from the mid 14 tasks of surveillance: “aquests senyors (1470-1475), f. 153r [11.04.1474]. reg. 2086, f. 171r [01.07.1384]. from the different arms: “Item de judeis 29 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells (1437- wrote that the Jews, both collectively century, is presented below. Apart from the references that this de capitans, ab gran insult e rigorós, 8 et sarracenis, de quibus extitit peticio 1442), f. 188r-188v [24.11.1441], publ. in and individually, willingly paid for the On a more local level, we have no From that year on, some documents 18 catalogue makes to the relations between són venguts a nosaltres, ens han levades Among the functions of the khazan, a nobis data quod debent esse illorum in J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 343. representatives of the university of strengthening of the “murs de aquesta les claus dels portals e axí han girades documents that help to establish the addressed to the singulars, the Hebrew word that is equivalent to the quorum castris seu villis habitarent seu relation that the aljama had with the individual taxpayers, of the Tàrrega Tàrrega and the aljama of Jews at one vila, aquella part que nosaltres havem nostres guardes dels portals e han hi capellanus of the Latin texts, there were morarentur, partus super hoc illud de 30 Regarding master Iossef Alçahaya, town’s priests or the various monasteries aljama specified that they were also time or another during late Middle Ages, volgut”, participating in the defensive mesos de les sues gents e axí mateix no the strictly religious ones, like leading cetero observari quod in loco quolibet doctor of surgery, see J. X. Muntané and convents. included in the collective: “concessit we think that, given its exceptionality, works and helping the population with permeten home del món de la vila face the religious services (weddings, eorum est antiquitus observatum, (2012a), “Metges jueus contractats pel eidem aliame [iudeorum Tarrage] et special note must be taken of the specific the necessities regarding “forments e guayta de nit ne de dia sinó ells, com funerals, etc.), and also others, directly salvis privilegiis et pactis specialibus govern municipal de Tàrrega durant 1 The smaller or more recently singularibus ipsius necnon iudeis case of 1462. That year, a civil war broke totes altres vituales” that is, wheat and no·ns tinguen per cathòlics ni fien de related to communal life, like reading cuicumque”. RAE (1896), Cortes de los els segles XIV i XV”, URTX: Revista 43 established communities of Jews did collecte ipsius aliame”, ARB, reg. 485, out in Catalonia that would last for ten other victuals. nosaltres”.49 the ordinations or taqanot, announcing antiguos reinos de Aragón y de Valencia Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 26, p. 139, not possess the institutions that the f. 145v [01.03.1332]; “aliame iudeorum years (1462-1472).39 After the town was occupied by the royal the results of the elections or the y Principado de Cataluña, t. I, vol. 1, note 18. About this Barukh, see J. X. An eyewitness explained what happened consolidated aljamas enjoyed, such ville Tarrege et eius collecte”, ARB, th troops, the atmosphere turned even sentences of the judges... which came Madrid, unnumbered, p. 151. Muntané (2005), “La pràctica del lloguer On the 7 of June 1462, a few hours after in the neighbouring town of Cervera as a cemetery: when a community Pere III, c. 26 num 3649 [27.10.1337]. John II entered Catalan territory, the more rarefied and the living conditions when the news of the defeat arrived. He into force and became valid precisely de bèsties entre els Jews targarins a la of the civil population worsened. The lacked this, its dead had to be buried 22 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia king and his troops came in sight of a said, “Vuy de matí és venguda nova ací 9 “Ad suplicationem aliame iudeorum with this announcement, done in the fi del segle XV”, Tamid: Revista Catalana shortage of staples, aggravated by in the graveyard of the nearest aljama. de la peste negra en Cataluña: Tàrrega that, helpless and bewildered, com los de Tàrrega són exits ha empresa ville Tarrage ordinaverimus et velimus synagogue. The xamaix, a Hebrew Anual d’Estudis Hebraics, num. 5, having to support the French soldiers See Y. T. Assis (1997), The Golden Age El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices had no other option if it wanted to d’altri, de què los ne ha pres mal que n·i per omnis illi iudei qui de collecta word equivalent to the sacristanus p. 74-76. billeted in the town, led some families, of Aragonese Jewry. Community and (documentos inéditos)”, Sefarad: Revista stay unscathed than to open the gates ha perduts alguns hòmens. En tant que ipsius aliame existant et in questiis in Latin texts, were in charge of the including four or five Jewish ones, to Society in the Crown of Aragon, 1213- de Estudios Hebraicos y Sefardíes, num. 31 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells (1446- and welcome them into the town. per la nova quen vench, aquesta gent de solvant et contribuant cum eadem order, cleaning and maintenance of the leave Tàrrega. 1327, London and Portland, The Littman 19, num. 12 [18.07.1349]. 1451), f. 109r-109v [25.11.1448], publ. in This unexpected and uncomfortable ací e del exèrcit se són aremorats dient gaudeant de certo omnibus illis synagogue. The xokhet was in charge Library of Jewish Civilization, p. 24, 165 of slaughtering the animals for human J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 367. visit did not last long. Two days later, In a letter to the king in 1462, the que en lo call d’ací havia gent enemichs and 232. privilegiis, libertatibus, franquitatibus 23 The situation servility and inferiority warned about the ambush set for him councillors and dignitaries of Tàrrega e no podent-los resistir ni los pahers ni consumption according to the Jewish et gratiis quibus tam ex concessione of the Jews who lived among the 32 About the lordships of the count near Cervera if he decided to head for lament the violent manners of French yo per molt que hajam treballat han robat 2 rituals, and deciding if their meat was In one we can read “iudeos de predecessorum nostrorum quam nostra Christians was viewed by the Church of Trastàmara and his brother-in-law, Barcelona, the king returned to Balaguer soldiers when they demanded money lo dit call, e lo altra call, com n·ich haja suitable or not. Tarrega”, ARB, reg. 70, f. 23r gaudeant iudei aliame predicte”, ARB, as the logical consequence of their the noble Felip de Castro, during the by the same route he had come by. from the Jews: “als juheus han fet donar dos, volien robar, emperò aquell havem [19.11.1286], and in another, “iudeos Pere III, c. 12 num. 1546 [28.03.1340]. 19 disbelief in the Christian faith, and final years of this period,J. M. Segarra més per força que per grat, fahen-los defès”.50 The document also shows the After recovering from this predicament, Tarrege”, ARB, reg. 74, f. 79r their presence was tolerated mainly (1984), Història de Tàrrega amb els de grans menaces, cent liures [...] de 10 These were always male heads tensions within the aljama due and with the king far away, the Thanks to the work of the councillors, [07.12.1287]. for this, S. Grayzel (1966), The Church seus costums i tradicions, vol. I: Segles què los dits juheus són romasos molt of family and taxpayers who to communal expenses: “super authorities requested protection from the Jewish quarter of Tàrrega was not and the Jews in the XIIIth Century. A XI-XVI), Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, aterrits” with threats and resulting 3 In this sense, that the correction obviously lived in the same place. missionibus comunis”, ARB, reg. 206, the Generalitat. This help, in the form attacked, despite the threats it received f. 43v-44r [09.05.1309], publ. in study of their relations during the years p. 170-178. of a commitment to send 200 soldiers to fear.44 And in another, written in mid from various sources. The ongoing and by the Chancellery scribe at the start For the evolution of the concept of J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i les 1198-1254 based on the papal letters 1463, the councillors echoed of the of the document on question may be representativity in the government of 33 Tàrrega, was linked to an official public generous collaboration of the aljama sinagogues: Segles XIII-XV, Girona, and the conciliar decrees of the period, ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells “constrenyiments a ells fets [els jueus] e significant. He erased “iudeorum” from the aljama and how the power held declaration of adhesion to the cause of with the local authorities in affairs of Patronat Call de Girona, num. 39. About New York, Hermon Press, p. 49-70; B. (1446-1451), f. 107v-108r [05.07.1448], les vexacions e grans destruccions que the expression “ex parte iudeorum” by the rich and educated oligarchy the Generalitat to allay the fears that economic and strategic nature did not the obedience of the minority to the Blumenkranz (1960), Juifs et chrétiens publ. in J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, the recent reception of the monarch han hagudes en dies passats, axí be per go unrewarded. Such a favourable to add the term “aliama” and leave gradually gave way to the middle and num. 365 § 2. majority in the aljama, see Y. T. Assis dans le monde occidental, 430-1096, lo manexant, al qual han hagut a donar the phrase as follows: “ex parte aliama lower classes, see Y. T. Assis (1997), The had generated among the members. response as the one it obtained from the (1997), The Golden Age, p. 71-73. Paris, The Hague, Mouton & Co., p. th bé tres milia sous, com encara al dit iudeorum Tarrege”, ARB, reg. 126, Golden Age, p. 72, 77, note 4, and 83. 34 In this sense, on the 15 of June 15, the councillors of this occasion was unheard 293-306; R. Chazan (1980), Church, State, For other references to the Besés in Generalitat were made aware of the cry mossèn lo governador, bé vuyt cents o of, “tota la universitat los han [als jueus] f. 294r [13.02.1303]. For a detailed analysis of the internal 20 “E més, com lo honrat consel general, and Jew in the Middle Ages, Springfield, Bellpuig, see J. X. Muntané, “Els jueus mil florins”.45 Because of these extortions, conflicts that this power play cause condemning the king that had been una grandissima afecció e voluntat, Behrman House; R. Chazan (2010), i jueves de Bellpuig i la guerra civil 4 This appears in the documents axí per dita de juheus habitants en made around the streets of Tàrrega and the councillors told the king that “los fahent certes vostres reverences que per in an aljama, see J. Riera (1990), “Els Reassessing Jewish Life in Medieval catalana del segle XV”, forthcoming. mentioned from 1286 (“iudeos de la vila, com per cristians de aquella the letter that had been sent to John II to dits juheus se troben vuy molt pobres ells, aquesta universitat morie”. avalots de 1391 a Girona”, in Jornades hi per moltes altres persones, haga Europe, Cambridge, Cambridge Tarrega et de Villagrassa et quoslibet 35 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells (1446- inform him that he was persona non grata e destruyts, com la facultat de tots ells In the words of the representatives d’Història dels Jueus a Catalunya. sabut e sentit que dies ha la universitat University Press, p. 133-221. th alios de collecta Ilerde”) and 1287 1451), f. 150v [26.01.1450], publ. in J. X. in the town. Three days later, on the 18 no sie en pus de dos o tres cassats, los from Tàrrega (almost an institutional Girona, abril 1987; Actes, Girona, dels juheus de the present vila viuen (“iudeos Tarrege et aliorum locorum 24 Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 370. of June, the 200 soldiers were already quals en totes aquestes coses han pagat declaration of love), one perceives a Ajuntament de Girona, p. 97-113. J. M. Llobet (2001), “Mossé Natan, collecte iudeorum Ilerde”). fort desareglats hi [enfre] ells molt billeted in the town. However, Tàrrega e paguen la més quantitat en servey de mixture of common sense, justice and desbaratats, en tant que tota volta que valedor dels jueus de Tàrrega (segle was only on the side of the Generalitat vostra altesa” in other words, the poor per ells se fa congregation en lur scola XIV)”, URTX: Revista Cultural de

378 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 379 36 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells David Abenaçaia]; f. 30v [11.08.1465, 52 J. Riera (1989), “La història dels 3.2. Localisation and structure Jewish immigrants into the town. The “judei dicte ville qui nunc sunt vel pro side, was known by this name.24 During bona ab sa portalada molt ben feta y (1446-1451), f. 166v [07.06.1450], Avraham Salom]; 40v [10.01.1467, David jueus en el Viage literario del P. Jaume of the Jewish quarter in Tàrrega newcomers opted to settle in another tempore fuerint, habere valeant eorum the 15th century, it was an area of mixed fabricada y molts bons fonalys de altres f. 186r-187r [03.08.1450] and f. 189r-189v Abenaçaia]; f. 43r [10.01.1467, Avraham Villanueva”, Calls, num. 3, p. 13; J. place,8 giving birth to the street of the hospitia competentia et ibi morari population, with Christians and Jews parets”.30 The imprecision about where Josep Xavier Muntané Santiveri [27.08.1450], publ. in J. X. Muntané Salom]; f. 47r [25.11.1467, Iossef Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i les Jews, in other words, a call or Jewry.9 In valeant separate”. In other words, it together (fig. 4). the courtyard was in the street, the large (2006b), Fonts, num. 372-374. de Besés]; f. 47v [25.11.1467, David sinagogues, p. 86-88. In 1306, the bishop 1345, efforts began to obtain the king’s was about separating the Jews from the Carrer del Call time gap between the last documentary Abenaçaia]; f. 49v [08.01.1468, David attended to the petition presented by A) Various locations permission to move the old synagogue, Christians to give the former safer living references to the synagogue (1492-1502) 37 The next name is “Carrer del Call”. This ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells (1446- Abenaçaia]; f. 53v [08.12.1468, David the university de Jews of Tàrrega and Where did the first Jewish families to the aljama’s centre of worship and conditions. For example, with this in and the text reproduced (1621), as well 1451), f. 190r [24.08.1450]; f. 195r-v designates the second, lower, half of the Abenaçaia]; f. 54r [08.12.1468, Iossef various Christian dignitaries. In 1319, arrive in Tàrrega settle? Given that meeting, there. mind, the town council had the hostels th as the norm that prohibited any display [06.10.1450]; f. 196r-v [25.10.1450], street, generically named in some 16 - de Besés]. These must have been the it was only the Jews who requested in the early moments of the Jewish The reason (or excuse) which this group, belonging to Vidal Avinpelx in the Jewish century registers “Call dels jueus” or of sumptuousness and decorative publ. in J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, “powerful Jews” that appear in one the king to ratify the episcopal licence. presence there must have been few identified in the documents as the aljama quarter (“pro faciendo iter publicum simply “call”. This part of the street was ostentation in Jewish religious buildings, num. 375-377. of the versions of the 1462 letter. See families, it is difficult to imagine that seu carrariam ad hoc inter domicilia lead us to be more cautious about 53 of the Jews (“pro parte aljame judeorum inhabited exclusively by Jewish families. J. X. Muntané, “Una carta d’amor”, J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics the place they lived in was different or de Tarrega”), used to justify moving christianorum a judeorum qui erant assigning a Jewish origin to the remains 38 J. X. Muntané (2009b), “El patrimoni We have evidence of some of these: the appendix IV. Comiat. i les sinagogues, num. 57. markedly separated from the rest of the quodamodo intermixta fieret aliqualis mentioned in the 17th-century document. dels conversos als llibres de fiscalitat the synagogue was the poor condition families of Iaqov Deulosal, the brothers population. A Jewish quarter required a the flood of the Ondara in 1344 had left separatio seu divisio”)19 and Cresques In line with the episcopal dispositions municipal de Cervera i Tàrrega 47 54 J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics Nicim and Chelomo Besés, hosiers by ACUR, FMT, Llibre de cartes (1458- certain number of people and, in the case 10 Gracià demolished.20 Thus, it would seem durant el primer terç del segle XVI”, i les sinagogues, num. 123. In the it in (fig. 1). The king allowed them to trade, the families of doctor Avraham of 1306 (as in Cervera) the door of the 1468), f. 93r [22.06.1462], publ. in Tàrrega, this only came about when the there was no need to create a new Jewish Miscel·lània Cerverina, num. 19, p. 227, same way that the members of the transfer it provisionally to a house chosen Salom, Carabassa, David de Cabestany hall did not open directly onto the street J. X. Muntané, “Una carta d’amor”, town became a preferred destination for by the majority, while the old synagogue quarter to achieve the aforementioned (“secunda porta scole predicte per quam 230-231 and 243-247. appendix I, num. 1. We have evidence aljama had gone to the king to resolve and Astruc Bites, all on the left side, and the Jews in this part of Catalan territory was being repaired. If we accept separation but it only required some the family of Iossef de Besés, on the right in ipsam scolam ubi oras vestras dicere of the active participation of the Jews the questions related with the old th 39 during the first half of the 14 century. the damage caused by river that the works, the minimum necessary. vos continget ingressus habebitur de M. Bofarull (1861), Levantamiento in the defence of the town throughout synagogue, idem num. 116-118 and 120. (fig. 5). y guerra de Cataluña en tiempo de don We cannot place the houses the heads document claims as true,11 what seems On the other hand, after the loss of via publica christianorum videri non the Late Middle Ages; B. Blumenkranz The street was not paved and there 55 of family rented, bought or had built even truer was the desire to close the old lives and the economic setback caused possit”), but possibly onto a courtyard, Juan ii. Documentos relativos a aquellos (1960), Juifs et chrétiens, p. 35-37. In J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics was an open drain for the rainwater. in the last third of the 13th century with synagogue without repairing it, letting by the 1348 assault, it would not seem which, in the case of Tàrrega, seems to sucesos, vols. 7 and 8, Barcelona, Impr. the Late Middle Ages the Jews were i les sinagogues, num. 125. Surely to In 1434 the wives of Iaqoví and Xalom, any certainty. However, if we start from it fall down on its own, and transferring reasonable for the surviving Jews to have opened to the back of the aljama de l’Arxiu, [corresponding respectively banned from this kind of activity and avoid breaching the right that the 1306 and a friend of Carabassa, were fined the fact that the synagogue was near the the place of worship to the site chosen by be forced to abandon their homes to hospital, the facade of which must have to vols. 20 and 21 of CODOIN]; F. they were popularly branded cowards; document had somehow founded. for dumping the remains of stews in it. Carreras (1907), Dietari de la guerra a river Ondara (“cum esset juxta locum the majority. The complaint presented move to another part of the town. Nor been the visible outside part of the J. Riera (2006a), “Esculls en la història Possibly this was the same Xalom who, 56 J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics rivalem edifficata”1) and that this, for by Itskhaq Vidal, in the name of Bonjuha does it seem very likely, amid the misery synagogue complex.31 Cervera, des del 1462 al 1465, Barcelona, dels jueus”, Afers, num. 53-54, p. in 1459, reported the nephew of Iaqov i les sinagogues, num. 124. obvious reasons, would not have been Caravida and some other Jews from the provoked by the plague, and, in the case Bartomeu Baxarias; P. Bertran (1982), 148. Something similar happened in Deulosal and one Joan Bergot for having The presence of the town wall, that “Tàrrega en la revolta catalana contra very far from their houses, we think that town, reporting that the synagogue was of Tàrrega, the high cost of the royal barred the way, together with the Bellpuig where, as well as forming 57 climbed on his roof to retrieve a ball that ARB, reg. 42, f. 148v [08.10.1279]; these first Jewish homes were on the east closed and no work was being done pardon that absolved the town of all civil 25 Joan II”, Ilerda, num. 43, p. 359-375; J. part of the town’s guards, we have had got stuck there. narrowness of this part of the street and J. Régné (1978), History of the Jews, side of the medieval town of Tàrrega. when (they claimed) it would have been and criminal responsibility for the riot, X. Muntané, “Una carta d’amor i bona documented the names of the Jews In 1484, David de Cabestany took his that fact that the properties were either num. 746. possible to pray there, illustrates the split to be paid to the royal treasurer between 32 voluntat en temps de guerra: Els paers who accompanied their lord, the noble There are various indications about powerful neighbour from the other inhabited by Jewish families or, at the between a majority, living in the town’s 1350 and 1354, that the municipal coffers th i prohoms de Tàrrega escriuen als Antoni de Cardona, on the battlefield. the growth of the Jewish community side of the street, Iossef de Besés end of the 15 century, opened onto diputats de la Generalitat en defensa Jewish street or quarter, that grew from were healthy enough to carry out such the courtyards and gardens behind the See J. X. Muntané, “Els jueus i jueves in the licence it was granted by Ponç (paradoxically known by the nickname de l’aljama de la vila (22 de juny de de Vilaró, bishop of Vic, in 1306.2 The the 1330s, and a minority who must have a large policy of expropriation. In fact, houses in Carrer de Santes Creus (the de Bellpuig i la guerra civil catalana been living somewhere else in the town, the documents related to the above- of Nin (the boy)) to court. He was fed up 1462)”, forthcoming. del segle XV”, forthcoming. bishop addressed the “universitati seeing the water from Nin’s well spilled modern Carrer de la Font), parallel to the judeorum ville Tarrage” and among at least since 1306, date of the first permit mentioned houses of the two Jews street of the Jews, which, while not really 40 In fact, the letter these words for the old synagogue.12 mentioned above that the council had over into the street, dirtying the ground 48 M. Bofarull (1861), Levantamiento y the concessions he granted them was isolating this area from the rest of the come from was an appeal sent to the demolished, indicate that the agreed the filling the place with stench and dirt. guerra, vol. 7, p. 435-436 and 453-454. one to rebuild the existing synagogue The resistance led by Caravida and Thanks to the sentence, which forced town, did in some ways create the ideal authorities in favour of Itskhaq Iaqov, Regarding the reaction of the deputies (“oratorium seu scolam”) in the same Vidal13 did not prosper and the old compensation had yet to be paid to their conditions for isolation. a Jew from Tàrrega, ACUR, FMT, old owners! Nin to channel the water from the well, of the Generalitat: idem. p. 467-468; or another place. The dimensions synagogue, closed for over a year, was we know that this rich Jew had a school Llibre de cartes (1458-1468), f. 126v-127r Jews around the main street 468-469; 474-475. envisaged for the building were given up as lost in 1346. A year later, It is also curious that, after the 1348 riots, slightly further down the same street. [19.05.1466], publ. in J. X. Muntané, of the Jewish quarter exceptional if we bear in mind that this the king allowed a new one to be built behind which there was an authentic “sia tengut e obligat de fer una botera “Una carta d’amor”, appendix II, num. 3. 49 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de cartes was right at the beginning of the Jewish in the street where most of the Jews string of anti-Jewish lies and prejudices, que partesce del dit pou e que dins la However, there were always Jews in the A similar conception of their mission to 3 (1458-1468), f. 93v [23.06.1462]. The presence in the town, and so we suspect had settled. This synagogue had to be one of the most common of which sua, sens exir de fora, face una botera town who, either because the main street that commented here is also perceived anti-Jewish hint in the expression what the episcopal concession did was a replica of the previous one, as the blamed them for having spread the of the Jewish quarter could not absorb in an earlier letter addressed to the que par per la sua casa e que vage a ferir “no·ns tinguen per cathòlics” is almost allow the change from a private oratory document includes the dimensions given plague by poisoning the drinking water, a la porta de la sua scola e que vuyde en them, by trade or for other reasons, deputies of the Generalitat: “No serie imperceptible. Quite the opposite of to a public synagogue,4 while setting the by Bishop Ponç in 1306. The project was permission was given to build a Jewish opted to live in nearby streets and places justa cosa que aquells qui fan bé de lur una botera vella, la qual està davant la sua Joan Agulló, captain of the Generalitat (maximum) limits that this could have opposed by the town council, which, that neighbourhood near a well. Personally, scola, e que desorrege allí de manera que and in some cases, even outside the poder a the dita universitat [referint-se posted to Cervera, on being accused and also indicating the basic element it same year, shortly before work began, I am inclined to believe that the area of Jewish quarter. als Jews targarins] lexarem mal tractar no face enuig ni dan al dit Cabestany ni of cowardice, who exclaimed “tant had to have: the rolls of the Law (“rotulis passed a series of measures against the Jewish quarter after 1348 was not als altres veyns”.26 If we bear in mind that en neguna manera per negunes gents”. 14 me amaria esser jueu com comportar Legis mosayce”). The concession by the Jewish community. Similarly very different, or far, from that of the call the synagogue of the aljama was on the ACUR, FMT, Llibre de cartes (1458- Carrer d’Arnau Farrer ço quem dieu!”, M. Bofarull (1861), James II, only three years later, in 1309, to moving the liturgical furniture from the prior to the attack. The most likely is that other side of the street, more or less at the 1468), f. 93r, publ. in J. X. Muntané, Of the only three houses that the people Levantamiento y guerra, vol. 7, p. 310. the Tàrrega aljama regarding the choice old synagogue, damaged by a flood, the works carried out consisted mainly of same level as El Nin’s school, the most “Una carta d’amor”, appendix I, num. 1. still called by the names of their old Joan Agulló later changed side and of the servicials, the people who helped to a safe place in 1345, also provoked marking out the area better, separating probable is that the local scribe used the opposition from the royal and episcopal the houses of Christians and Jews, and Jewish owners after 1492, one, Iaqov 41 betrayed the 500 men under him to in the services (“eleccionem capellani There are some examples above. 15 term “escola” to refer either to a private King John II, F. Carreras (1907), aut sacristani”) shows that this was a real authorities. improving its defence, heightening the Deulosal’s, was at the junction of the oratory or a place of study and learning Street of the Jews with the “carrer que 42 Dietari, p. 36. synagogue. The precise location of the old synagogue walls that had already been built around J. X. Muntané, “Una carta d’amor”, for Jews, founded under the patronage anava cap el d’Arnau Farrer” (Carrer On the 22nd of June 1319, when James II and the primitive nucleus of the Jewish it. We can deduce that these walls were 27 appendix II, num. 2. Military reasoning. 50 Captain Joan Agulló wrote this on the of this Jew. de la Vilanova), near the Gothic arches saw and confirmed the 1306 episcopal population in some of the houses of some not as strong as could be wished from the same Monday at four in the afternoon. that can still be seen today (fig. 7).33 The 43 Other documents go in the same licence5 and gave permission to rebuild Jews who had not moved to the Jewish fear felt in the aljama after a new outbreak M. Bofarull (1861), Levantamiento y 16 Carrer de l’Escola dels Jueus other two were in Carrer d’Arnau Farrer direction. In the annual municipal or move the synagogue, we know that quarter are still being researched. of plague in 1362 that the disturbances of guerra, vol. 7, p. 459. 21 (Carrer de les Piques). One had belonged accounts of July 1461 there are three it was not moved, because later when Regarding the new one, we assume that 1348 would reoccur. The last name attested to is precisely, “Carrer de l’Escola dels Jueus”, explained to the doctor David Abenaçaia and the payments of Jewish capital: the first 51 this synagogue was called the old one given that, no documents were issued J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i les other, to the merchant Nicim Rovén. 6 to authorise its building or transfer to B) Structure and toponymy of the Jewish by the presence of the synagogue on the is the sum of 100 sous, destined to sinagogues, num. 38 and 124. As stated (“sinagoga antiqua”), this referred to somewhere else in the town after 1347, quarter left, near the wall, from which it was It seems that the narrow street that strengthening the wall of the Urgellet below, we think that at that time, there the one that both the bishop and the king gate, and the other, two amounts of 20 had granted and that, time ago, had been this synagogue was erected in the Jewish This part of the town, that as we shall separated by a courtyard that was a today connects Carrer de les Piques must have been a simple private oratory 28 lliures each, handed over by Iahudà built on the banks of the river. quarter that was attacked in the summer see below, was structured around one vegetable plot in 1501. The proximity and the Plaça Major did not exist in the in Tàrrega, in the house of one of the of the wall explains why this stretch of late Middle Ages. Thus, access to the Iossef de Besés and David Abenaçaia, We know that in 1347, there was a street of 1348 and remained in the same place street, remained inhabited by Jews until Jews, and the one that was really being street was also described as “carrer que street was from the modern Carrer de for the foundations of the wall of Bell- in Tàrrega where most of the town’s Jews until the expulsion in 1492. So, thanks to 1492 and the names used to designate built in this document would allow the 22 ix al mur”. On some occasions, it was l’Estudi under the arches of the Jewish lloc. ACUR, FMT, Llibre de diversos lived (“via in qua in dicta villa dictorum this building, we believe that the Jewish its parts lasted some years more. We community to put up a public place referred to as a “carreró” (alley), from quarter and from there, it ran parallel to comptes muncicipals (1459-1470), f. 37v major pars inhabitat judeorum”)7 and in quarter prior to 1348 was in the same know its last outline through some of worship. As that was prohibited by which we can suppose it was not very the Street of the Jews down to the gate [08.07.1461] and 41v [August-December 1348, this area was known as a Jewry and place as the Jewish quarter after that date llibres d’estimes, or property registers, ecclesiastical law, they resorted to the th 23 untané and that remained there until the end of from the early 16 century. It began at wide (fig. 6). in the wall that opened out onto the 1461], publ. in J. X. M (2006b), stratagem of making it appear that could be closed off with gates. However, the 15th century (fig. 2). the junction of the Carrer Major and the Princess Iolant proposed this synagogue river (fig. 8). On the inside of the gate, Fonts, num. 458 §1 and 461. there was already a place of worship it seems that the old synagogue was not Plaça del Blat (nowadays the Plaça Major) as a model for the one that had to be built there was a fountain or trough. At the in Tàrrega and what was now granted in this area, although the new one was We suppose this, despite the fact that 44 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de cartes and ran down to the wall on the river in the upper Jewish quarter in Cervera end of 1356, Bonjuha Saporta was fined was only permission to rebuild it. In (according to the document cited from a document from the Chancellery, (1458-1468), f. 98v [24.11.1462], publ. Ondara, where it ended in a cul-de-sac. (“operaciones sive fabricaciones dicte for refusing to remove a pile of earth truth, there was worship in Tàrrega 1347). It could be that the area that ended emitted in 1350, seems to challenge this J. X. Muntané, “Una carta d’amor”, 17 The denomination “Carrer dels Jueus” sinagoge fiant ad modum seu formam (we understand from in front of his because there were Jews living there, up being home to the majority of the idea. This was a royal authorisation, appendix II, num. 1. (now Carrer de l’Estudi) alternated with sinagoge aljame judeorum Tarrege”).29 house) that the women who went to the but still no official place for this, Jews did not fully coincide with the early requested by the councillors and other names as one moved down the Unfortunately, we have no detailed fountain stumbled on, “que molts cantes 45 because the Jewish community was nucleus of the Jewish population. prohoms of Tàrrega, “circa melioralyum ACUR, FMT, Llibre de cartes (1458- street (fig. 3). information of what this synagogue was i trenquaven”. In 1388, the wife of the Jew just coming into being. The bishop thus However, this is not to propose that there [et incrementum] aljame judeorum 1468), f. 102v-103r [02.07.1463], publ. like. A document from 1621 describes Jafia was caught washing nappies in the tried to avoid the contradiction between were two Jewish quarters in the town, ville”, that approved the construction 34 in J. X. Muntané, “Una carta d’amor”, the remains of a building situated in a same fountain. the canonical prohibition against but rather we suggest that there was of a Jewish quarter with walls and Carrer del Forn dels Jueus appendix II, num. 2. 18 street identified as a “carrer Nouolim dit The cohabitation between Christians building new synagogues, a more or less dense initial grouping of towers in the area known as “la Font”. The first of these names was “Carrer del dels Juheus” in the following way: “en lo and Jews was especially intense in the 46 ARB, MR, 2653, f. 13r [10.11.1463, and the fact that the Church used Jewish families with the synagogue near In our opinion, however, the main Forn dels Jueus” (Street of the Jewish qual pati ja y avie un sumptuós enfront 15th century. In April 1434, Lluís Puig Avraham Salom]; 21v [20.02.1465, various arguments to tolerate the the river, which, for unknown reasons, purpose of this licence is in the adverb Bakery). All the high part, especially the de paret de pedra picada ab unes grans complained to the mostassaf, fed up with Iossef de Besés]; f. 28r [08.08.1465, existence of the Jews in Christian could not hold the large number of at the end of the following sentence: stretch near the bakery on the right-hand finestres y una capella comensada molt the sieve maker Itskhaq Abnaxec’s hens Iossef de Besés]; f. 28v [08.08.1465, territories.

380 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 381 wandering around his terrace pecking shops that Bellsom and other Jews had in 11 Despite the caution with which we 22 This street would correspond to “lo 32 The few notary documents that have 46 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 3.3 Moshe Natan also, as explained below, his literary everything and even entering into the the square.47 must take the information related to the cal dels juheus” that is first mentioned survived about the sales the Jews made 526. vocation. Josep Muntané Santiveri house.35 Two months later, he reported destruction of synagogues [F. Sabaté in a local document in 1362, ACUR, hurriedly before August 1492, contain So much continuous emphasis on 47 Chelomo died in 1346. Moshe passed that the Jewish cobbler “li spuçava los banning the same thing leads us to doubt (1999b), “En torno a la identificación FMT, Llibre de consells (1361-1367), f. valuable data about some of the houses: In 1492, Iaqov Deulosal sold a fixed away sometime between the 16th of 36 Historical approach to Chelomo draps del lit devant casa sua”. We do the observance of this prohibition. This de sinagogas medievales: El caso de 7v and which, during the second half they all belonged to Jews and their wooden table that was in the wall of December 1359 and the 20th of May 1360, and Moshe Natan not know whether it was because of the is more like evidence of pressure that, Tàrrega”, Sefarad: Revista de Estudios of the 15th century, was often used to neighbours were also Jews (except Bellpuig, next to the Plaça del Blat, J. at an age of around seventy. hens or the fleas that Lluís Puig decided after the council’s agreement had been Hebraicos y Sefardíes, num. 59, p. 155- indicate the place (“lo loch, carrer e for some Christians who, with the M. Llobet (1991), “Els jueus de Cervera We do not know the exact number of i Tàrrega, l’any 1492”, p. 362; Chelomo to rent the house to one Xemuel Leví, as proclaimed in the town’s squares and 156], we believe that these arguments cal”) where the Jews lived, ACUR, FMT, publication of the decree of expulsion, the heads of family who settled in the An approach to the literary work appears in the neighbourhood dispute streets, was soon forgotten and a rich could not have digressed much from Llibre de consells (1476-1481), f. 57r; J. had rushed to acquire property at a Cresques and Bonadona sold a house aljama of Tàrrega in the first half of the of Moshe Natan between the court of the deputy’s house th between this Jew with the sieve maker new period of transgression began. the reality or, at least, they could X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 256 and good price), J. M. Llobet (1991), “Els 14 century. It must have been large, The profile of the historical figure of 37 and the house of Joan Guarro, idem, Abnaxec. The sentence indicated, as if it not contradict it excessively without 526 [11.05.1478]. jueus de Cervera i Tàrrega, l’any 1492”, among other things, because the 40 Moshe Natan grows even more when p. 359. were normal, that this Jew’s neighbours 1 J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics involving the royal and ecclesiastical p. 358-368. heads of family that Peter III imposed on his dedication to writing, and the literary 23 The property registers from were Christians: their names were, on i les sinagogues, num. 123. authorities in falsehoods. the authorities of the town after the 1348 production that arose from this, is 1501-1506, 1501-1514 and 1501-1523, 33 Near which the following events one side Antoni Steve and on the other, riot indicates a number that would have considered.9 Joan Carnicer. One Gabriel Gibert must 2 This licence, dated the 19th of March 12 J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i les conserved in the Urgell District Archive, related to this Jew’s family took place. been larger than before the disturbances In this sense, it must be noted that Jewish not have lived too far from Abnaxec, as 1306, arrived included in the royal sinagogues, num. 118 and 120. J. X. Muntané (2006a), “Les cases que In December 1485, this Jew was fined and that the deaths caused by this and writers who wrote in the language of the latter was fined in 1435, because the approval of the 22nd June 1319; solien ésser dels jueus. Una aproximació for having thrown “aygues a la part the plague, would have made it prudent 13 We have found one Itskhaq Vidal the land where they lived as well as in dirty water he had thrown out of the J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics al call de Tàrrega a través dels llibres de les voltes” and, a week later, for to reduce. documented in Tàrrega in 1308, Hebrew were a rara avis in the Late window had made a puddle “enmig del i les sinagogues, num. 38 and 57. d’estimes”, URTX: Revista Cultural de having dumped a “privada de pixats e The Natans were one of these families. acting as a witness and guarantor in Middle Ages. There were many Jewish portal de Gabriel Gibert, que no poden l’Urgell, num. 19, p. 106-123. quagalons tant grossos com lo bras” With houses in Barcelona and possibly 3 two oaths as a public corredor, J. X. writers in Catalonia who only used entrar en casa”, blocking his door.38 “Octuaginta in longitudine, that his wife, na Puries, hurried to also in Cervera and Bellpuig, where Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 37-38. The 24 This localisation of the bakery of Hebrew. In contrast, very few of them quinquaginta in latitudine et sexaginta sweep “quarera aval fins a les voltes”, they spent long spells, the brothers According to another case between documents related to Bonjuha Caravida the Jews is not far from the one it had resorted to Catalan. Moshe Natan was in altitudine palmorum quantitatem J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. Chelomo and Moshe Natan were always neighbours, also from 1435, Chelomo are his appointment as a procurator traditionally been given in a house on one of the latter. Abenafia had his home in that same aliquatenus non excedat”. The 594-595. linked to Tàrrega (fig. 1). They must on the 5th of February 1347, and a Carrer de Lluís Folquet, but it does not What did Moshe Natan write? The street, near a pen belonging to Joan synagogue in Tàrrega was the third have been attracted to the growing document from 1354 in which mentions coincide with it. 34 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 238 surviving part of his written work can Cirerols.39 In 1480, Simeó de Sivilia biggest on the list of those whose the Jewish community there. This dimensions are known; J. Riera (2006b), that he had died, J. M. Llobet (1984), and 283. be classified in general terms among reported that, on the other side of the 25 was a new community, still free from Els poders públics i les sinagogues, Algunes notícies, p. 7 and 11. J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 312 the didactic and moral literature of his street, the hosier Bonjuha had thrown and 434. 35 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. the influence and power of the more 40 p. 191-192. times. His speciality was collections of dirty water out of the window. In 1485, 14 established aljamas, concentrated ARB, reg. 644, f. 48r-48v [05.04.1347], 311. proverbs, of which we have evidence in the wife of the Jew was at it again, only 26 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. around a few families. In short, this was 4 Thus the duality of nomenclature publ. in A. Rubió (1908-1921), Documents both Hebrew and Catalan. He was also this time the water went “devès quasa 576. 36 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. a land overflowing with opportunities that appears in this first document and per a la història de la cultura catalana interested in certain biblical passages de mestre Daví”,41 as in 1501, and, as that would gradually succumb to their in which they were closely followed; mig-eval, Barcelona, Institut d’Estudis 313. 27 However, in both cases, the fact of 1 that he paraphrased poetically in the mentioned above, keeping the memory Catalans, num. 84; J. Riera (2006), Els control and prestige. J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i 37 form of a treatise, of which we have of its old Jewish owner alive. poders públics i les sinagogues, num. being situated opposite the synagogue The disagreement had nothing to do Closely linked to the corredors of les sinagogues, num. 38, 57 and 117. can be interpreted in different ways. with Jewish poultry but rather with a proof of both the Catalan original and its The homes that some Jews owned or For another interpretation of this 129. the aljama, for whom they acted as translation into Castilian. Another facet Either el Nin, aware that this part of party wall that was very worn down. 2 rented in this street and the fact the nomenclature, idem p. 166 note 336. guarantors on various occasions, they of his written production, the result of the 15 J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics the Jewish quarter was heavily marked J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. houses on one side of the Street of the seem to have had only a passing interest attraction he felt for synagogue liturgy, 5 and les sinagogues, num. 117. by the presence of a synagogue over a 322-323. Jews faced onto it at the back would As was habitual in other Catalan in trade. In contrast, money lending are the various hymns he composed explain why for many of the people of aljamas, the Jews of Tàrrega must hundred years old, and joined in and became their main business. 16 For a possible location of the enriched it by promoting a place of 38 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. in Hebrew for the celebrations of the Tàrrega the street was like an extension have kept this licence in the furniture Evidence of this vocation first appears old synagogue, J. Badias and O. prayer and for the study of the Torah 320. Jewish religious calendar, some of which of the Jewish quarter. This was more than for this purpose in the synagogue; in the complaint submitted to the royal Saula (1999), “Les excavacions and the Talmud, or confronted it, have survived in various rituals. enough reason for the gateway on that J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics 39 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. authorities by the priest of Sant Martí Thus, his written production has a street to end up being called the “portal i les sinagogues, p. 206-207. arqueològiques”, p. 182-184. promoting an alternative option just in 324. de Maldà in 1319, in which he accused strong religious and moralising leaning, dels Jueus”, as appears in a document front of the synagogue. 17 ARB, reg. 890, f. 175r [17.04.1350], various Jews from Tàrrega of having lent 42 6 J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics 40 although, as someone has mentioned, from 1461. 28 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. money at interest above the legal rate. publ. in A. López (1959b), “Una Regarding the similarity of the one perceives that there is a bourgeois i les sinagogues, num. 118 and 124. Or 536. consecuencia de la peste negra location of the synagogue (near the This churchman tells us that Chelomo spirit beating under his poems and Plaça del Blat with similar expressions: “antiquitus and Moshe Natan were among these.3 At en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. wall and in a courtyard) with other 41 which began to break through both in dicto loco constructam”, idem, num. J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. this point, we do not know if they were The Plaça del Blat was one of the focal Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, synagogues, J. Riera (2006b), Els poders inside and outside the Jewish quarters in 117 and 120. 593. novice or experienced lenders, but there points of the late medieval municipality num. 19; G. Gonzalvo et al (1997), Llibres públics i les sinagogues, p. 182-183. the mid-14th century.10 for political (with the town council on is no room for doubt that this was a very 7 J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics de privilegis, num. 139. Some property registers from 1501 and 42 J. M. Planes (1987), “Breu aproximació In the case of Moshe Natan’s proverbs, one side and the royal deputy’s court profitable business as both brothers i les sinagogues, num. 128. 1502 attribute the building that gives als jueus de la Tàrrega medieval”, Nova the presence of this spirit is noted opposite), religious (with the abbey and 18 It is not completely clear exactly amassed exceptional fortunes in a few the lowest part of the Carrer dels Jueus Tàrrega. Separata, p. 1. According to especially in the choice, together with the parish church of Santa Maria) and 8 which part of the town the councillors short years. It has even been suggested This was the Plaça del Blat, an area its name, the names of: “casa de l’estudi this document, there was a drinking the more traditional subjects of Jewish economic purposes (with the lower floors were referring to with this toponym. that Moshe Natan could have been one closer to the economic and political ere sinagoga”, “scola” and also “scoles”; trough next to the gate. morals, of certain themes and literary of houses taken up by shops, tables on centre of the town. Despite this The medieval spring known as the J. X. Muntané (2006a), “Les cases que of the richest Jews in Catalonia towards th 4 contents that presupposes a perception the walls and the holding of the weekly Romans was on the other side of the 43 the end of the first half of the 14 century. closeness, the new place kept its solien ésser dels jueus”, p. 117-118. J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 344 of the world that fits the well-off class that market). This was the square closest to river Ondara, near the Franciscan inhabitants somewhat isolated as it §2. As shown by this document and all The rising profits encouraged the lender Moshe Natan and his belonged to. On the the Jewish quarter and, although at a convent, clearly outside the town. In 29 ARB, reg. 1815, f. 16r-16v [28.03.1384], was below the houses on the Carrer the others cited below, the reports of to lend ever-larger sums of money and other hand, a careful reading shows that lower level, we also have evidence of a contrast, on the side of the town nearest and reg. 1822, f. 59v-60r [28.03.1384]; Major, whose walls acted as a kind of this cohabitation date from later and made him into a preferred resort for the the literary works that appear in Moshe Jewish presence (fig. 9). the river, in the place where the gate J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i les separation between the populated part thus are contrary to the anti-Jewish leading people and institutions of the Natan’s proverbs are a reflection of the of Arnau Farrer was later opened, and sinagogues, num. 239- 240. The plan In 1442, the town council prohibited of the town and this interior area with measures in the apostolic constitution epoch, whose costly activities always intellectual and aesthetic concerns, not thus right next to the Jewish quarter, of this synagogue in Cervera has been Iaqov Deulosal and his sons from having a low population density. Moreover, it Etsi doctoris gentium by Benet XIII required financing with considerable only religious, of this bourgeoisie. the workshop in the square and ordered was far from the Franciscan convent, there was also a spring. So the most recreated from the documents for (1415) and the version by Ferdinand amounts of money. We know that among him to move it to “en aquell carrer o loch founded in 1318 just in front of the Bell- probable is that this was the spring the the sale of the seats, A. Duran (1924), I that same year. In 1420, a friar this exclusive group who borrowed hon la pella se acostuma de tenir”.43 Ten lloc gate, on the other side of the river. Tàrrega authorities were referring to in Referencies documentals del call de denounced an identical situation in the from the Natan brothers there was the a) Written production in Catalan years later, in 1452, the council decided this document. juhéus de Cervera, Barcelona, Impr. neighbouring town of Cervera, where monarchy, various municipalities (the From the information in some medieval 9 J. R. Magdalena (1987), “Etimologia no Atlas Geográfico, p. 33-40. documents include Tàrrega, Cervera inventories, we know that Moshe Natan that the tavern run by Iaqov Deulosal in 19 “en gran scàndol e perill dels crestians The amount of the which, as of the 11 the square (perhaps in the same place semítica de “call””, Calls, num. 2, p. 7-16. contra forma de la dita ordinació [del and Guimerà) and also a military order wrote various works in Catalan. One 28th of May, 1351, the council had still 30 ACUR, FMT, Llibre de capitulacions where the workshop had been) should be papa] stan o habiten entre los cristians e (the order of the Hospital of Saint John of of them was a poetic composition in the 10 not paid to said Jew, publ. in A. López (1618-1666), f. 42r-42v, publ. J. M. “tanquada e del tot levada” and from then The first documented flood of the comuniquen ab ells quasi en menyspreu Jerusalem). style of the Noves Rimades (octosyllabic Ondara in the town (“diluvi” in the text) (1959b), “Una consecuencia de la peste Segarra (1987), Història de Tàrrega on, “negun juheu no gos tenir sa taverna e dirrition de la ley cristiana e perill The prestige that surrounded the figure verses and rhyming and consonant among the many that have occurred, negra en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. amb els seus costums i tradicions. Vol. en la dita plaça sinó en ses cases, si tenir- de les ànimes dels cristians”, A. Duran of Moshe Natan derived from different couplets), which used an account of the dates from July 1344, ACUR, FMT, Apéndices (documentos inéditos”, II: Segles XVI-XVIII, Tàrrega, Museu ne volran, ho habitacions”.44 (1924), Referencies documentals, p. aspects of his life. These included his creation as it appears at the beginning Llibre de consells 1341-1344, num. 25. Comarcal, p. 99. Given that the Jews were “entre los 57-60. participation as a advocate or delegate of the Bible as a vehicle for a message f. 75r, J. Badias, O. Saula (1999), with religious and moralising contents. cristians, més que més en la plaça”, 20 The amount of the which, as of the 31 The document for the sale of the in cases related with his coreligionists, “Les excavacions arqueològiques 44 untané 5 th J. X. M (2006b), Fonts, num. both with the Christian authorities and It is very likely that the internal structure a council session in 1468 agreed that del jaciment del Molí de la Codina 26 of May, 1352, but had not been met, house that David de Cabestany had 388. in cases between Jews,6 his generosity of the work reflected the peculiar “negun juheu no stigue contínuament de Tàrrega: Posible emplaçament de A. López (1959a), “Una consecuencia de next to the synagogue distinguishes towards certain charitable causes,7 his disposition of Gn 1 when narrating the en la plaça ab sa muler ni família, però la peste negra en Cataluña: El pogrom between a hospital and school: “ex alia 45 l’antiga sinagoga de la primera meitat J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. creation of the world, while arranging que pusquen tenir lurs botigues en de 1348”, Sefarad: Revista de Estudios [parte afrontat] cum domo sive ospitali signature and very likely participation 45 del segle XIV”, Tamid: Revista Catalana 496. Some shops that were forced to the contents of the book according to las plaças”. Only ten years later, the Hebraicos y Sefardíe, num. 19, p. 122. del aljama et retro cum escola de la in the discussion and writing of the Anual d’Estudis Hebraics, num. 2, p. 173. close during Christian festivities in the six days of the creation. Only a few councillors referred to this prohibition aljama”, ACSG, FN, Cristòfol Vidal, famous agreements of 1354 between The first documents in the Chancellery 21 1472 (idem, num. 518), although in 1484 verses in Catalan and some translated as an “old use, custom, practice and ARB, reg. 708, f. 155r-155v Manual (1491-1492), f. 57r [05.07.1492]; the representatives of the aljamas of that refer to the damage caused by a Bonnín was seen unloading “sargies into Castilian of this poetic treatise have ordination” to force Bellsom’s family to [12.01.1362], publ. in A. López (1956), Catalonia and Valencia, which the ones flood in the synagogue in Tàrrega are J. M. Llobet (1991), “Els jueus de e altres mercaderies” in the his shop leave their home in the square and move Documentos acerca de la peste negra en from Majorca joined later,8 his fortune survived, among which is the poet’s from the following year, July 1345; Cervera i Tàrrega, l’any 1492”, in Actes in Carrer Major, on All Saint’s Day, to “en lo loch hon los juheus de the dita los dominios de la Corona de Aragón, and dealings with the high spheres of famous presentation of himself: “E si iera del 1r Col·loqui d’Història dels jueus 46 J. R (2006b), Els poders públics without being fined for it, idem, num. quisieres saber el mi nombre abierto vila acostumen de star, ço en lo lur cal”. Saragossa, Heraldo de Aragón, num. a la Corona d’Aragó, Lleida: Institut power, both Christian and Jewish and i les sinagogues, num. 116-117. 581. / sepas que Mosé Azán me llaman por However, this norm did not affect the 150. d’Estudis Ilerdencs, p. 359.

382 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 383 cierto, / vecino de Tárraga, un pequeño Catalan. Despite this, he also used open and close the collection. Their not only infected by the contemporary 10 E. Gutwirth (1998), “Widows, Artisans, lugar / et de mui nobles gentes et omes Hebrew at certain moments of his day: function is to present wisdom and its enthusiasm for this genre in Catalan and the Issues of Life: Hispano- de prestar. / Et es noble lugar, ordenado e in the ritual prayers and blessings that fruit, peace, as something so desirable literature, which he contributed to with Jewish Bourgeois Ideology”, in B. D. puesto / et poblado de mucho ome limpio precede or follow such everyday events that it justifies the efforts that are needed his collection of proverbs in Catalan, but Cooperman (ed.), In Iberia and Beyond. e honesto”.12 as beginning the day, eating, travelling; both to acquire the virtues (first part) and he also decided to pass it on to Hebrew Hispanic Jews between Cultures. If the Castilian translation dates from during the daily service in the synagogue to reject the vices (second part). literature, writing, after such a long time, Proceedings of a symposium to mark the mid-14th century, we must suppose and, especially on the Sabbath and feast Although it seems there were originally a new collection of proverbs: Questions the 500th anniversary of the expulsion that the original was written before this days; when setting the time in writing, 248 proverbs, there are actually more. of life. of Spanish Jewry, London, Newark, p. date. On the other hand, if we take the in Hebrew or Aljamiat (Catalan written As this number varies with the various 160-163. in Hebrew script), and for certain deals, 1 The minority group made up of the tone of praise in the verses in which the textual traditions, if we add the specific 11 author refers to his place of residence generally financial. proverbs from each to the ones that are richest families in each community J. Riera (1981), “Les obres catalanes de Tàrrega seriously, we must suppose that In the case of Moshe Natan, the use common to all, the resulting figure is 322. were those who benefitted most from Mossé Natan (segle XIV)”, in J. Massot it dates not only from before the 1348 of Hebrew was not only limited to the The majority of proverbs are matched, the structure of government of the (ed.), Miscel·lània Pere Bohigas/1, riot, but also prior to the years when above-mentioned more practical and with external consonant rhyme, although aljama, which they easily dominated, Barcelona, Publicacions de l’Abadia de the town council began to pass rules immediate functions of the written in a third of them, there is also internal as, in their hands, this became the ideal Montserrat, p. 95-105. that discriminated against the Jewish language, but he also used it as a tool for rhyme, consonant and even assonant, platform for their social and financial 12 aspirations, often in detriment of the “And if you want to know my name population, the first of which dates back literary pleasure. the latter surely through the influence of / know that Mosé Azán is what gives to 1341.13 Unfortunately, no details have survived Catalan and Provencal poetry. As well as rest of the community, Y. T. Assis (1997), The Golden Age, p. 76-131. me my fame, / from Tárraga, a little This work could be identified with “lo of the books Moshe Natan had at home. rhyme, the proverbs in Qüestions de vida town / of very noble people and men of tratat de mossèn Açan” in the inventory However, the textual quotes and parallels have rhythm, as each and every one of 2 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 41, renown. / It is a noble place, tidy and of Joan Spígol (1450).14 This inventory in Qüestions de vida to biblical verses, the them is adapted faithfully to the various neat / of clean and honest men it is the metres that Hebrew medieval poetry had 47, 62 and 72. from the merchant from Catí is also proverbs of Ibn Gavirol or the Llibre de seat”. N. Antonio (1788), Bibliotheca evidence of another work written in paraules e dits de savis e filòsofs by Iendà adopted as a its own expressive element. 3 ARB, reg. 167, f. 8. [31.03.1319]; J. X. Hispana Vetus, Madrid, Vol II, book IX, Catalan attributed to the same author: Bonsenyor, among others, leads us to This collection of proverbs is Muntané (2010), Qüestions de vida, p. cap. iii, p. 141. “los proverbis de mossèn Açan”.15 This is think that these must have been among characterised by its uniqueness in late- 15-27. another lost work of which only a pair of Moshe Natan’s habitual reading material. medieval Hebrew literature. While the 13 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. proverbs have survived in the anthology On the other hand, the domain of the use of proverbs in a good part of this 4 See the “Guia per a una lectura 131. titled Doctrina moral (first half of the 15th different Hebrew models of versification, literature is unquestionable, it is also comprensiva dels acords” by J. Riera in 14 century). The first of these proverbs is in together with the knowledge he shows of true that to find a work in this genre, in the article by E. Feliu (1987), “Els acords Inventory of the assets of Joan Spígol, chapter 22, the “de consell e de seny”, and the rabbinic and medieval lexis, suggests other words, a work that only contains de Barcelona de 1354”, Calls, num. 2, p. merchant from Catí (1450), R. Carreras the other, in chapter 32, the “del sinch that besides the books mentioned, in proverbs, we have to go back almost one 166; J. R. Magdena (1989), “Les aljames (1928), “La comarca de Morella: senys corporals”.16 which, by the way, these techniques and a half centuries. catalanes segons les fonts hebraiques: Catí. Los claros linajes”, Boletín de la The proverbs in question are the are almost absent, he must have had In 1218, Yehuda ben Chelomo al Khariji Aspectes de la vida i les institucions Sociedad Castellonense de Cultura, num. following: “Del hom qui es pensa que others where these literary artifices and published a translation of the Kitab desl jueus catalans als segles XIII and 9, p. 319. savi és / de son saber no fius en res” (of this lexis appeared: medieval biblical XIV reflectits als responsa rabínics”, in adab al-falasifa in Lunel that he titled: 15 Or rather: “los proverbis de Mossé the man who claims to be wise/ in his commentaries, philosophical works from M. Salleras (ed.), El debat intercultural Musré ha-pilosofim or The teachings Naçan”, correcting a very common knowledge do not trust) (Doctrina moral, the new wave, maqames and other poetic als segles XIII and XIV. Actes de les I of the philosophers. Before him, in the misspelling of the author’s name. 22), and: “Somada que un pot dressar works, etc. A library where, besides the mid-12th century, a pair of translators Jornades de Filosofia Catalana. Girona, Catalan proverbs by Iendà Bonsenyor, 25-27 d’abril de 1998, Girona, Col·legi / dos ni ha obs al levar” (A load that one did Hebrew versions of the collection 16 G. Llabrés (1889), Doctrina moral del there must have also been other works in can put straight / two would not even that Chelomo ibn Gavirol had written Universitari de Girona, and Barcelona, mallorquí en Pax, autor del sigle XV, Catalan, or even Latin. th raise) (Doctrina moral, 32). in Arab during the first half of the 11 Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, p. Palma, Felip Guasp, p. 78 and 105. In a similar way to the treatise on Moshe Natan wrote various hymns century: Yehuda ibn Tibbon (1167, Lunel) 204, note 26. The attack on the Jewish the creation of the world, these are (piiutim) in Hebrew, some of which titled his translation Mivkhar ha-peninim quarter in Tàrrega in the summer of 17 J. X. Muntané (2010), Qüestions de octosyllabic verses and rhyming and are still recited in the liturgy of the (The choice of pearls), and Iossef Qimkhí 1348, was a turning point from which it vida, p. 82-86. consonant couplets. And it is also very synagogues, and the collection of (Narbonne) titled his poetic version in did not recover. curious that a piece of the treatise has proverbs Totseot khaiim or Qüestions de the same collection Xéquel ha-qódeix 5 Moshe Natan appealed to the bishop survived in its Castilian translation. Of vida, (Questions of Life), our proposal for (Sacred moderation). 17 of Barcelona on behalf of Iossef Achaz, the two surviving proverbs in Catalan, a title in Catalan. What encouraged Moshe Natan to falsely accused of blasphemy, J. one has its counterpart in the collection Qüestions de vida begins with a poetic compose a work in this genre after Baucells (2005), Vivir en la Edad Media: of Hebrew proverbs by Moshe Natan. exordia that is constructed as an so long? In the poems of eulogy that Barcelona y su entorno en los siglos XIII Indeed, chapter 11 of Qüestions de immense mosaic of biblical references, Chelomo Bonjudà, poet and friend of y XIV (1200-1344), Vol. II, Barcelona, vida, dedicated to justice, contains the that he reworked and combined into Moshe Natan, wrote for Qüestions de Consejo Superior de Investigaciones following proverb: mono-rhythmic couplets. Through vida, it is clear not only that Moshe Natan Científicas, p. 1727; before the veguer this rhyming prose, Moshe Natan had written in Catalan, but also implies and sotsveguer of Cervera in favour presents his reader with the reasons that the Catalan collection came before of Astruc Sullam, J. M. Llobet (2001), ,that encouraged him to write this work. the Hebrew as it refers to the former 1 במוט משא בעמדה על בהמה, / בלי עמל הלא אחד יקימה? “Mossé Natan, valedor”, p. 147-150. .He starts with an empirical observation: when the latter had only just appeared 2 ואם תפול עלי ארץ ותכבד / ולא יוכלו שלשה להקימה. the equality of anatomical structure that However, as mentioned, in contrast to 6 Moshe Natan helped to prepare the This is translated as: is seen in all human beings is altered the oblivion this genre suffered in 14th case between Chelomo Sullam and “Quan vacil·la la somada carregada sobre by the possession, to a greater or lesser century Hebrew literature, collections the aljama of Cervera, ARB, Alfons l’animal, / no és cert que sense esforç un extent, of five assets or “corones”: beauty, of proverbs were in vogue in Catalan III, c. 9, n. 1.160r [G. Escribà (1995), de sol l’adreça? / En canvi, si cau a terra strength, wealth, family and wisdom. literature. This trend had begun at the The Jews in the Crown of Aragon: i és feixuga, / ni tres podran aixecar-la.” Of all these, only wisdom lasts forever. end of the 13th century with Guillem de Regesta of the Cartas Reales in the “When the load on the animal is not tied However, people concentrate their Cervera (Proverbis, ca. 1280), Bonjudà Archivo de la Corona de Aragón. Part tight / is it not true that with the effort of efforts in conserving and increasing the Bonsenyor (Llibre de paraules e dits de ii: 1328-1493, Jerusalem, Ginzei Am one it is put to right / in contrast, if it falls perishable assets when, paradoxically, savis e filòsofs, 1298, Barcelona), Ramon Olam and Hispania Judaica, num. 648], and is heavy /not even three will be able if someone succeeds in this, he or she is Llull (in d’Arbre exemplifical, 1296, and emitted the verdict in the probate to put it back). wise. Having reached here, Moshe Natan Rome; Proverbis de Ramon, 1296, Rome; lawsuit of Astruc de Besers, A. Rubió It is clear that despite the differences of intones a mea culpa for having let himself Llibre dels mil proverbis, 1302, Majorca; (1908-1921), Documents, num. 83. formulation, the basic theme of the two be seduced by the more material goods Proverbis d’ensenyaly, 1309) among other 7 proverbs is the same. According to the and airs his conversion to the cause of anonymous authors, and throughout the According to the valuable account current state of our research, the idea wisdom, to which he declares he will 14th century, this underwent a growing by Girona rabbi Nissim ben Reuvén, seems genuinely to be Moshe Natan’s as dedicate himself reading and meditating diffusion and diversification with T. Alsina (1985), “Vida i obra de Mossé we have only found evidence of it in his on the sayings of the old wise men and translations and adaptations of works in Natan”, in Constitution de l’Association collections. This coincidence not only composing new ones. the genre by foreign authors, both old d’estudiosos del judaisme català, reinforces our belief in Moshe Natan’s Then his own proverbs appear, and contemporary (Llibre de saviesa, Tàrrega, Museu Comarcal, p. 18-19. authorship of the collection of proverbs classified thematically and grouped 1295; Proverbis de Salomó; Llibre de Cató, 8 F. Baer (1929), Die Juden im christlichen in Catalan, but also brings up the into 58 chapters. This division makes etc.). Spanie: Urkunden und Regesten. Vol. possibility of some kind of equivalence the internal structure of the work more It is true that Moshe Natan had examples I: Aragonien und Navarra, Berlin, between the collections of Catalan and visible: a first group of chapters (from 2 of the old Hebrew collections of Akademie Verlag, num. 253; B. Pieters Hebrew proverbs. to 45) are dedicated to the qualities and proverbs, of which we know there were (2006), De Akkoorden van Barcelona virtues that one must possess to become in places as close to Tàrrega as Cervera, (1354). Historische en kritische Analyse, wise and successful in life, while a second but if he finally decided to write it in B) Written production in Hebrew Barcelona, PPU, p. 135a-e. group (chapters 38 and 46 to 57) focuses this language, I am inclined to believe The language Moshe Natan spoke at on negative attitudes to be avoided. A that it was the result of the golden age 9 home in the Jewish quarter of Tàrrega J. X. Muntané (2010), Qüestions de chapter dedicated exclusively to wisdom that the collections of Catalan proverbs and in the streets of the town was vida, p. 57-118. (the first) and another to peace (the last) were experiencing. Moshe Natan was

384 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 385 4. The economic and political determinants of the pogrom of 1348 in Tàrrega

4.1. Violence and social instability the prohoms and individuals of the town and revoke that disposition on the 18th of 3 A royal decree of 5th August 1322 diminuere nundinas dicte ville Tarrege, 4.2. The effects of credit and taxation such a point that it was impossible to were absolved from having supported February the following year.13 Despite (ACA, Cancelleria Reial, reg. 222, f. faciunt nundinas preconizari in loco meet the annual payments owed to the Joan E. García Biosca Guillem Folquet and his followers, “de this, the neighbouring town must have 43v-44r, cited in Nirenberg, 1998: Villegrasse ultra tempus concessum Joan E. García Biosca lenders with usury or the holders of Perhaps it was not strictly by chance that diversis criminibus inculpatos”. The appealed unsuccessfully against the 102, note 24) recognised the ownership eisdem, ipsasque durare faciunt per Unfortunately, seen from this violaris.3 This situation forced the king the news we have about the outbreaks situation was serious enough for Prince royal decision, as two months later the by the Friars Minor of the property and tempus concessum hominibus dicte perspective, except for the number of to intervene and the adoption of a series of violence in the area of Tàrrega and Alfonso, as procurator general of the king finally confirmed his decision, land that had belonged to the lepers in ville Tarrege in ipsorum preiudicium victims, the pogrom of 1348 was no of corrective measures: on one hand, Cervera coincide either with moments realm, to go in person to take control of against the wishes of Vilagrassa,14 while Tàrrega, with the condition that anyone non modicum, ut asseritur, atque exceptional event. This riot was no Alfonso III granted the council the power of climatologic stress, or epiphenomena the situation.5 promoting measures to stimulate the who acquired them would have to take dampnum”. (ACUR, FMT, parchment novelty even if we focus on the urge to establish “ordinations”4 that allowed related to these, such as famine and We know somewhat more about the market in Tàrrega.15 care of looking after and maintaining num. 26; ACUR, FMT, LPT II, f. 58v-60r; shown to eliminate a minority, given it to increase its resources, as well as a shortages. Thus, the first references to attack against Vilagrassa launched Did the inhabitants of Vilagrassa ignore any future cases of leprosy declared in GONZALVO et al, 1997: 164-166, doc. that the previous generation had series of franchises aimed at reactivating violence against the Jews in Tàrrega date by the people of Tàrrega in 1330, the royal dispositions deliberately? Did the town. 55). exterminated the lepers in Cervera and trade;5 on the other hand, over the from 1307, after a year of floods and at the possibly also those in Tàrrega in 1321. On following years, a specially convened and that led to three deaths and an they respond with other measures or 4 11 beginning of a three-year famine (RIERA, indeterminate number of injuries. The practices to counteract the advantage The minutes of Cervera council from However, it should be born in mind the other hand, the attack on Vilagrassa commission took care of clarifying 1991; BENITO, 2004: 191). On that date, documents of the absolution show one gained by the neighbouring town and 1331-1333 state that, in those years, that the Vilagrassa fair, established in in 1331 shows that the whole town and recovering the rights and incomes bishop Ponç of Vic granted permission of the most surprising traits of these economic rival? These are questions that there was “rancor e mala voluntat per the town charter of 1185, is the oldest was capable of rising against a threat owed to the Crown to correct them for the building of the synagogue, events: their truly communal nature, we as yet have no answers to, nor can we rones, per ferides e per naffres, o per in western Catalonia. Balaguer, Lleida considered vital, with no limits to the and prepare the donation of the town while exhorting the people of Tàrrega as the entire town rose in arms against state with confidence that the tensions morts” between different factions in and Tàrrega were not granted their fairs level of violence employed to achieve the to Queen Elionor of Castile as a dowry not to disturb the Jews with stones the neighbouring village. In October that arose about the markets and fairs the town, in dispute about reasons until 1211, 1232 and 1242 respectively, objective. (SABATÉ, 1991). or sticks while they were celebrating 1331, the widow queen Elionor, the caused the attack against Vilagrassa by that are unknown, and that robberies, while the first news of the one in Thus, the question that must be posed Going further into the question of their festivities or praying, and at the lady of Tàrrega, absolved the prohoms, the people of Tàrrega in 1330. However, sackings and attacks were so frequent Cervera dates from 1301, although it is how the Jews in Tàrrega came to be the “ordinations” granted in 1328, in same time expressly prohibiting them the university as a whole and each of we believe that this explanation is that the council even had to apply the must have been in existence before then perceived by their fellow citizens as a 1333, Queen Elionor empowered the from entering the Jewish cemetery, the individuals in particular, of the plausible and that it makes sense for Jews death penalty. The situation was even (Turull, 1991: 26-29). threat that had to be eliminated. What trustees of Tàrrega and Vilagrassa to set vandalising it or digging up the bodies.1 more serious in 1333, when drought had changed in years since 1331, when crimes committed, regardless of their to have taken part, given that they played 12 In this sense, it should not surprise “impositions” on certain products sold in was declared in what would become the Jews and Christians from Tàrrega had During 1320 and 1321, just after the religion, while singling out the Jew a very relevant role in the Tàrrega fair us that the 1323 decrees by James markets and fairs to help them to gather 6 famous “first bad year”, to the point that together attacked the neighbouring town famine and shortages that had marked Chelomo Natan as one of those who and thus, were especially harmed by the II met resistance and that, in 1329, the amounts demanded to subsidise the 7 limits were placed on the armament and murdered some of its inhabitants? It 6 the period between 1315 and 1319, there had taken part. A year later, the bishop competition posed by the neighbouring Alfonso III had to reiterate that ban on war against Granada. Thus, the taxation 16 that could be carried in the town. is true that in 1348 all the ingredients for was decisive change in the indices in of Vic imitated the queen and granted town. Far from appeasing the conflicts extending that powerful fair beyond on the municipalities, that had until (Turull, 1986b: 32-34). a “perfect storm” of violence had come violence. In early 1321, a rumour spread his pardon to each and every one of the with the remissions of 1331 and 1332, the ten days to avoid ruining the one in then been based on the direct taxes of together; drought, famine, pestilence around southern France according to Tàrrega clergy who had participated in conflicts with Vilagrassa continued over 5 ACUR, FMT, LPT II, f. 60r-61r; Tàrrega (ACUR, FMT, LPT I, 40v-42r; the quèstia (feudal dues) and the subsidi 8 and political disorder before and during which the lepers, in connivance with the mentioned events. the following decade. Good evidence GONZALVO et al (1997: 169-170, doc. GONZALVO et al, 1997: 188-189, doc. (tax), was now increased with a form of the epidemic. But were these only 7 certain Muslim rulers, planned a massive Unfortunately, again in this case, the of that are the royal offices from 1341, 59). The price of absolution was 25,000 72). indirect taxation on commercial deals. exceptional circumstances of the time poisoning of the waters of the kingdom. It reasons for the attack are not explained, where we can read that both places “orta sous of Barcelona, a large amount that, During the 1330s, the king raised 13 that explain the massacre of the Jews? was not long before the Jews were added but the wide social, and even ethno- fuisset brica seu dissensionis materia” compared with the 36,000 sous the king “... nunc autem illustris domina the taxation on the royal towns to Or is it possible, on the other hand, that to the plot and, in a question of weeks, cultural, range of those involved leads and called for measures to be taken to demanded to end the legal proceedings Alionora, Aragonum regina, karissima subsidise the pressing financial needs over the seventeen years that separate the municipal authorities of Languedoc us towards the idea of the activation of protect goods and people on both sides against those accused of the 1348 consors nostra, asserat et pretendat of his armies. This way, the subsidis, 17 one event from the other, that a wide appealed to the King of France for a transversal solidarity in the town against to guarantee public order. massacre (Muntané, 2013: 114, note quod ex dicta concessione seu that had been an extraordinary measure enough breach had opened between the stricter segregation of lepers, as well as a threat to its economic foundations Attention must be drawn to the apparent 33), gives us an idea of the seriousness commutacione redditus mercati until 1336, became an almost annual two communities for the elimination of the definitive expulsion of the Jewish and/or institutional personality. There everyday nature of extreme forms of of the events of 1326. Despite that, it ville Tarrege, qui ad ipsam reginam requirement, and thus were added to such a relevant minority as the Jews not communities. Although the sovereign were recurring conflicts with Vilagrassa aggression that, against what is usually was still far from the 70,000 sous of pertinere noscuntur, extenuarentur the annual customary tribute of the to be perceived by the majority as self and his officials attempted to redirect the throughout the Middle Ages, starting believed, were not restricted to groups Barcelona extorted from the relatives et diminuarentur quamplurimum, et quèstia (SÁNCHEZ, 1995a: 412-413). As a mutilation? protests, they were soon overwhelmed almost from the time of its foundation in of bellatores, but were rather a facet of Chelomo Natan and others charged rogaverit nos ut, cum ipsa tempore consequence, the 1340s saw the start of and it was the bishops and municipal 1185. However, these seem to increase of society as a whole. Throughout this with penal responsibility for his murder concessionis seu renovacionis ac One way to consider these questions is to generalised and chronic indebtedness magistrates who unleashed the hunting, in frequency and intensity from the period, violence acted as a means of in 1345. (Mošé Natan, 2010: 30-31). commutacionis dicti mercati, quod examine the financial and credit situation of the royal towns, ever more burdened torture and execution of lepers and Jews second decade of the 14th century (fig. 1). communication that not only allows hominibus Villegrasse per nos of the towns and inhabitants of Tàrrega down by the taxes demanded by the (NIRENBERG, 1998: 52-56). An agreement between the magistrates the social relations to be explored 6 Brother of the writer and indultum fuit, cum dicto antiquo and Cervera. As part of a royal domain, Crown (SÁNCHEZ, 1995a: 414). The accusations against the lepers of the two towns, signed on the 23rd of and configured, but is also a tool for businessman, Moshe Natan. He shared privilegio tunc non uterentur, tenert their economy oscillated between The Paeria of Tàrrega attempted to (not so much those that affected the February 1323, talks generically about establishing an individual’s place in a good number of business and lending redditus ville Tarrege, novitatem three poles: meeting the Crown’s lighten this growing burden on their ever Jews) were also echoed south of the crimes, wrongdoings, conflicts and the community and a key resource for initiatives and became one of the et communicationem predictas, in fiscal requirements, the creation and more meagre resources by following two Pyrenees and in June, James II ordered bans that had occurred between them articulating the civic identities that were leading people in the Tàrrega aljama dampnum dicti mercati Tarrege factas, maintenance of an incipient municipal lines. On one hand, this meant seeking reinforced frontier controls to prevent in the past and the need to negotiate the taking shape (SKODA, 2013: 234). (Mošé Natan, 2010: 2-55). revocare velimus, presertim cum ex structure and, no less important, the exemption from some royal taxes and, the arrival of the supposed poisoners, remissions or pardons, while they also dicto mercato Villegrasse villa Tarrege, payment of the debt accumulated to face on the other, attempting to cancel short- 7 while encouraging his officials to arrest agreed on their respective limits and the 1 ACA, reg. 217, f. 147v-148r; “... relaxamus vobis probis hominibus que locus insignis est, deterioraretur, previous demands. term loans at high interest rates that had and intern any stranger suspected of possessions of each in their neighbour’s Muntané (2006a: 14, doc. 35). et universsitati ville nostre Tarrege, et nec expediat mercatum aliud fore in Regarding the royal demands, the first been taken out at moments of urgent carrying the disease. The list of groups to territory.9 The insults in Jewish quarters and omnibus singularibus ex vobis, necnon loco de Villagrassa, qui locum multum half of the 14th century was marked by needs. With the former in mind, in 1342, be controlled soon expanded to include Despite the willingness shown by synagogues, especially during Easter et Salamoni Nazan, iudeo eiusdem, contiguus est ville Tarrege et de collecta two phases of increasing demands on the Tàrrega and Vilagrassa granted the king Muslims, Basques and Genoese. As had both parties to reach agreement, at the time, were part of what Nirenberg omnem accionem, questionem, eciam ville eiusdem”. (ACUR, FMT, towns of the dominion, both coinciding a loan of 25,000 sous on the condition happened in France, the authorities end of the same year, the king had to (1998: 200 and fol.) typified as forms of peticionem et demandam et omnem parchment num. 38; ACUR, FMT, LPT with periods of notable military activity.1 that they would be exempt form paying were unable to keep the situation under intervene to limit the abuses that the systemic, sacred or ritual violence. In eciam penam, civilem et criminalem [...] II, f. 7v-8v; Gonzalvo et al., 1997: 192- The increase in tax hit local and individual the quèstia until this money had been control, so that in the last months of the people of Vilagrassa committed by contrast, the reference to profanations racione aggresionis et invasionis per 193, doc. 75). economies already suffering from bad repaid.8 vos vel aliquem vestrum, ut dicitur, facte year there were frequent attacks on those exceeding the length set for their fair that and disinterment of bodies seems less harvests and famine in the mid 1320s We do not know the amount borrowed anno proxime preterito contra homines 14 ACUR, FMT, parchment num. 38; deemed suspicious, among whom the overlapped it with the one in Tàrrega, ordinary, especially if we compare it and especially at the beginning of the from Christian or Jewish lenders,9 but, de Villagrassa et singulares eiusdem, ACUR, LPT II, f. 7v-8v; Gonzalvo et lepers came off worst. with the intentional aim of damaging with other regulations referring to the following decade. The collection of the judging from the difficulties the council 10 in qua invasione neces trium hominum al. (1997: 192-193, doc. 75). The assaults on the leper colonies it. In the epoch in question, the fair Jewish cemeteries in Girona and Lleida tributes soon was insufficient to meet the had, and the resources dedicated to in 1360 and 1383, respectively (Sierra et vulnera plura fuerunt inter ipsos spread and in one of the best-known seems a specific trait of the economic 15 amounts demanded by the royal officials, repaying the loans from the brothers 11 homines subsequta”. (ACUR, FMT, LPT ACUR, FMT, Parchments, boxes num. episodes, not only were the installations life of Vilagrassa (almost a speciality), and Soler, 2005; Bertran, 2013), so the municipalities had no other option Moshe and Chelomo Natan, this must II, f. 73v-74v; GONZALVO et al, 1997: 3 (1329) and 4 (1330). of the leper colony of Santa Maria so that only Lleida and Cervera were which only mention the ban on grazing than to indebt themselves to appease have been considerable.10 On the 19th of flocks there. We find the parallels to 225-226, doc. 97). Magdalena in Cervera attacked and in a position to overshadow it. Thus, 16 More than two thirds of the names the impact of the increase in taxes on the July 1341, Tàrrega council seems to have it is understandable that the people of the acts of profanation detailed in the population by at least by deferring these. burned down, but the sick who lived 8 “... remitimus et penitus relaxamus ac of the people authorised to participate reached a critical point. Having reached 2 Vilagrassa fought to maintain its viability rules of the bishop of Vic in contrast, in there were also executed publicly. The perpetuo diffinimus omnibus et singulis as corredors of the Tàrrega fair in 1343 The indebtedness of the towns took the last deadline for repayment, the fate of the lepers in Tàrrega, Vilafranca and pre-eminent position by opposing contexts of persecution unleashed like two forms: one more traditional and th clericis ville Tarrege, qui interfuerunt and 1344 were Jewish, although not all creditors would have presented the batlle not only its neighbours, but also all royal that of 1348. The, the mid-19 century del Penedès and Morella is less clear. seu interfuisse dicuntur conflictui seu were from, or lived in, the town [ACUR, another more innovative. The first and or the royal minister with a requirement orders that went against their economic historian of Girona, Joan Cortada We do not know for sure if they suffered armorum insultui qui dudum habitus FMT, Llibre de consells (1341-1344), f. more onerous consisted of resorting for the due repayments to be made 12 details how that year, the graveyard of a similar fate, but their presence after interests. 80v and 47v; Muntané, 2006a: 58, to the usurious short-term loans with within ten days. At that moment, only the Jews was sacked and the bodies fuit inter homines ville Tarrege, ex una 1321 seems questionable, as not only Another parallel source of tension doc. 145]. However, among these, there high interests (20% legal), that, in the royal intervention, with the suspension thrown onto the pyre. However, his parte, et homines Villegrasse, ex altera, do the references to them in the written between the two towns arose around is no mention of the Chelomo Natan case of the towns that concern us here, of the clause that committed the council documentary sources have not been in quo quidem conflictu mortes, vulnera documentation stop, but also their the weekly market in Vilagrassa, which specifically identified as one of those seem to have been the speciality of to pay within that time limit, saved the found (Nirenberg, 1998: 240). et alie percussiones, hoste procurante assets, that had until then ensured their it had a right to through its population antiquo, secute fuerunt”. (ACUR, FMT, involved in the attack in 1330, although certain members of the local Jewish municipal coffers from having to add the sustenance, were adjudicated by the communities (fig. 1). The second, easier charter, but that seems to have fallen 2 A document dated the 23rd of LPT II, f. 79v-80r; GONZALVO et al, the breadth of his economic interests penalisation of an extra third to be repaid municipalities to the local Franciscan to bear but that required a longer period 11 into disuse, perhaps due to the proximity August 1238 (AMC, num. 278, cited 1997: 232-233, doc. 103). and (no less important) his ability to on top of the capital sum and interests. communities.3 of negotiations and management, was and vigour of the one in Tàrrega. With a by Nirenberg, 1998: 101, note 20) pay off the succulent remission for The beneficiary or beneficiaries of the th 9 the sale of long-term low-interest debt A decade after these slaughters, we are privilege awarded in Lleida on the 19 mentioned, retrospectively: “quod cum ACUR, FMT, LPT I, f. 4r-5r; ACUR, penalties could have been behind the loan to be repaid over the summer of in the form of censals morts (perpetual offered the image of a deeply divided of November 1328, the king gave his tempore quo leprosi cum infirmitatibus FMT, LPT II, f. 36r-37r; gonzalVo et Crown’s interest in highlighting his 1341 are not identified, but were perhaps incomes, 7.14% interest) and violaris society with tensions that occasionally assent to the confirmation, restoration exigentibus et alias ex rationabili al, 2006: 131-133, doc. 47). responsibility. unnamed Christians that the royal 4 (annuities, 14.28 % interest).2 appear as outbreaks of violence. Tàrrega and change of date of the weekly market causa fuissent remoti seu expulsi ab authorisation then emitted refers to. 10 “... iam dicti homines Villegrasse, 17 ACA, Cartes reials, Pere III, num. 1434. was not immune to this atmosphere in Vilagrassa, but the joint pressure of domibus in quibus morabantur ac etiam In 1328, Tàrrega seemed to have Over the final months of the year and in preiudicium hominum ville of tension. Thus, in 1326, at the end of a the Tàrrega council and Queen Elionor plures eorum ad {ultimum} suplicium exhausted the possibilities of the two a good part of the following one, the Tarrege et ut possint destruere seu period of severe drought and famine, soon led the monarch to go back on this compdemnati fuissent”. types of loan, and its finances were at municipality’s attention was focussed on

386 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 387 repaying what they owed to the Tàrrega a privilege from Queen Elionor to just before the events of 1348, another of 1343 [ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells on them touching the food on display 18 It should be born in mind that the the military forces he was assembling 4.3. A massacre with overtones Jew Moshe Natan, while the loan from postpone the payment of the amounts war with Genoa (1351-1352) and the (1341-1344), f. 59v; MUNTANÉ, 2006a: in the markets, first documented for the king had been granted an extraordinary (ACA, Cartes reials, Pere III, num. 2223 of a political revolt? his brother Chelomo was not finally paid owed.23 The following year, this change confrontation with Castile (1356-1375). 52, doc. 130]. Council of Avignon in 1209 (Silver, loan of 25,000 sous that same year, and 2234). off until 1344. of line became even clearer with two 2012: 7), reappears in Perpignan which until it was repaid, exempted Joan E. García Biosca 2 10 29 The behaviour towards the mentioned new royal decrees: on one hand, the The municipal accounts of Cervera The repayment of these loans became (1299), Lleida (1350), Cervera (1399), Tàrrega and Vilagrassa from paying ACA, Reial patrimoni, t. 322, f. 21v; The municipal documentation for 1345- Jewish lenders was very homogeneous batlles would have the power to decide from 1333 illustrate the balance of one of the priorities of the council, Solsona (1434) and Girona. For the the quèstia. Muntané (2006a: 63, doc. 151). 1348 has not survived, so it is difficult to accounts of a royal town of the time: a fearful that the validity of these would reconstruct the evolution of tensions and seems more aggressive than the the legitimacy of the pledges for loans disagreements about the terefah meat 30 not repaid before foreclosing it24 and, third of the debt corresponded to the stretch over more than one year, at in the markets in the Crown of Aragon, 19 “Que com la questa que ara se When studying the taxes the over tax and lending with any precision, feelings against the creditors in 1341. Jews from Girona had to pay to the From the fragmentary data available, a on the other, they were prohibited from payment of the quèstia, almost 35% which time the amount to be repaid see Riera (1988: 300-302) and García es campada se sie feyta per pagar or their impact on the relations between imprisoning any Christian for questions went on annuities sold to dignitaries in would more than double. The analysis (1993: 175-181). deutes, violaris e altres coses en que king, Christian Guilleré reached the Christians and Jews. However, we would similar pattern can be reconstructed for conclusion that, between the 1330s and both brothers: as the deadline for the loan of debts and had to free those who were Lleida and Cervera and 17.3 % on the of the loans taken out by Cervera in la universitat de la vila de Tàrrega es in all likelihood make a mistake if we already behind bars for this reason.25 payment of usurious loans to a group of 1333 with five Jews from Tàrrega 14 On the 6th of May 1339, Peter III wrote a diversos acreedors obligada, que, 1340s, the amount of extraordinary only sought the causes of the pogrom drew closer, the council publicly accused contributions demanded increased six- the Natans of usury12 and immediately In the final months of 1342 or early Jews from Tàrrega. Yet, another item of (prominent among whom quantitatively to the veguers of Lleida and Tàrrega per tal que no pogues esser mesa en of 1348 in these financial aspects. When 1.7% for the repayment of loans has to were Moshe and Chelomo Natan) about a dispute between the Jews from altres coses, qe’n fossen satisfeyts: fold (Guilleré et al, 1993: 275-276). On analysing a massacre like the one that implanted measures that discriminated 1343, Count James of Urgell, as the the other hand, Sánchez (1995a: 142) against all the Jewish population.13 The Crown procurator general, decided to be added (Turull, 1986b: 35). shows that the interest on these over the latter town and their debtors, to primerament, en Mosse e en Salamo concerns us, it is worth paying attention the first year was 35%, but rising to whom Queen Elionor had granted an Naçan; a aquests paers e conseyl a states in the same sense: “At the end of to those responsible and establishing rise in tension, both between Christians open an investigation into tax fraud by 3 “... fuistis et estis magno debitorum the 1340s, it is possible that the Jewish and Jews and within the aljama, forced the members of the aljama of Tàrrega 55% of the initial capital in the second adjournment on the payment of the pagar los diners que eren deguts a whether this crime was the result of a pondere pregravati, ita quod villa year (Verdés, 2009: 30). There was money owed. The king ordered the l’ajuda de les galeres; apres que’n communities had ceased to be the more or less spontaneous action by a the Crown to act, and it was decided when declaring their assets. This was ipsa et habitantes in ea ob violaria et important source of revenues for the 14 also the risk that, in the case of failure above-mentioned officials to work for sien treyt lo violari de Leyda que es group or if there was coordination or either to adjourn the payment or part of a general initiative to put a stop usuras, quas et que tenentur annuatim Crown that they had been until then”. suspend the ten-day clause temporarily,15 to the generalised and growing tax to meet the terms for repayment, an agreements between the parties a termini de Santa Lucia e na agats leadership behind it. Another aspect is to impendere, sic propriis facultatibus there would be an additional sanction (ACA, Cartes reials, Pere III, num. 1521). penes, e si passave lo temps de la gracia This exhaustion must also have been establish if the participants or instigators while all parties were encouraged to avoidance among the kingdom’s Jewish sunt exausti quo, nisi congruum partly due to the changes in the money 26 nd equivalent to a third of the outstanding que passarie lo dit die de Santa Lucia came from a certain social group and, come to an agreement. The council then communities. In contrast, on the 22 15 adhibeatur remedium, incurrent amount. The number of municipalities The suspension of this clause marked e sirie gran dapnatge”. [ACUR, FMT, market, with the definitive consolidation consequently, encouraged the assault in appointed a commission to negotiate of February 1343, Peter III wrote to his in brevi desolacionis irreparabilis the beginning of the negotiation with of long-term lending in the form of new terms and conditions of payment brother James ordering him to stop that that were caught in this “pena de terç” Llibre de consells (1341-1344), f. 18r-18v; response to the aims of a specific class or detrimenta”. (ACUR, FMT, parchment th the lenders from 1341 and came a little censals and violaris, that deprived the 16 grew over the second half of the 14 Muntané, 2006a: 54-55, doc. 137]. group. with the lender. Once a compromise policy, alleging that the town’s Jews num. 34; Gonzalvo et al., 1997: 178- over a month before the first news Jewish moneylenders of the tool that century from 12.7% in the 1350s to While both the Latin and Hebrew had been reached, this was put into were already heavily-enough burdened 179, doc. 63). about the negotiations with Moshe 20 Among the Jewish creditors in had until then ensured their importance motion and ad hoc mechanisms were with taxes so it was not the moment to 21.26% in the 1390s (Sabaté, 1999a: documents related to these events keep 272-273). Natan, at the beginning of the following the town, there was also one Sullam in this sector (Meyerson, 2004: 4 referring to those responsible for the applied to pay back the amount owed. place them under even more financial According to Font, ordinacions year (ACUR, FMT, LPT III, f. 22r-22v and Brunell, who, on the 29th of June 1343, 205-206). 27 massacre with such expressions as The ways Tàrrega used to collect the pressure. were “those things or sets of norms 11 ACUR, FMT, LPT III, f. 14v and 14v; Gonzalvo et al., 1997: 267-269, was paid 400 sous in interests for a loan “populus”, “concitationes populi sive amounts owed to the Natan brothers are In contrast with the stricter attitude emanating from the popular authorities 22r-22v; Gonzalvo et al. (1997: 267- doc. 122 and 123). The main aim of that not yet repaid, while new repayment avaloti”, “ruralium vulgaris opinio” or “ עם ,of special interest. In 1344, the appeal of the prince, the king adopted a of the municipality, with the approval or 269, doc. 122 and 123). measure was to avoid the debtor having terms were also established [ACUR ” (“people of the town”),1 the names of תארץ .used to cancel the amount that had to be contemporising position, which must accordance of the higher authority and to pay the “pena de terç” and grant him FMT, Llibre de consells (1341-1344), f 12 those charged by the royal officials who paid to Chelomo was very habitual: the have reflected his need for the backing intended for the internal regulation of Only details about the case of a relative advantage to encourage the 43r; Muntané, 2006a: 57, doc. 142]. re-established order in the town after the sale of long-term, low-interest debt to of some nobles from the area for the the city or town” (Sánchez and Ortí, Chelomo Natan have survived. The parties to restart negotiations. pay back the usurious loan.17 In contrast, expedition he was preparing to conquer 1997: 213). minutes of the council from the 21st of 21 On the 19th of May 1337, the king riot seem to belong to a privileged social this resort does not seem to have been the Kingdom of Majorca.28 The king’s November 1343, state that “fos proposat 16 On the 11th of January 1342, less than ordered his batlle to exempt the aljama strata. Leaving aside some unnamed 2 available two years earlier when the position must also have been conditioned 5 However, these had to be paid through excepcio contra en Salamo Natan de a month after the suspension of the of Tàrrega from paying that year’s people from Cervera and Vilagrassa, the council had had to return the money by perhaps being considering (or even a specific subsidy. Thus, on the 30th of ço que ha prestat a la vila ultra lo cot ten-day clause, the council selected quèstia, because of the “prospectaque latter specifically accused of the death of 3 owed to Moshe. Such an amount would negotiating) a loan from Moshe Natan, July 1328, Alfonso III gave the batlle of del Senyor Rey”. [ACUR, FMT, Llibre two dignitaries to reach an agreement inopia dicte aliame, que multum est Maimó Nicolau, three men were singled have been difficult to collect without as a guarantee of which on the 5th of Tàrrega the names of those neighbours de consells (1341-1344), f. 57r-58v; with Moshe Natan [ACUR, FMT, facultatibus diminuta”. (ACA, Cartes out as responsible for the events: on one 4 resorting to a large sale of censals and/ May the following year, he granted who had to help to tax the assets of the Muntané, 2006a: 59-61, doc. 147, Llibre de consells (1341-1344), f. 7v; reials, Pere III, num. 357). hand, Francesc Aguiló, the royal batlle in or violaris and, after exhausting this him the collection of the lleudes, taxes townspeople to obtain the money to pay developed in Muntané, 2013: 119- Muntané, 2006a: 53-54, doc. 134]. Tàrrega, and on the other, individuals by 5 option, the councillors had no option on merchandise, from the aljamas in the monarch in compensation for the 120]. The “cot del rei” was the maximum This first action must not have been 22 ACA, reg. 861, f. 185; Muntané the names of Ramon Folquet and but to collect the quèstia of that year Cervera and Vinaixa.29 exemption on merchandise granted on interest that could be charged on loans, fully satisfactory, as a new commission (2006a: 48, doc. 118). The granting of Berenguer de Cortielles. th from the people of Tàrrega, just after What can be drawn from the above is an the 9 of May that same year (ACUR, set at 20% by the Statuta Usurarum of had to be nominated on the 14th of July this kind of privilege over moratoria The Aguiló and Folquet families they had made an important financial image of Jewish creditors and Christian FMT, LPT I, f. 10v-11v; Gonzalvo et 1241. Any loan with a higher rate was 1342 [ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells was not infrequent, as shown by the were both important in Tàrrega, and, effort to buy exemption from this from debtors trapped in an apparently endless al., 1997: 186-187, doc. 70). considered usurious (García, 2002: (1341-1344), f. 15v; Muntané, 2006a: fact that James II repeatedly granted paradoxically, would have been thought the king.18 With the amount collected cycle that was fed by a chain of requests 86). Brandishing this type of accusation 54, doc. 136]. In the case of the debt it to the aljama of Morvedre in 1304, of as representatives of opposing 6 ACUR, FMT, LPT II, f. 134v-135v; they hoped to pay, firstly the loan from for loans, payments of royal taxes and publicly was a habitual delaying tactic with Chelomo Natan, we know of the 1306 and 1309, although the power tendencies. Thus, while the former were Gonzalvo et al. (1997: 243-244, doc. 6 the Natans and, with the remainder, the demands for the repayment of debts. among Christian debtors to force their setting up of a negotiating commission or wish to maintain it effective was a family of keepers and royal batlles, 105). In this aspect, the queen followed 7 royal subsidi for the building of galleys, Thus, it should come as no surprise that, creditors to negotiate more favourable on the 15th of January 1343 [ACUR, just as inconsistent in the case of this the latter were influential merchants the provisions issued by the courts 8 as well as a violari contracted with people in the best of cases, this vitiated dynamic terms for repayment. (Meyerson, FMT, Llibre de consells (1341-1344), f. Valencian town as it was for Tàrrega. with political ambitions and a history of Montblanc that year, that granted 9 from Lleida whose repayment date was led to an increase in antagonism towards 2004: 197). 56r; Muntané, 2006a: 58-59, doc. 146]. (Meyerson, 2004: 188-189). of rebelling against royal power. coming dangerously close.19The Natan this right to all the royal market-towns Neither does the outsider Berenguer de the Jews or that, when the circumstances After months of unfruitful comings and 23 (Sánchez and Ortí, 1997: 251). 13 th “... discensio sive lis orta fuerit inter 10 were not the only Jewish moneylenders worsened, the physical elimination of On the 29 of December 1341, the goings, it must have reached deadlock, Cortielles seem to fit the popular origins in the town,20 nor was Tàrrega the only Council decided to reissue the call judeos ca [...] ville et vicarie Tarrage, repeatedly attributed to the participants the lenders became an alternative to 7 This innovation obliged the market and that led to the council meeting municipality forced to request their to ban all Jews and midwives from st of November accusing the ex una parte et debitores eorum qui in the disturbances, but rather seems to consider. The destabilising factor in towns to build up an incipient on the 21 services. Nor were the only conflicts touching the fish and fruit displayed creditor of usury and the implanting obtinuerunt provisionis et elongamenta have belonged to a family of merchants this equation does not seem difficult to administrative structure to enable it to with the Jewish creditors restricted to for sale [ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells of discriminatory measures against predicta, ex altera”. (ACA, Cartes reials, with interests in collecting royal and establish: the fiscal rapaciousness of set impositions, auction these, mange the field of local government. There is (1341-1344), f. 5r; Muntané, 2006a: 52, all the Jews in the town. The effects Pere III, num. 1521). ecclesiastic tributes.11 the monarchy stretched the financial their product and channel the resulting the sensation that at that time, there doc. 131]. That was only thirteen days of this decision were soon felt, so that capacity of the municipalities and, sums to the royal coffers (Sánchez, 24 ACUR, FMT, LPT III, f. 29r-29v; It was not only in Tàrrega where we find was a certain generalisation of short- 30 before the Paeria restarted negotiations on the 7th of December, an agreement especially, the aljamas, to the limit. This 2008: 79 and 82-85). This also increased Gonzalvo et al. (1997: 261-262, doc. men of good standing and merchants term loans throughout society, possibly with Moshe Natan to solve the question was announced for the payment of the led them both to seek new resources the costs of running the councils with 116). involved in the attacks on the Jewish because of the frequent crises of of the repayment of the money he outstanding 4,000 sous under flexible or protect what they already had, and the growth of the number of staff quarters in 1348. In Solsona, one of the subsistence. The first, although indirect, was owed. Two years later, when the terms [ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells 25 ultimately, led them to a conflict to ensure without this meaning a significant ACUR, FMT, LPT III, f. 19v-20r; few individuals singled out among those indications take us to 1336, to the end of council was negotiating with Chelomo (1341-1344), f. 59v; MUNTANÉ, 2006a: 12 their own survival (MEYERSON, 2004: increase in the resources to cover their Gonzalvo et al. (1997: 265, doc. 119). “homes de Valdelort” who attacked the a particularly harsh three-year drought Natan, a similar sequence was played 61, doc. 148]. It seems that even these 194). own expenses (Sánchez and Ortí, town’s Jews was Ramon Garró, son or and the resulting food shortages out. Using the same minutes of the favourable terms were not complied 26 This is the line that Morelló relative of the local merchant Francesc 1997: 246). th coinciding with notable increase in the 1 On one hand, there are the years council from the 29 of December 1341 with, given that on the 1st of July 1344, (2011: 343) follows, in which he sees Garró, who paid the bail to get him out of that accused that creditor of being a frequency of Royal demands for money. between 1282 and 1305, marked by the 8 Cervera did the same with a loan of the council was still taking measures to a defensive movement of the Jewish prison (PLANES, 1985: 112). In fact, this usurer, the prohibition was again put In that context, the king adopted a conquest of Sicily, the crusade against 68,000 sous (Sánchez, 2008: 88 and pay off the loan [ACUR, FMT, Llibre de communities faced with the soaring social and professional profile is very into place now aimed at Jews, midwives measure aimed at giving security to the the Crown of Aragon and the conflicts note 65). consells (1341-1344), f. 72r; Muntané, tax pressure that marked the 1340s similar to that of the attackers of Jewish lenders in the Tàrrega aljama, lightening prior to the Treaties of Anagni (1295) and prostitutes to prevent them from 2006a: 63, doc. 152]. throughout the Kingdom. quarters all over Central Europe that the economic difficulties that they were and Caltabellota (1302). On the other, 9 In a document dated the 19th of touching the fish, bread and fruit they same year (the urban patrician class), and 17 st 27 going through21 and perhaps to favour a there is the period between 1321 and July 1341, Peter III stated that “pro wanted to buy. At the same time, it was On the 1 of July 1344, Tàrrega council ACA, Cartes reials, Pere III, num. it was the same municipal institutions greater flow of credit; for five years, they 1375, with an almost continuous and parte paciariorum ville Tarrege fuit dictated that the table in the market destined part of the money obtained 1670. that forced the royal and ecclesiastical would have the privilege of not having sometimes overlapping succession nobis supplicatum ut, cum paciarii that sold meat slaughtered for Jews from the sale of a censal to the lady authorities to stop protecting the Jews, 28 This would be indicated by the to grant any kind of moratorium to their of conflicts: the conquest of Sardinia ac universitatis dicte ville ratione had to be indicated and that this meat of Ciutadilla to repay what it owed and also those who led the attacks and 22 fact that, on around the same date, debtors. (1323-1324), the wars with Genoa (1329- diversarum peccunie quantitatum be sold to Christians at a diner less Chelomo Natan [ACUR, FMT, Llibre de killings.13 However, unlike the events the sovereign asked both the Lleida Only three years went by before the first 1336) and with the alliance between the obligati sint pluribus et diversis per pound, thus reducing the profit consells (1341-1344), f. 72r; Muntané, in the centre of the continent, where dignitary Samsó de Navès and the disputes between debtors and lenders latter Italian republic and the Nazarite creditoribus, tam christianis quam margin for the aljama [ACUR, FMT, 2006a: 63, doc. 152]. About the trend the attackers are not seen to have had Natan brothers to request the aljama forced the Crown to go back on this and sultanate of Granada (1337-1342), the iudeis”. (ACUR, FMT, LPT III, f. 22r-22v; Llibre de consells (1341-1344), f. 57r-58v; towards replacing short-term loans any evident economic interest (COHN, of Tàrrega to concede a two-year challenge the previous privilege. On annexation of the kingdom of Majorca Gonzalvo et al., 1997: 267-268, doc. Muntané, 2006a: 59-61, doc. 147]. with long-term censals and violaris, 2007: 25-26), the descriptions of the riot postponement on the return of the loan the 6th of May 1339, Peter III wrote to his (1343), the repression of the revolts on 122). The only certain datum about the The joint application of discriminatory see the case of Cervera in Verdés in Tàrrega, like others in Catalonia at taken out with this aljama by Ramon batlles in Lleida and Tàrrega requesting Sardinia (1347) and against the unions amount of this debt is the 4,000 sous measures to Jews, lepers, prostitutes (2004: 75). the same time, emphasise the physical Cornell, lord of Arbeca and member of their help in a certain disagreement that still owed to Chelomo Natan at the end and midwives is a recurrent feature all destruction of the creditors14 or the deeds of Aragon and Valencia (1347-1348) and, th had arisen between Jews from Tàrrega over Europe from the early 13 century of their debts15 as one of the targets of and their debtors, who had obtained (Moore, 2008: 91). Specifically, the ban those who led the killing of the Jews.

388 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 389 On analysing the attacks on Jews in the and Cervera all also had reason to stricken the area. Nor that this final figure that gives some idea of both the deed of debta et obligationes dictorum that the courts reinstated James in the 4.4. The ideological pressure and the agenda of the affairs to be discussed Crown of Aragon that year, Nirenberg distrust King Peter and were potentially assault seems to have had less to do with importance of the riots and the financial Judeorum per predictos malefactores post on the 20th of that month and that norms against the Jews in Tàrrega. with the king.7 notes that they only took place in supporters of his adversaries. This the fears provoked by the epidemic than means of the family (ACUR, FMT, LPT fuerint, sicut predicitur, rapta et he died on the 17th of November was There was nothing casual about the Josep Xavier Muntané Santiveri Catalonia and then only in royal towns.16 reason was none other than the fear of the wishes of the Valencian unionists, II, f. 60r-61r; Gonzalvo et al., 1997: depredata, destructa et penitus laniata”, perhaps, in the end, no coincidence, but year this royal licence was granted This statement is true grosso modo, but being enfeofed to another lord, a threat who were still fighting desperately 169-170, doc. 59). work had to be done to rebuild these it must no be forgotten that he had been as, according to the surviving not exact, as there were also attacks on the that had hung over all three in 134421 and against the king, to deny the king one of deeds of debt from the notarial manuals ailing for some time, possibly affected Identity and religion 10 documentation, the relations between Jewish quarters of Valencia,17 Morvedre that could have returned in the context his most important financial resources.25 At the time of the events, he is said to and other available sources. (López, by malign malarial fevers (McVaugh, The first documents that mention Jews in the aljama and the university had become (MEYERSON, 2004: 211 and fol.), of the urgent sales of royal patrimony in have lived in Tàrrega (from which we 1959b: doc. 12, cited in Muntané, 2002: 154-158). Tàrrega appear almost forty years after more distant during the 1340s. Monzón, Huesca (MUNTANÉ, 2013: 109, an attempt to raise money to contain the 1 See the texts we refer to in Muntané can deduce that he was not originally 2009a: 166, note 34). the concession of the Usos i Costums 22 24 note 18) and Jaca (BUESA CONDE, 1982: Sardinian revolt of 1347. (2009a) and Muntané (2013: 105-106, from the town) and that he was released For the chronology of this advance, (1242) by James I. From then on, the Municipal council and aljama: the 1340s 149), while in the Principality, there was note 6). from prison thanks to bail paid by a 16 “Within this polarized geography of see Benedictow (2011: 124-125) and two groups evolved in parallel as the In mid November, the death of the Prince- The minutes of the sessions of the council also an attack on the jewry in Solsona.18 count James of Urgell in Barcelona, amid doctor called Antoni de Campells, loyalty and rebellion, it is striking that Muntané (2013: 110-111, note 23). monarchy favoured one or the other, 2 from 1342, 1343 and 1344 contain many In the latter case, the domain was shared López (1959b: doc. 29), cited in who in 1352, was still demanding the the plague provoked violence against but was also interested in keeping them suspicions that he had been poisoned on 25 See Díaz (2004: 265 and fol.). questions related to the payment of the between the town’s canonry and the 23 Muntané (2013: 114, note 34). return of the bond from the above- Jews only in the region most loyal to the apart, obviously for its own benefit. the king’s orders, raised the political debts the university had contracted with viscounts of Cardona. Bearing in mind mentioned Berenguer, then living in Crown: in the pro-monarchical towns of Regarding these events, Meyerson However, the evolution of the institution tension and led to open rebellion in the 3 th some Jews in the aljama, principally that the epidemic affected all Catalonia On the 27 of March 1349, Peter III Puigcerdà (López, 1959: doc. 18, cited Catalonia. Wherever antiroyalist forces (2004; 212) argues as follows: “The of the late medieval municipality in Kingdom of Valencia. Important sectors the Natan brothers.8 One of these more or less homogenously and without passed the case of Maimó Nicolau to in Muntané, 2009: 169, note 48). had the upper hand, no Jews were Jews of Morvedre endured Christian Tàrrega, principally, from the end of the of the nobility and the towns of that minutes shows the acrimony that was forgetting that Jewish lending was not Gilabert de Corbera. The former was attacked”. (Nirenberg, 1998: 244). violence in 1348 and other hardships 13th century until it was fully consolidated kingdom gathered under the banner 11 felt about the municipal indebtedness exclusive to the royal possessions, but a Jew from Tàrrega possibly killed As well as one Berenguer de Cortiella in subsequent years not because they in the mid 14th century, with the royal of the Union, an army that defeated 17 and the large profits obtained by the had spread to all kinds of rural and urban by people from Vilagrassa during the who is documented in 1308 as a notary The excavations in the Jewish were somehow blamed for the plague privileges of 1342 and 1343, seems the forces favourable to the king at the Jews: “com la universitat sie oprimida settings, independently of the type of attack on the Jewish neighbourhood of the clergy of Tortosa (Font, 1983: II, necropolis in Valencia have uncovered but because they were caught between to have entered into conflict with the battles of Pobla Llarga and Bétera in de grans càrrechs de deutes de juheus lordship they were submitted to, we and who had been accused by the 668, doc. 239), another person with the two mass graves with forty bodies, opposing Christian groups: the Union interests that the monarch had in the December 1347. That forced Peter III que van a grans guayns” [11.06.1343]. have to look deeper to find reasons for veguer of Tàrrega (ACA, reg. 655, f. same name appears in 1323 acting as a good part of which showed signs of Valencia and the royalists; invading Jews, as we shall show here.1 to leave Catalonia and advance into This sensation of being throttled, this geographic and jurisdictional bias 264v; Muntané, 2006a: 71, doc. 177). a collector of a royal subsidy from the of violence. These burials have Castilian armies and the forces of King Valencia with his forces to try to contain The process of consolidating the late that manifested itself in the way the behind the attacks on the Catalan Jews castellany of Amposta (Ortega, 1999: been identified as belonging to the Pere; the municipalities of Valencia and the revolt. 4 There are some confusing aspects medieval municipality involved, among councillors time and again negotiated in 1348. 75, note 8). In 1378, Pere de Cortielles, a pogrom of 1348 (Calvo, 2003: 592). Morvedre; and the municipalities of He set up his headquarters in Morvedre, in the accusation against Francesc other aspects, setting and establishing new terms for paying off the debt, merchant from Barcelona, held a censal Paradoxically, the attack on the Jewish the rural lords. The Jews had a specific 2 The answer surely requires a deeper but soon, unable to pay the wages of the Aguiló and it was asked whether he of 12,000 sous pagadors from Cervera quarter in Valencia seems to have left and unmistakable political identity the functions of its representatives. or studied alternative ways to obtain analysis of the political circumstances troops, he was abandoned by his army, was tried as an instigator or co-author (Verdés, 2004: 97) and, between 1390 little documentary traces (Meyerson, (or identities). They were, first and Throughout this period, the councillors income to meet it, reached a peak in the of the exceptionally convulsive two- and became a hostage to the rebels. To of the attack or if the charges against and 1393, we know of a Berenguer de 2004: 212). foremost, de jure “serfs of the royal and prohoms, or leading men, came to meeting on the 21st of November 1343. year period of 1347-1348, when Peter avoid his flight, the king was forced to him were related to him supposedly Cortilles or Cortielles, a merchant from treasury” and thus “royalist”. They were assimilate the defence of the economic During the debate about the dispute III nominated his daughter Constança move to Valencia, where he would agree abandoning his role as batlle, of not Saragossa, involved in the collection of 18 See Planes (1985). This would also residents of the town of Morvedre. and human interests of the town’s between the council and Chelomo heiress, relegating his brother James of to, and confirm, the appointment of his having been able to predict and contain taxes owed by the aljama of Monzón confirm the news transmitted by Josef Depending on the circumstances, either inhabitants as their own, as well as Natan regarding the 4,000 sous the Urgell and removing him from all the half brother, Prince Ferdinand, as heir to the riot (Muntané, 2009a: 168, notes and the gathering of the tithes of the ha-Kohen in The valley of Tears, where one or both of these identities could, creating and organising community university had to repay and for which posts he held as heir to the Crown. This the throne. Virtual prisoner of the rebels, 41 and 43). bishopric of Barcelona (Salleras he notes that, as well as Barcelona, and did, cause them problems”. places and activities. This commitment to there was no apparent solution, the decision went down badly in Aragon only the outbreak of plagues in the city in Clarió, 2010: 153; Bertran, 1994: Cervera, Tàrrega, Lleida, Monzón public duty is perceptible in the minutes council denounced Chelomo for having 5 and Valencia, where it was seen as a May allowed him to obtain permission to After a year in prison, he was 374). This may have been the same and Huesca, there were also attacks of the council meetings, and their lent to the town “ultra lo cot del seynor clear example of the king’s authoritarian leave the following month. pardoned on the 4th of March 1350 in Solsona, Cardona and Tarragona petitions to the royal power were also Rey”9 and immediately ordered the Berenguer de Cortilles who, in 1394, 3 tendencies. This grievance was the last Meanwhile, the epidemic had broken from the other year he still had to serve as treasurer to Queen María de Luna, (Muntané, 2009a: 176, esp. note 81; done in the same sense. proclamation in the streets and squares straw in a situation already charged out in Catalonia, spreading from both and from the punishment of the third received the money collected from Muntané, 2013: 109). These councillors promoted various of the town of rules that prohibited Jews, due to the fall in seigniorial incomes, Roussillon and the ports of Barcelona that he had incurred for having failed public works in the town, that, as well midwives and prostitutes from touching the aljamas dependent on Tarragona 19 the institutional imbalances caused by (April-May 1348) and Tarragona (May to pay the fine in the terms stipulated (Morelló, 2001: 206). The king himself confessed as much as improving the quality of life of the food displayed in the market (fish, bread the reforms by the monarchy and the 1348). From these two coastal cities, the in exchange for a remission of 5,000 in his chronicle (cap. iv, § 10): “... car population and becoming a tangible and fruit) and forced the pound of meat growing tax burden (SIMÓN, 2011: 249). pestilence spread inland, reaching Lleida sous (López, 1959b: doc. 15, cited 12 On the 27th of November 1348, nos veíem que ja es tenia lo foc per expression of urban progress, also from animals killed by Jews to be sold Unions were formed in Aragon and around the 15th of July and Saragossa in Muntané, 2009a: 169, note 47; Astrugona, widow of Yuçef Annacaia, tot Aragó e que la dissensió era ja projected a determined and deliberate one diner cheaper to Christians (fig. 2). escampada entre ells, imaginant que Valencia to defend the rights of the in September (fig. 3). Anti-Jewish riots Muntané, 2013: 113, note 31). a Jew from Solsona, declared before image to those who reached the town, This was the second time in a few years nobility and the urban patriarch class, followed in its trail, and seem to have the town’s viscount’s curia that she deguéssem acórrer a Catalunya, que no either to settle or only passing through. 6 For the complex seigniorial structure that the Tàrrega council adopted clearly while Aragon rose in revolt and tension occurred a few weeks after the epidemic was her husband’s heiress, and that he entràs la dita dissensió”. (Soldevila, of the castellany of Tàrrega in 1328, In line with the social, political and anti-Jewish measures. The councillors grew in Valencia. Faced with this was declared in a town. Thus, the died intestate, as did their two children, 1971: 1093-1094). see Sabaté (1991: 30 and fol.). On that spiritual climate of the country, many based their posture on a royal document situation, the king withdrew to Catalonia disturbances in Barcelona took place on “los quals moriren en la suestió que.ls date, the post of batlle was held by Pere 20 About the king’s actions in these of these projects combined identity that appears copied in the minutes of to stop the revolt from spreading to this the 17th of May, around the 6th of July in homes de Valdelort feren els juheus de and religion perfectly (for example, the the meeting, the authority of which 19 or Pericó d’Aguiló, perhaps the father of courts, see Simón (2011). kingdom too. Meanwhile, agitation Tàrrega, and in Lleida, no earlier than the Solsona”. (ADS, Bernat Zavila, Manual the Francesc Aguiló who concerns us. major works on the parish church of also harked back to 1341, when Jews was growing in Aragon, where the th 24 24 of the same month. de la cúria vescomtal de Solsona, 21 Amid the diplomatic movements that Santa Maria and the construction and and midwives were prohibited from discontented rallied around the princes ms. 14, f. 8v; Planes, 1985: 115-116, 10 In fact, the arrival of the epidemic and 7 “The Folquet family had long been preceded the definitive rupture with maintenance of the bridge that linked the touching fish and fruit. Note that James of Urgell and Ferdinand, to the doc. 2). The reference to the Lord its havoc it wreaked acted as a trigger in Tàrrega. Its menfolk were reputed James III of Majorca and the annexation town to the church and convent of the although the king’s letter must have been point that the king was forced to convoke valley has possibly less to do with the for the attacks on the aljamas, but it is merchants known throughout the of his realms, Pere III offered him the Friars Minor). In fact, during the first half the same, the discriminatory measures courts in Saragossa and travel there, valley itself and more to the gate and th surprising that the Black Death only Principality. In the 13th- and 14th-century enfeofment of Lleida, Tàrrega and of the 14 century, the religious presence and defamatory terms were harsher where, virtually a prisoner of the rebels, neighbourhood of the same name in the triggered this kind of response in the documents, we find the Folquet Cervera to offset this dispossession. in the town was notably consolidated, in the ban of 1343 than the one in 1341. he manoeuvred to draw some key figures town (Planes, 1985: 113, note 17). royal towns without affecting most of family lessees of the butchers tables”. The minutes of the Paeria in Lleida as a considerable number of new The pressure of the debts with the Jews of that movement over to his side while rd the Jewish neighbourhoods in other (Sarret i Pons, 1994: 50-51). The 13 from the 23 of July 1344 contain the ecclesiastic institutions were added to had also increased. A few months later, 20 For the well-off position of those who pretending to accept their demands. the old ones. in February 1344, the king’s visit to the domains. So we must ask if there were a family possibly lived next to the Jewish instigated and attacked the German missive sent to the king expressing their News was reaching Saragossa of a town was used to request and receive a element of political revolt against royal neighbourhood, in the street that Jewish communities in 1348, see Cohn point blank refusal of this possibility It was common throughout the country terrible rout of the Catalan-Aragonese th personal licence for master Romeu de Pal authority that, without spreading widely, was called Lluís Folquet in the 16 (2007: 18-21). The significant presence (Lladonosa, 1991: 478). that the rising Jewish presence in a forces at the battle of Aidu de Turdu to preach to the Jews. as happened with the Aragonese and century and that still bears that name of nobles, urban bourgeoisie and even town or city meant a reaction by some (August 1347), which endangered the Valencian unionist movements, that took (Muntané, 2006b: 114, note 9). 22 In an effort to gather funds, a series of the Christian faithful. In the same way, Although the series of books of minutes Crown’s already precarious hold on the clergymen has been detected in the towns on Sardinia were sold together advantage of the relaxation or failure radical movement of the Flagellants, the expansion of the idea of Christianity of the council stopped that year and did island of Sardinia. After the Aragonese 8 Another member of the family, with the castles of Torelló and Castellet of the mechanisms of social control, responsible for a good number of did not generate the desired response not restart until 1361, various documents courts, the king returned to Catalonia Ramon Folquet, did not take long de Bages. At the same time, some royal induced by the spread of the disease, to pogroms in Central and Northern of conversion by the Jews. In fact, the from the royal chancellery show that to prepare the relief force to be sent to before starting to work to take over towns, such as Cervera (14,000 sous), hit out against the king’s interests in the Europe in those years (Kieckhefer, exclusion of the other was common to the conflicts and tensions between the Sassari and, having reached Lleida, the sindicature of Tàrrega and hold were compelled to sell censals and 4 flesh of his Jews, his “coffre e tresor”. 1974: 160). both societies and religions. Tàrrega university and the aljama remained he decided to convoke the courts of We must bear in mind that these it from 1356 to 1380 (ACUR, FMT, violaris on incomes received by the was no exception. active until 1348. the Principality. However, instead of pogroms happened at the most critical parchment num. 108; ACUR, FMT, LPT 14 This seems to have been the case in Crown (Sánchez, 1995b: 792-798). To such old and well-known In August 1345, some of the town’s holding court there, he ordered it to moment of the revolt, when Peter III was II, f. 245r-252v, cited in Gonzalvo et Solsona, where Astrugona requested manifestations as the ritual stoning of prohoms (related to the council as shown be transferred to Barcelona, as prince 23 The rumour that King Peter was held prisoner in Valencia (in the case of al., 1997: 335-342, doc. 173; ACUR, FMT, the viscount’s court to guarantee the Jewish quarter at Easter, opposition below) intervened in the question of James enjoyed a lot of support in Lleida responsible for his brother’s death was the riot in Barcelona), and when the royal LPT III, f. 46r, cited in Gonzalvo et the payment of the debts owed to to the building of synagogues or the the synagogue that had divided the (TASIS, 1991: 41). widespread and is noted by various and unionist armies were force marching al., 1997: 517-518, doc. 301). In 1364, a her husband and sons killed during 5 another was chroniclers (Tasis, 1991: 129, note profanation Jewish graves, members of the aljama: ones, in favour The western area around Lleida was to Saragossa (in the case of the attacks relative of his called Miquel Folquet the pogrom: “perquè requerí lo dit added that adjusted more closely to the 59). Another factor that does little to of preserving the old synagogue, and good territory for the rebel members of in Cervera and Tàrrega). In the end, appears in the post (ACUR, FMT, honrat en Francesch de Castelar que times, this being preaching to the Jews remove his responsibility for this is the others who wanted a new one built. the royal family, not only because it was perhaps it is not by chance that after the parchment num. 136; ACUR, FMT, LPT li destrenguàs a la força forçan tots (fig. 1).6 Although we have no documents fact that in early October 1347, when These prohoms aligned themselves part of the Urgell County, which James victory of the forces loyal to the king at III, f. 87v-90v; Gonzalvo et al., 1997: deutes que al dit en Juçef e a sos fiyls that state that the Tàrrega Jews were he renegotiated his secret agreement with Itskhaq Vidal, the leader of the was the head of, but also because he the battle of Épila on the 21st of July 1348, 378-385, doc. 202). sien deguts”. (ADS, Bernat Zavila, forced to attend initiatives of this kind, a with the then unionist Lope de Luna, conservative group, and defended the habitually lived in Lleida and had a lot the intensity of the attacks on the Jews, Manual de la cúria vescomtal de document spread in Tàrrega on the king’s 9 A Guillem Folquet is documented in he mentioned that is was impossible suitability of the old synagogue before of support there (LLADONOSA, 1991: that had risen over the previous months, Solsona, ms. 14, f. 8v; Planes, 1985: wishes, on 6th February 1344, authorised the king.11 586). Also, his stepmother and the real 1326 as the head of a band relevant to make him procurator general fell off and disappeared rapidly. It may 115-116). master Romeu de Pal to gather all the Those in favour of renewing did not power behind the revolt, the widow enough to force Prince Alfonso to go in immediately as he had promised, as he not be purely by chance that the last of Jews of the aljama and argue with them. agree and that same September, they queen Eleanor of Castile, had been person to re-establish order. Although 15 was forced to reinstate Prince James. the attacks on a Jewish quarter took place This is very clear in the case of This indicates that, at least during Peter managed to have the licence granted to th he was not captured then, his assets, as However, he assured him that, “dito lady of Montblanc and Tàrrega before in Morvedre on the 28 of September, Tàrrega, where it was stated that, III’s visit to the town, this question was on 12 well as those of all the population, were oficio le tirara el toldra al dito dentro the other side in August 1345 revoked. fleeing to Castile in 1335. Lleida, Tàrrega three months after the plagues had “quia plura et diversa instrumenta taxed with a remission of 25,000 sous, a d’un mes”. (Simón, 2011: 261). The fact Between May and July the following

390 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 391 5. The graveyard of the Jews, the mass graves of Les Roquetes and the attack on the Jewish quarter of Tàrrega year, they managed to make the royal and 1 For some of the aspects dealt 7 ARB, reg. 1118, f. 112r, publ. in A. 17 Royal policy, based mainly on 5.1. Identification of the graveyard of To these documents, that show how long and the Carrer de la Verge de Montserrat/ 6 In one of its meetings Tàrrega Council episcopal curia issue the authorizations with here, J. X. Muntané (2012b), Rubió (1908-1921), Documents per financial interests, was the main reason the Jews through the documentation the cemetery lasted, we can add the ones Avinguda de la Ronda) and very close to decided what would be taxed as real required to build the synagogue that “Aproximació a les causes de l’avalot l’historia de la cultura catalana mig-eval, for the existance and permanence that have been decisive for drawing up the river Ondara. estate and what, as moveable assets, Josep Xavier Muntané Santiveri. finally had to replace the old one.13 Some de Tàrrega de 1348”, Tamid: Revista Barcelona, Institut d’Estudis Catalans, of two clearly differentiated social the hypothesis of its location. These other The relative distance of the cemetery ACUR, FMT, Llibre de consells (1341- kind of internal resistance must have Catalana Anual d’Estudis Hebraics, num vol. I, num. 119. About Romeu de Pal, realities in Tàrrega: Christian and For over two hundred years, not only documents are in the early 16th-century from the Jewish quarter (a little under a 1343), f. 73v [16.07.1344]. arisen inside the aljama as yet another 8, p. 115-122. the document from the Chancellory Jewish. F. Sabaté (1999b). “En torno did Jews live in Tàrrega, but also died property registers in the Urgell District kilometre) and its location on a hill was royal licence was necessary, and this was states that “scripturas sacras tam novi a la identificación de sinagogas”, p. and were buried there. Despite the high Archive.4 7 J. Casanovas (2002), “Testimonis 2 similar to the cemeteries of other Catalan granted in March 1347. As this was only The royal interventions determining quam veteris testalyi dedicerit et in eis 130-132. And also in other places. P. mobility of medieval Jews and their The llibres d’estimes or property Jewish quarters, like the Montjuïcs of materials de la presència dels jueus valid for one year, it forced the Jews to the function and defining the nature imbutus tam latina lingua quam ebrayca Vidal (1987), “Els jueus dels antics habitual changes of residence, the truth registers were a fiscal tool that allowed Barcelona and Girona, or the graveyard a Catalunya en l’època medieval”, in avoid delaying the project any further.14 and management of the town councils non modica profunditate noscatur”. comtats de Rosselló i Cerdanya”, Calls, is that two hundred years is a long time the town’s population to be taxed directly in Tortosa, also situated at one end of the La Catalunya jueva, Barcelona, Àmbit After this complicated two-year process, were decisive in that sense, beginning J. Riera identifies him as being from num. 2, p. 49-50; J. Riera (2006b), Els and it is it evident that a good number of on their wealth.5 Indeed, when the tax on Alcassaba hill (fig. 2).7 and Museu d’Història de Catalunya, p. with those by James II, in 1294 and the inhabitants of the Jewish quarter in 155-156. when the moment finally came to Tàrrega, a convert and royal surgeon, J. poders públics i les sinagogues, p. 29. the inhabitants of a specific place had to More than two centuries of Jewish 1313, following with the ones by Riera (1987b), “Les llicències reials per As mentioned above, this distant and Tàrrega ended their days in the town’s start work on the synagogue, it was be calculated their personal wealth had presence in the town did not prevent the 8 Alfonso III, in 1328, and finishing with predicar”, p. 122. cool relation between the university and Jewish graveyard. ACUR, FMT, Llibre de registre (1793), the councillors who, under external to be known beforehand, as this quantity place consecrated to the Jewish cemetery f. 105r , my thanks to M. A. Farré, of the pressure, attempted to obstruct and the ones under Peter III, in 1342 and the aljama changed with the sale of the We now know where this graveyard was. was the base for measuring, the quantity 8 from disappearing from the collective ACUR, FMT, for this reference. scotch the project. Using the excuse of 1343; J. Ribalta and M. Turull (1987), J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. town to the city of Barcelona in 1391. The archaeological excavations carried each had to pay to the tax collectors Alguns aspectes del règim municipal, 134 [11.01.1342, Moshe Natan], 136 memory of the people of Tàrrega, the deeply-rooted custom of mocking the Over the following decades, in practice, out leave no room for doubt. However, proportionally. 9 p. 8, 11, 13-14. Regarding the various [14.07.1342, Moshe Natan], 137 although a certain administrative J. M. Planes (1987), “Breu Jews and stoning their areas during the the aljama gradually created closer links it was not always like this. There were Property became the basic criterion tradition has continued to acknowledge aproximació”, p. 2. Although this seems celebration of Easter, on the Thursday privileges and ordinations, G. Gonzalvo [16.09.1342, Moshe and Chelomo to the municipality. This meant that times when the Jewish cemetery, lost et al. (1997), Llibres de privilegis de Natan], 141 [11.06.1343], 142 [29.06.1343, per excellence for measuring personal the Jewish cemetery. In an application to to have survived in the memory of some before Easter, they prohibited the Jews with the outbreak of the civil war, in the from the memory, was only known wealth: houses, hostels, workshops, build walls to protect against thieves on of the farmers with property in the Tàrrega, num. 6, 63 and 126; L. Sarret Sullam Brunell], 143 [05.07.1343], 146 th century, the municipal authorities from touching the bread, fish, fruit and 15 through scant documentary references. shops, gardens, cellars, plots and some properties on this land, presented area (perhaps revived by the discovery (1982), Privilegis de Tàrrega, Tàrrega, [15.10.1343, Chelomo Natan], 147 came out in defence of an aljama other foodstuffs in the market and forced However, fortunately some of these vineyards were easy to individualise, on the 30th of August 1793, one Josep of skeletons at the beginning of the A. G. Camps, p. 35-36, 51-52. Some [21.11.1343, Chelomo Natan], 148 that, was in turn, clearly comitted to the butchers to sell the meat of animals documents have been very useful when check and finally tax.6 These assets, Ignasi de Çanou declared to own a last century during the building of a of these ordinations aimed to break [07.12.1343, Chelomo Natan], 152 the municipality, J. X. Muntané, “Una killed by Jews one diner cheaper to proposing the possible location of this declared under oath by their owners “viña nombrada el Fosar dels jueus”.8 water tank). According to the account the forming and transmission of local [01.07.1344, Chelomo Natan] and 153 carta d’amor”, appendix II, num. 4. the Christians. Before annulling these necropolis on the map, defining the place to the collectors (talladors), and the This property later came to be known by the father of Ramon Sala Butxaca, statutes imposed by the councillors, the oligarchies and in the case of Tàrrega, [30.07.1344, Chelomo Natan]. Raonament polític. to start digging.1 it must be highlighted that the election corresponding tax were noted down as the “fossar del Çanou”, without any that dates from the 1920s, his family king argued that if they had lasted any 9 The oldest document about the 9 of paers and councillors involved all the In other words, above the legal limit in special books (known in Cervera as reference to its Jewish past. believed that the good people who length of time, it would have deprived the graveyard takes us back to the early years llibres del manifest, in Tàrrega, d’estimes passed along the side of the Maset hill inhabitants of each quarter, J. Ribalta set at an annual interest rate of 20%. There could be several reasons. The first Jews of the food “sense els quals no es pot of Jewish presence in Tàrrega. Included and in Bellpuig, de valies) that, from time where the Jewish cemetery has been and M. Turull (1987), Alguns aspectes The report, surely false in this case, led and most obvious is disuse, along with viure ni existi”.15 With these measures, in a later document, from the 22nd of June del règim municipal, p. 20, 53 and 66. to a court case and temporally halted to time, had to be updated to take into the progressive loss of the identity of found, were given special protection by the councillors wanted to overwhelm the the return of the debt. 1319, the data of the former document account changes through deaths, sales, the place with the disappearance of the the latter. My thanks to Oriol Saula for Jewish community and indirectly, reduce th 3 For a sample, see G. Gonzalvo et al. is the 19 of March 1306. In the original, etc. gravestones that marked the tombs. On this valuable detail. its influence in the town. (1997), Llibres de privilegis de Tàrrega, 10 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. the bishop de Vic, Ponç de Vilaró, made From a careful reading of 21 of these the other hand, over the more than five What catches our attention is that the num. 28, 34, 79; L. Sarret (1982), 131. various concessions to the Tàrrega Jews, estimes we know that in 1501 the Jewish hundred years since it was abandoned, councillors knew perfectly well that this among which was the right to have a graveyard in Tàrrega still existed, as the erosion caused by various natural agents Privilegis de Tàrrega, p. 70-71. 11 went against the wishes of Peter III, as he “Aliquos probos homines ville cemetery in the limits of the town, either field with rows of vines owned by Nadal and human activity (especially farming had already revoked the discriminatory 4 J. Riera (1988), “La conflictivitat de Tarrague predicte, qui erant in curia cum clausura vel sine clausura, with the Rexachs, faced “d’una part ab lo fosar and, more recently, the extractions of soil measures of 1343 and ordered that l’alimentació dels jueus medievals nostra presentes, qui concorditer condition that the place chosen did not dels juheus”. It is the only case in which and the dumping of residues) has altered the Jews should not be hindered from (segles XII-XV)”, in Anuario de Estudios dixerunt fore magis expediens et posse affect third parties. This concession did a field bordered the Jew graveyard. On the old surface the cemetery (burying building the new synagogue. On the Medievales, núm. 20: Alimentació i sustineri per christianos ipsius ville not impede the prelate from immediately the other hand, several properties near some parts and exposing others to the other hand, it is quite possible that societat a la Catalunya medieval, p. quod in sinagoga antiqua supradicta confirming the cemetery they already of the cemetery were lumped together in extent of making them disappear) and the discrepancy between royal and 302. Religion constituted one of the judei dicte aljame oracionem faciant, had in dicto loco, so the document seems one single plot, the “partida nomenada contributed to hiding the record. municipal authority partly explains clearest signs of identity of medieval ac rotulum Legis Moysi et lampades to legitimate rather than authorise. lo fosar dels juheus”. Moreover, the path et cetera alia que ad ritum pertinent the behaviour of the councillors and people because the observance of its It is possible that this episcopal that led to the Jewish graveyard passed 1 J. X. Muntané (2007), “Proposta prohoms during the anti-Jewish riot the precepts meant, sooner or later, an judeorum”, ARB, reg. 636, f. 50r-50v concession was preceded by a earlier alongside two of these properties. d’ubication del fossar dels jueus following year. effective separation between ones and [31.08.1345]; J. Riera (2006b), Els poders authorisation, which has been lost. It Jews de la vila de Tàrrega a partir dels públics i les sinagogues, num. 118. The estimes consulted also contain Indeed, among the first to benefit the others: the distribution of the time could also be that there was a series of other indications, not directly related testimonis documentals continguts from the general pardon that the king spent on religious activities differed facts behind it that committed the aljama, 12 ARB, reg. 636, f. 84r [24.09.1345], J. with the Jewish graveyard, but the en els llibres d’estimes”, URTX: Revista granted the people of Tàrrega in 1350 betwee Jews and Christians in time like having had to bury a member of the Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 20, p. 103-118. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i les topographic information they contain was Francesc Aguiló, who had been (daily–with specific but different daily incipient community without enough sinagogues, num. 120. has been fundamental for proposing the 2 the town’s royal batlle, followed by the prayers; weekly –with a different day of time to request and obtain permission location of the Jewish necropolis. These The royal warrant of 1319, on the other rest; and at the yearly level –with their hand, written in the same terms as the councillors and prohoms, all guilty of 13 J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i from the relevant authority regarding elements are the pond on the Verdú grant of 1307, transcribed ad litteram, having ignored the king’s call to protect own cycle un of feast days, all of them, les sinagogues, num. 123-125. the place to do so. The text would attempt path and its boundary; the track from and defend the Jews, as they had not religious); in the norms regarding food; to remedy this situation re-establishing, Tàrrega to Granyena, the hill and path preserved the rights of the king in these confronted the mob gathered at the gates the celebration of the high points of 14 J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i on one hand, the bishop’s rights and, on of Comabruna, the Comtal drain and the questions, as it was he, and not the of the Jewish quarter nor prevented the life (birth, marriage and death); in the les sinagogues, num. 128. the other, accepting situation in which river, and the path to Mas de Bondia. bishop, who had to grant this kind 16 teleolological interpretation of history, no-one could be blamed. For this reason, of concessions. assault from taking place. The following proposal is derived etc. 15 “Si ordinata per vos dicti paciarii the document firstly leaves proof of the If they deserted their duty it was perhaps from the connections that can be 3 durarent esset quasi privare eisdem concession granted by the bishop for a They were probably little different because the relations the people in 5 established between the limits in each J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics i comercio victualium, sine quibus cemetery in the town’s limits, and only from the ones found in other Jews charge of the municipality had with property register, the above-mentioned les sinagogues, p. 87 and num. 38; J. X. non posset vivere sive esse”, ARB, later, secondly, to save the situation Catalan Jewish cemeteries. A. Duran the Jews were very contradictory. topographic indications and the property Muntané (2006b), Fonts, num. 371 § 2. D. ubió and J. M. Millás (1947), “Una necrópolis Although the aljama was an ever more reg. 644 f. 48r-48v, publ. in A. R which, in fact, already existed, with this th Nirenberg considers this violence from 2 map of Tàrrega from the 19 century in judaica en el Montjuich de Barcelona”, visible part of the town physically, and (1908-1921), Documents, num. 84; J. X. confirmation. a ritual and cyclical point of view and, the Urgell District Museum (fig. 1): Sefarad: Revista de Estudios Hebraicos more influential economically, it could Muntané (2008), “L’alimentació a l’aljama Let us leave aside a pair of documentary as such, limited and not very effective 1. Joan Ponces; 2. Joan Malet; 3. Perot y Sefardíes, num. 7, p. 231-259; J. M. not in truth be considered as such. For medieval de Tàrrega”, Urtx: Revista references, one from the end of the 14th at eliminiting large numbers of people d’Olivó; 4. Bernadí Gotsens; 5. Joan Millás; F. Cantera (1956), “Inscripciones the councillors, whose mission in the Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 22, p. 110-116. century and the other from the start of (D. Nirenberg (1998), Communities of Munfar; 6. Joan Munfar; 7. Joan Malet; hebraicas de España. Gerona”, in D. municipality was well consolidated the 15th, in which the Jewish cemetery Violence. Persecution of Minorities in the 16 “Dicti populi singulares et nonnulli 8. Pere Cornellana; 9. Pere Cornellana; Romano (ed.) (1988), Per a una història from the early 1340s, the aljama was a appears fully integrated into the limits of Middle Ages, Princeton, N. J., Princeton alii in magna multitudine, in judeos 10. Jaume Joan; 11. Nadal Rexachs; 12.1. de la Girona jueva, Girona, Ajuntament forbidden reality that slipped out of their the town, to focus briefly on the minutes University Press, p. 201-230), although ville predicte que tanquam in nostri Tomàs Prunera; 12.2. Llorenç Gordiola; de Girona, p. 163-197. hands, a foreign body that, in the case of the council meeting on the 30th of July the Jews never stopped complaining to speciali protectione constituti per vos 13. Llorenç Gordiola; 14. Joan Jolí of Tàrrega, had acquired dimensions 1503, thus from when Jews no longer 4 the ecclesiastical and civil authorities. In Franciscum Aquilonis olim bajulum (sense estima); 15. Caterina Vilanova; 16. The property registers consulted and a weight that was uncomfortable lived in Tàrrega. One of the points dealt this sense, one of the claims in the 1354 et paciarios et probos homines ville Joan Dezlor; 17. Francí Jolí; 18. Joan de are those for the period from 1501 to bear. The royal protection through with in that session was the petition by agreements was to put an end to the eiusdem proposse debebant nostri les Cases; 19. Pere Antoni Llorenç; 20. to 1510. The transcriptions of these privileges, that even went against the the apothecary Joan Ponces to use a stone aggressions at Easter, E. Feliu (1987), intuitu tueri, protegi et deffendi, Antoni Riera; 21. Bartomeu Ratera; 22. references appear in J. X. Muntané town’s own regulations, favoured the from the Jews cemetery “to make a bridge “Els acords de Barcelona de 1354”, ferocissime irruerunt nulla per vos Llorenç Gordiola; 23. Andreu Gispert; (2007), “Proposta d’ubication del fossar”, growth and progress of the Jewish on the river that goes to his mill and to Acords § 3. prohibitione seu resistentia facta 24.1. Antoni Sala; 24.2. Macià Farrer. p. 107-109. community, and also tended to separate many other properties”. The decision was eisdem”, ARB, reg. 890, f. 174v-175r According to this study, confirmed it from its immediate social and political 6 favourable: “that he be given a stone to 5 In contrast to the procedures for This type of missionary activity, which [15.04.1350], publ. A. López (1959b), and extended after the archaeological surroundings. Thus, it was not surprising th built said bridge”. generating income that depended on began in the mid-13 century, became “Una consecuencia de la peste negra excavations that have been carried out, that the councillors and dignitaries, From this information, after the expulsion the sale of certain products (as with more intense and popular during the en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. the Jewish aljama in Tàrrega had its the who faced this paradox in person, held of 1492, we can deduce that the Jewish taxes) or the sale of pensions (as censals following century. See J. Riera (1987), Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, cemetery outside the walls of the town, back in a context of an overwhelming graveyard was municipal property, so the and violaries), M. Turull (1990), La J. Riera (1987), “Les llicències reials num. 18; G. Gonzalvo et al (1997), Llibres at the eastern end of the long hill to the crisis like that of 1348. Put simply, they townspeople had to ask the authorities configuración jurídica, p. 506-518; P. Ortí per predicar als jueus and als sarraïns. de privilegis, num. 138; J. X. Muntané south of the town, nowadays known conceived their obligations to this group for permission to do anything in it. On et al (1996), “La génesis de la fiscalidad (Segles XIII-XIV)”, Calls, num. 2, p. (2009a), “Itinerari pels documents as the Maset. It was easy to reach from proportionally to the de facto rights the other hand, the request to reuse one municipal en Cataluña”, Revista de 113-131. relatius a l’assalt al call de Tàrrega de the Jewish quarter along the track that that they were allowed to exercise over of the tombstones also shows that there Historia Medieval, num. 7, p. 117-120. l’any 1348”, Urtx: Revista Cultural de led to Granyena (which corresponds them.17 were stones of that type in a Tàrrega.3 l’Urgell, num. 23, p. 168. nowadays to the Raval de Sant Agustí

392 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 393 5.2. The Jewish graveyard in Tàrrega Despite this archaeological evidence, other metals. These are rich fabrics, with There is no documentary evidence of Regarding the Tàrrega cemetery, only that the cemetery was not closed off. 5.3. The attack on the Jewish quarter Vilafranca del Penedès and Cervera on and Jewish funeral rites this practice seems not to comply with a profusion of silk and gold-laminated desecration of tombs in Les Roquetes, one level of graves is documented, Only one case has been documented, at in the documentary sources. the 29th of May to protect their Jewish the Jewish tradition: “Only one grave is bullion threads (XIRAU, 2012: 95) (fig. 2). except for the document from 1307 in which makes a relative dating of the least archaeologically and to date, where aljamas.6 Almost two months after taking Anna Colet Marcé Josep Xavier Muntané i Santiveri dug, the one that has to hold the body which Bishop Ponç authorised the Jews different types of tomb impossible. To the cemetery had a perimeter wall. This these precautions, a document dated the Jordi Ruiz Ventura Regarding Hebrew scatology, everything of the person who has died, and it has seems to indicate that the inviolability of in Tàrrega to have their own cemetery. be able to make an approximation to was in Seville (SANTANA, 2006: 325). We 24th of July showed the ineffectiveness The archaeological site of the necropolis to be dug on the same day of the burial” a tomb was a factor of great importance. It also makes explicit references to the the chronology of the different types of have references in the documents to the of these measures as the disturbances The medieval documentation related to of Les Roquetes has been identified as (VRIES, 2007: 260). However, there were reasons to justify prohibition, under the threat of canonical grave in Les Roquetes, we refer back to gates and walls of the Jewish graveyards in Barcelona had by then reoccurred in the anti-Jewish riots of 1348 in Catalonia 7 the graveyard of the Jews from Tàrrega. This shows that the Jewish religious the transfer of the bones from one tomb punishment, of invading or damaging the excavations in Montjuïc in Barcelona in Tortosa (CURTO, 1991: 405), Vic, Palma Cervera and Tàrrega. attribute greater intensity and violence to The work in Les Roquetes began in tradition and practice were not always to another, either because it was the wish the cemetery, or of digging up bodies and Montjuïc in Girona, both cemeteries and Xàtiva (CASANOVAS, 2003: 510). We lack the precise date of the attack on the events in Tàrrega than in other places. early 2007, anticipating plans to build one and the same. “It is very true that of the dead person or their family, or for (CASANOVAS, 2003). We think that the recently excavated. the Jewish quarter in Tàrrega. However, 1 Furthermore, this is not only derived private houses on the site. During the the rabbinical texts contain laws and the necessities of the community. It was desecration of the tombs mentioned The overlap of burials has made a Doctor Raquel Piqué, from the we know that this occurred between the from homogeneous documentation.1 archaeological work, one hundred and norms of general validity. But these must also permitted to transfer it because of took place after the expulsion of 1492. chronological approach to the different Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 29th of May, post quem date, and the 24th eighty-two individual graves with bodies be complemented with information the position of the tomb itself, exposed If not, being such a serious event, we types of grave used by the medieval analysed the remains from Les The largest part comes from the of July, ante quem date. However, if we were documented and excavated (more referring to the customs of the place” to aggressions or being outside a Jewish would expect to find complaints to the Jewish communities of Girona and Roquetes and certified that it was pine ARB. These are official documents, give a chronological order in which the or less well-conserved) along with six (ROMANO, 1994: 294). “Regionalism is cemetery, or by administrative decree. authorities from the Jewish community, Barcelona possible. Taking these two wood. “Informe de l’anàlisi anatòmica issued by the royal Chancellery. Read neighbourhoods attacked appear in the mass graves. We were able to excavate a also strengthened in relation with death” In one of his responsa, Selomó ben like the one about the flock grazing in the cemeteries as a model, the oldest type de la fusta and atzabeges del jaciment chronologically, they allow the evolution documents, Tàrrega is always third after large part of this site (fig. 1). (GUTWIRTH, 1989b: 180). Adret from Barcelona stated that it was cemetery (MUNTANÉ, 2007: 106). of tomb used was anthropomorphic de les Roquetes and del carrer de of the incidents to be followed: the initial Barcelona and Cervera, and also the last, realisation that the threat of an attack th Les Roquetes is the medieval Jewish The Jewish funeral ritual is very complex, permitted to move a body from one tomb According to the tradition, the coffin and and like a bath covered with slabs, la Font, 7-9 (Tàrrega)”, April 2008, on a date not very far from the 24 of July on the Jewish population was real, and cemetery. On one hand, there is clear beginning when the person is about to another and also a cip (ROMANO, the bier should be made of light wood, followed by the bath-type and coffin, unpublished. 1348. the king’s attempts to face this threat; documentation that places it very to die and ends once mourning has 1994: 296; GUTWIRTH, 1989b: 178). either fir or pine, and not very thick so the most modern ones being a simple Meanwhile, Galipapa’s account follows the news of the assaults against the precisely and, on the other, these finished. Very few elements of this ritual In the medieval Jewish necropolis of they decompose easily and without any hole. However, in Barcelona, the the same chronology of the attacks as the 1 Jewish quarters; the decisions taken cultural and religious origins have been leave physical remains. In the excavation Les Roquetes in Tàrrega, two secondary kind of decoration. coexistence of these types of grave has documents from the royal C hancellery: th th to re-establish order, apply justice and confirmed archaeologically, as two rings at Les Roquetes, elements have been burials have been documented (ENT 56 Remains of coffins are found in the vast been documented from the 13 and 14 the one in Barcelona was first,8 followed compensate the royal finances for the with Hebrew epigraphs were found uncovered that refer to this ritual, such and ENT 57), placed beside each other. majority of medieval Jewish cemeteries centuries. by the one in Cervera and three days losses caused by the killing of the Jews. during the excavation there (MCUT 4457 as the pins from the shroud in tomb ENT They were in a bundle, with the bones that have been excavated, either wood In the western part of Les Roquetes later, Tàrrega. He even assigns the The large number of documents issued and 4458). 103 (MCUT 4446 and 4447) and the one carefully piled up and, in one of them, that has been conserved of through that has been excavated, there is a Tàrrega riot a specific date: the 10th of as a result of the attack on the Jews in According to David Romano, for the from tomb ENT 75 (MCUT 4448). ENT 57, there were even remains that the presence and position of iron nails concentration of graves covered with the month of Av, a date that could not Tàrrega facilitates this in our case and remains to be considered Jewish, could have been of the same metal thread (CASANOVAS, 2003: 520). slabs, either bath type (simple graves), easily go unnoticed and precisely for that The shrouding of the dead, which is also reflects its importance.2 explicit documentary references are known from documentary sources, from the tallit conserved in ENT 88 (fig. The use of coffins and biers is also or anthropomorphic (fig. 5). The slab reason, he includes it in his chronicle of The other account of the events, required and epigraphic remains in such as that of a Valencian rabbi 3). We found parallels in the secondary documented in Les Roquetes. In some covers fade out as we move to the east, the events. contemporary to part of the above- Hebrew or material evidence of Jewish (CALVO, 2003: 591), and also leaves burials in the Jewish cemetery in Lucena cases, these elements have survived to the point where they become sporadic According to the Jewish religious mentioned official documentation, is in customs, rites or traditions must appear material remains, such as pins, can be (Cordoba), where two secondary in very good condition, like the coffins (ENT 185). tradition, the most tragic events in the Émeq refaim or Valley of Shadows. (ROMANO, 1994: 305). It is very difficult documented from the awkward posture burials deposited in a lateral grave were in tombs ENT 172 and ENT 12, which The bath-type tombs with coffins are the history of the Jewish people had This work, written by Khaiim Galipapa to document rites that are purely Jewish, of various burials. An example of this excavated. As in the case in Tàrrega, enables us to know the dimensions of the sporadic to the west of the site, but coincided on the same day, the 9th of Av, but nowadays lost, contained a general as even the orientation of Jewish burials, is tomb ENT 115, where, although no the bones are carefully grouped, a fact boxes. In other cases, we can suppose become more common the further to the although obviously in different years. account of the events of 1348. The part of with the head to the west and feet to the remains of the shroud have survived, it that makes the researchers think that a coffins were used through the iron nails east we move. These included the two destructions the medieval account that has survived east is common to Christian cemeteries, is evident that the body was enshrouded. shroud was also used for this purpose that remain after the wood of the coffin of the temple in Jerusalem: the first on Bearing in mind the chronology of the is in the Hebrew chronicle by Iossef ha- although the latter ended up adapting to Shroud pins have been found in other (BOTELLA and CASANOVAS, 2009: 7). has rotted away, as in ENT 115 or ENT the 9th of Av, 587 BC and the other, on different types of grave in Barcelona Kohén: Émeq ha-bakhà or Valley of Tears an orientation around a central nucleus, Jewish medieval graveyards, including Regarding the inviolability of the tombs, 154. the 9th of Av, 70 AD.9 Strictly speaking, and Girona, the situation of the mass (Voltaggio, 16th century). Thanks to the either the altar or the church (PALAHÍ et the ones in Seville (SANTANA, 2006: 327), in the Jewish medieval cemetery in Galipapa did not attribute this fateful The bier was a kind of pall that was graves compared with the ones that are honesty of the renaissance chronicler, al., 2003: 4). Valladolid (MOREDA and SERRANO, Tàrrega there are three cases of tombs date to any of the attacks. He did not used to carry the dead to the cemetery, covered with slabs, together with the who indicates the source he follows During the archaeological excavation, 2009: 39 and 46) and Teruel (FLORIANO, that were despoiled or rummaged do so for Cervera, which took place instead of a coffin. On arriving at the dating of the numismatic material from very clearly when describing the events eighteen small cuts were found without 1926: 28). through: ENT 39, ENT 97 and ENT 122. on the 7th of Av, or for Tàrrega. As an cemetery, this pall was placed over the these mass graves, make the hypothesis of 1348,3 we can trace a good part of the remains. The explanation for these small The first case is an anthropomorphic interesting note, the Hebrew account Remains of silver threads (MCUT 4662) body as a kind of cover. We have also of the growth of the necropolis from history he narrates back to the same year graves could be the poor conservation of tomb covered with slabs, located in the indicates that after the riot, the Jews were found in tomb ENT 88, over the been able to document this element west to east plausible. This hypothesis is of the attacks. the bodies (due to the acidity of the soil) chest of the body. These have been south-west part of the cemetery, which during the archaeological dig. The best- reinforced by radiocarbon dating carried from Cervera mortified themselves by We have reproduced this duplication of or they might have been prepared during interpreted as the tallit, the prayer we believe to be the oldest part. During conserved example is tomb ENT 84. This out on four samples: FS 164 (UE 1220), fasting and dressed in sackcloth and sources in an appendix with the texts that an episode of high child mortality, which shawl used by the men and that they are the archaeological work, it was observed bier, conserved almost whole, rested ENT 165, ENT 167 and ENT 179. Three of ashes (fig. 1). These were, in fact, the best describe what happened during the th would not have been exceptional during wrapped in after death (VRIES, 2007: that the slabs over the grave had been on sockets set into the long walls of the the burials that were dated corresponded usual displays of mourning for the 9 of attack: the accounts that the secretaries the Middle Ages. There are arguments 254). This shawl used to be the habitual moved and that only the distal part of grave (the north and south ones) (fig. to bath-type graves; the fourth, to one of Av and the Jewish reader, seasoned in of the Tàrrega aljama sent to the royal in favour of both probabilities and we clothing for men, which, over time, both legs and the feet, as well as the back 4). We have also been able to document the mass graves. The dates confirm this these practices, easily understood that curia in 1349 and the one by Galipapa. believe that both may have occurred. became limited to liturgical use. It can of the skull were conserved in situ, the different types of supports for these occupation of the necropolis from west to that year, the Cervera Jews who survived There are no local documents as these On one hand, there are examples in be made of wool, linen, cotton or silk and rest of the skeleton being missing. biers, like the one in tomb ENT 29, where east, and also confirm the proposed date the riot added the dramatic experience have all been lost. The minutes of the Les Roquetes where the fragility of is usually white with blue or black lines. The other two burials are in coffins in it rested on six stones, placed in pairs on of the mass graves (attributed to the riot to the events traditionally remembered council meetings stop in 1344 and do the remains has meant that only small The corners are finished off with tsitsit the eastern part of the cemetery. ENT 97 either side of the body, next to the head, of 1348) and the use of the types of tomb during that celebration. When Galipapa not restart until 1361. We know that the fragments of bone were recovered, such (fringes on the four corners of the shawl). raises two hypotheses. The first is the the knees and the feet. over long periods of time. indicates the day of the attack in Tàrrega as in tomb ENT 62, where a necklace or outbreak of plague in Tàrrega led to a fall The upper part, around the neck and over possibility that it was a secondary burial, Another fact that must be highlighted During the archaeological dig, the drains on the calendar, he states that it was the bracelet was also found (MCUT 4461). in the number of members of the local “tenth day of the month of Av, which is the shoulders, can be made from a piece in other words, that the body was taken is that there is no overlapping of tombs, of the area around the graveyard were 4 This was the tomb of a very young child, council, but the undeniable fact is that of cloth sewn to the shawl with silver to Les Roquetes in a coffin. This transfer except in one case in which the grave is changed, which allowed us to check the a day of mortification”. Mortification, less than three years old. On the other the meetings continued to be held, and thread, which may be adorned with would have taken place long enough cut (ENT 117 and ENT 118), but without extension of the cemetery. This, linked not so much for what had to happen, but hand, there are various tombs that would some record or other of the agreements rhinestones (ROMERO, 1998: 122). after death for the body to have started affected the buried. The fact that there is to the data supplied by the radiocarbon rather that that day was a prolongation be clear examples of this anticipation. reached must have been kept. However, the preceding day of mourning. Indeed, Two headdresses have also been decomposing, but before this process only one level of tombs in Les Roquetes dating and the typology of the tombs, lets One of these is ENT 108, where a child these records have not survived. Nor it was a habitual practice among the documented from the burials of two was complete, as there is a degree of and that none of the burials has been cut as propose a period of occupation of the was buried in a grave forty centimetres have those of the enquiries by the royal communities of the Diaspora, the Jewish females (ENT 37 and EST 10). There are anatomical connection in the limbs. This by more modern ones is indicative of cemetery. longer than the body. The posture of the authority aimed at explaining the events communities outside Palestine, to parallels in the necropolis of Montjuïc transfer would have caused certain parts two facts. The first is that there was no body in ENT 110 is very forced with the The necropolis grew from west to east and identifying the guilty parties. celebrate the main liturgical festivals on in Barcelona (DURAN and MILLÀS, of the body to move from their original demographic pressure on the size of the legs folded to make it fit into the grave. and was bounded on the north and Thus, from an analysis of the sources the day itself and also the next day. 1947: sheet. vii), the Jewish cemetery position in the coffin. In favour of this cemetery and the second is that, as well ENT 158, an anthropomorphic tomb east by the track that led to a Granyena, available, we propose the following of Paseo de la Acera de Recoletos in hypothesis is that the remains show an as the headstones, there must have been If, as Galipapa states, the attack took covered with slabs, also shows a forced while to the south it was conditioned conclusions about the events of that Valladolid (MOREDA and SERRANO, accordion effect, and are concentrated in some kind of signs to indicate where the place that day, the mob that burst into posture to make the body fit. ENT 175 is by the topography of the hill where summer in Tàrrega. 2009: 34), and in the one in the Nové the western part of the coffin. tombs were (not having survived to our the Jewish quarter in Tàrrega found a also placed sideways to make the body the site is located. It must be taken into M sto neighbourhood in Prague (SELMI The second hypothesis is that the body times, these signs may have been made population that, frightened by the news fit the hole. However, it seems that the account that, as also happened with the The date of the riot WALLISOVÁ, 2011: 280). These elements was moved within the cemetery: once it of perishable material). No headstones or from Cervera, had more reasons than grave was adapted to the width of the Jewish cemetery in Lucena, it gradually are documented on female bodies in all had started to decompose, the coffin was other elements that could have fulfilled We know that the attack on the Jewish ever to fast, mourn and pray to God. If legs after being folded. disappears as we move east. We have these graveyards. opened, the body was moved and any the function of identifying the tombs has been unable to document its bounds quarter in Barcelona, the first to be the attack did not occur on that date, then This practice of digging graves in th Linen and silk were identified in objects plundered. been found in Les Roquetes, although to the west, the closest to the Jewish assaulted, took place on the 17 of this would be a literary convention that anticipation is documented in other the analysis of the fibres from the Regarding tomb ENT 122, the body the documentary evidence suggests that quarter, as the area is built up nowadays. May 1348. This was a Saturday, the attempted to emphasise the magnitude medieval Jewish cemeteries. In headdresses from Tàrrega, and these was moved in the tomb itself, so that there may have been (MUNTANÉ, 2007: However, we do not believe that the day of rest in Judaism, as reported in a of the events by comparing that tragedy Barcelona, there is a tomb where the size combine different weaves and dies, some of the bones remain in their 107). cemetery stretched much further in that document, issued only five days later, with the great national misfortunes of of the body does not correspond to that with blue linen threads, although the original position and the rest are left Regarding the typology of the tombs, direction. in which Peter III ordered the capture the past. of the grave, the body being a child and of those responsible for the riot and majority were ecru. Ecru, yellow, red and like a packet on top of the pelvis. This the excavations show that there Although the documents indicate the However, if we bear in mind that, the grave is for an adult. The extra space reinforcement of the vigilance around green silk threads were found. There are moving of the body when it was fully weren't specific types of grave in possibility that the cemetery was walled according to the Jewish calendar, the was filled with stones. In Girona, graves the Jewish quarter in Barcelona.5 th three types of bullion thread (silk thread decomposed, given that there are no Jewish graveyards. The typologies of (MUNTANÉ, 2007; CASANOVAS, 10 of Av 5108 was in the first fortnight have been documented where the body th 10 covered with gold or silver sheet, etc.) signs of connections between the pieces documented in this type of cemetery The news that must have reached the of July, probably around the 6 , and had to be squeezed in, or its feet had to 2003), we have not been able to find that varied in thickness or the torsion that were moved. We can state that at are the same as the ones used by the evidence of this structure. Bearing king’s ears, then in Valencia, about that the data ante quem of the attack was be twisted towards the inside or broken th and width of the sheet around them. least two years lapsed from the moment Christian majority, but with the same a possible spread of the incidents in the 24 of that month, then the date that to make them fit the hole (CASANOVAS, in mind the complaint by the Jewish The sheet around these silk threads is of burial to the time when the body was models being used for longer. Barcelona, led him to issue an order appears in Galipapa’s account seems 2003: 511). community about a flock entering to metal, probably silver or an alloy with disturbed. graze (MUNTANÉ, 2007: 106), we believe to the officials in Montblanc, Tàrrega, totally credible.

394 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 395 ,(the other goods belonging to the Jewish of Jacob! Destroy this nation, kill them!” Jews of this aljama, and other were essential reading, A. López (1959a ובבזה לא :The different names given to the events years of Jewish presence in the town, be perceived in the official document, not sack anything” (Est 9,10.15.16 In contrast, the acts of the families: money, clothing, bedclothes, etc And during the disaster [...] took the beaten mercilessly and they wounded “Una consecuencia de la peste negra .(שלחו את ידם in Tàrrega prior to the expulsion of 1492. Personally, that this number could have been 29 Some references to the assaults on I believe that the Jewish quarter both rounded down, this being the figure Christians, who did kill and then pillage (fig. 6). stupid path of acting violently against the them, and inflicted on them other serious en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348”, p. 92- 37 the Catalan Jews in 1348 use the term before and after the assault of 1348 was that became part of the account and the Jews of Tàrrega, appear even unfortunate Jews”. and disproportionate damage, injuries, 131. In deals with some of these attacks “pogrom”. In fact, although this Russian- always, with minor changes, in the same which the collective memory has set crueller. The Hebrew expression “people of the offences, pillage, afflictions and atrocities in great detail using the information 16 The attackers origin word originally designated the place, “versus locum vocatum El Font”, and transmitted as the deaths from Galipapa concluded his version of the th town” designated the lower and less (fig. 8). in the documents she had gathered. in other words, in that part of the town the 1348 riots. It is this round number On 11 August 1348, Peter III entrusted The assault on the Jewish quarter in mass murder of the Jewish communities events in Tàrrega with a last mention of the enquiry into the attacks against the educated class, the “vulgars” or “rústics” in Tsarist Russia between 1881 and that opened on to the Carrer Major and that Galipapa would have taken as the survivors. He says that they “were of the medieval texts, the same that, as in 2. Description of the riots in Barcelona, Tàrrega is on pp. 115-126 and is, of Jews in Barcelona, Cervera, Tàrrega Cervera and Tàrrega by Galipapa, preser- 1921, the truth is that nowadays it has the wall of the river: an area of market good and applied only to the events in stripped of their assets and they were not another place in the Acords, impressed all those she studied, the longest (it is and Lleida to the procurator general ved in the chronicle of Iossef ha-Kohén. These by the miracles that occurred during preceded by the chapetrs dedicated to .(וישארו ערומים מכל קנינם ולא יתבוששו) ”been incorporated into most European gardens and pens that was gradually Tàrrega because he knew it had been the ashamed built up during the late Middle Ages deadliest of the three attacks. of Catalonia, Gilabert de Corbera. Six the riots in Barcelona, p. 97-106, and languages to mean generically, any words take the reader accustomed to the months later, in March 1349, Gilabert the profanations of consecrated wafer because it was in fact the only area left to 38 Cervera, p. 106-115, and followed by a “massacre of defenceless people, However, how many deaths were there biblical text to another ending, that of the de Corbera had Francesc Aguiló attributed to Jews, attacked them with K. almbladh (1981), Joseph ha-Kohén. more general study of the attacks on the .מז- מח.especially Jews” (DIEC). However, be built up inside the walled enclosure of in Tàrrega? Taking the contents of these second account of the creation. Indeed, “blood, fire and smoke”.39 Sefer ‘Emeq ha-Bakha, p 17 imprisoned in Tàrrega. He had held obviously, this word does not appear in Tàrrega. documents into consideration, that after the creation of woman, it can be What arms did these people of Jewish quarters in Lleida, Girona and the position of royal deputy in the town Valencia, p. 126-131). ויהי ביום השבת לעת ערב ויקומו על עם ה' אשר בבארצילונה the medieval documentation about the What is interesting is that the Jewish Tàrrega was the worse affected of the read that “both of them, the man and the during the attacks, and was accused Tàrrega use to attack the Jews? The attack on the Jewish quarter in Tàrrega. quarter of Tàrrega, which must then have three towns, it does not seem implausible woman, were naked and they were not Iossef ha-Kohén indicated that the 3 ויהרגו מהם כעשרים נפש ובביזה שלחו את ידם ואין אומר השב generically of having been “causam et documentation from the Chancellery 30 ויהי שניהם ערומים האדם ואשתו ולא:In the Chancellery documents, written in had a good number of residents, was that an large proportion of the 300 dead ashamed” (Gn 2,25 beginning and end of that part of his עודם נלחמים וח' נתן קולות ומטר וגשם שוטף ואש מתלקחת occasionem raubarie et necium”. At mentions axes, lances, swords, arrows It is possible that with this .(יתבששו .Latin, the terms used are in this language in a place that could be totally isolated (fig. 4) can be assigned to this event book based on the account by Khaiim ויתבהלו הקמים עליהם בלל ה' שפתם וילכו גם שרי העיר around the same date, Ramon Folquet and stones, and the forensic analysis וגדוליה ויצלו הנשארים מידם ולא עצרו כח להצילם בטרם היות or are taken from spoken Catalan and from the rest of the mainly Christian To date, at least 69 bodies have been parallelism, the medieval chronicler of the remains exhumed from the mass from Tàrrega was sentenced to two Galipapa, K. Almbladh (1981), Joseph הקולות והמטר כי רבו הקמים עליהם האומרים נכחידם מגוי ולא given a Latin appearance. In Galipapa’s town. According to a document from counted in the mass graves excavated understood that what had happened in graves confirms this (fig. 7).40 23 years of banishment and a fine of 5,000 ha-Kohén. Sefer ‘Emeq ha-Bakha (The account, there is no Hebrew word that 1347, most of the Jewish families were (and others still await opening). Tàrrega could be interpreted as a new 31 Vale of Tears) with the chronicle of the יזכר שם ישראל עוד ייטיב ה' לטובים והמטים עקלקלותם sous. However, the slowness with specifically designates this type of concentrated in a single street, “in via creation: the survivors, purified by the Documentary appendix anonymous Corrector, Upsala, Almqvist יוליכם את פועלי האון אמן ואמן. ויהי לימים עוד ויקומו על In contrast to the documents from which Gilabert de Corbera acted ended היהודים אשר בעיר צירבירה ויררגו כשמנה עשרה נפש ובביזה violence. in qua in dicta villa dictorum major pars the Chancellery, the Hebrew account terrible test they had passed, find מח.and p טו line מז .up exasperating the aljamas affected, &Wiksell, p. 27 and p 18 inhabitat judeorum”. This was the explains an interesting fact concerning themselves in a totally new situation in 1. Description of the riot according to .כה line שלחו את ידם והנשארים ברחו לנפשם ויענו בצום חייתם ושק At first, in the moments closest to the that not only saw how the crimes of ואפר הציקו לרבים ויהי לימים עוד שלשה ביום העשירי לחדש events, the official documentation same street where the synagogue was the fate of the dead in Tàrrega stating which, like their predecessors before the 1348 went unpunished but also, given the version of the secretaries of the to be built to replace the earlier one. sin, they felt no sense of shame. Tàrrega aljama A. López (1956), Documentos acerca 4 אב ביום ענות נפשם ויקומו גם יושבי טאריגה ויכו ביהודים ואבד resorts to a string of terms to cover the that they were “dragged to an empty the effective lack of sanctions, suffered .[de the peste, num. 26 [22.10.1348 יותר משלש מאות נפש ויסחבום אל בור רק ובביזה שלחו את .terrible magnitude of the tragedy. The This synagogue lasted until 1492 and water tank”. Galipapa seems to describe The element that Galipapa adds to the the continuous harassment of those ARB, reg. 658, f. 52r-v [23.12.1349], publ was at the end closest to the wall of the ידם ודנשארים ברחו לנפשם אל בית מכריהם במתן בסתר עד most frequent are incitement, robberies what could be interpreted as the last biblical words borrowed from Gn and who did not stop bothering them. The in A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia de ,Die sabbati proxime preterita“ 5 עבור הזעם וישארו ערומים מכל קנינם ולא יתבוששו ביום and murders.11 Over time, this tended street traditionally known as the street act of vandalism committed by the that, in his eyes, was what characterised murder of a Tàrrega Jew, one year after la peste negra en Cataluña: El pogrom de ,nonnulli maligno spiritu concitati הנמהר ההוא. ,”(to be simplified and the idea of violent of the Jews. It could have been at the attackers, in this case, against the bodies this situation, was being “stripped the riot, led the representatives of these 1348. Apéndices (documentos inéditos and illicit invasion of a place and people other end of this street, where the Jewish of the dead Jews: their lack of burial.24 It of their goods”. If we bear in mind aljamas to complain formally to the king, num. 14 Dei timore postposito at in nostre ended up dominating.12 Finally, the terms quarter came into contact with the town could also be understood as a not very that it was very frequent for medieval who ordered Gilabert de Corbera to act Translation: J. X. Muntané and C. Boswell dominationis conceptum per modum used were simply “avalot” or “barreig”, and where the gates mentioned by the conventional emergency solution in Jewish chronicles to blame the wealth aualoti intrarunt in Callem Judaycum against Francesc Aguiló and the rest of Anno proxime lapso, nonnulli ipsius ville, Saturday came and at the evening hour, with the former predominating.13 We secretaries of the aljama were. response to abnormal conditions, both and opulence of the communities of 32 Barchinone et inibi, plura hospitia the accused. populum eiusdem fortiter concitando, they rose against the people of the Lord have opted to continue using “avalot” for the number of dead and the short the diaspora for their unfaithfulness fregerunt et disraubarunt ac multos The target of the attack: the Jews and The royal admonition had its effects Dei tmore et nostre correctionis postpo- who were in Barcelona. Around twenty (riot) to designate specifically that time in which they died. We do not how and religious relaxation, which God 1 judeos inibi occiderunt”, A. López (1956), their assets when, in April 1350, Peter III granted sito, nostram magestatem offendere non were killed, booty was taken and nobody popular and seditious uprising. long riot in Tàrrega lasted. Galipapa only corrected with the persecutions that he Francesc Aguiló, the councillors and said, “Go back!”2 They were still in full Documentos acerca de la peste, mentions the 10th of Av so it is possible sometimes permitted the Christians, we verentes, diabolico spiritu incitati, manu num. 8 [22.05.1348]. The idea of a collective and violent dignitaries and the university of the town armata et lye deliberata ad callum ipsius riot when the Lord made a storm break uprising reappears in the two verbs that A) The people that it only lasted that day. However, the can understand this peculiar analysis of out3 and, given the rain that fell and of of Tàrrega remission from all civil and aljame hostiliter accesserunt et ausibus 6 The king ordered his officials that the Hebrew version uses to describe Continuing the story begun above, we figure for the deaths seems to have been the loss of assets. the lightning that flashed, those who criminal responsibility regarding the riot indebitis violenter ostias ipsius callis “omnes et singulos Judeos aljame it: “the inhabitants of Tàrrega rose and read that after entering into the houses too high and perhaps the number of Nevertheless, and however it is had risen against the Jews felt afraid. of 1348, he reminded them of the trials by tamen securibus et allis armorum gene- Judeorum ville eiusdem et collectorie charged against the Jews”. of the Jews, the attackers “plures judeos survivors too low, to allow the habitual interpreted, the fact is that together with The Lord tied their tongues.4 Then the Gilabert de Corbera and the death and ribus fregerunt et etiam destruxerunt sue ac res et bona eorum quecumque, ipsius aljame inaniter occiderunt et funeral procedure to be followed. the murders and attacks on people, the councillors of the town came and the prison sentences, or the fines that many ipsumque callum intrarunt unanimiter manuteneatis, protegatis et deffendatis The place of the riot quosdam alios atrociter percusserunt et Moreover, these survivors, some hiding mob that invaded the Jewish quarter of these trials handed down.33 leading people of this and they rescued in the houses of Christians,25 must have et potenter clamosis vocibus emittentes viriliter et potenter, ab infestationibus, One of the documents closest to the etiam vulnerarunt et plura alia dampna stole and destroyed their assets and the survivors. Before the thunder and been reluctant to return to the Jewish Although there was some talk of external “Muyren los traydors” et, hiis non con- molestiis, injuriis, grauaminibus et events, dated 11th August 1348, indicates gravia et inmensa, injurias, ofensas, property, as the documents from the attackers, those accused of rioting were tenti, sed mala peyoribus comulantes, the downpour, they had not dared to quarter to bury their dead. Many fled, as 26 offensis indebitis quorumcumque nec that the violence that broke out in raubarias molestias et violentias ipsis royal Chancellery also testify. mainly from Tàrrega, according to the hospitia ipsorum judeorum nequiter di- do so because they were many who 19 we shall see below. Thus, we understand ipsos uel eorum aliquos in personis Barcelona, Cervera and Tàrrega took judeis fecerunt”. A large number of The main target of this predatory urge had rioted against the Jews shouting: that it was Christians who dragged the documentation, including some who mitarunt lanceis, lapidibus et sagitis et et bonis ipsorum, per modos supra place in the streets and homes inhabited Jews were murdered and many others, were the instrument editorial: the 34 “Exterminate them from among the bodies to the cistern, either to take the held positions in the town government. demum in eis intrantes, res et bona om- specifficatos uel aliter, permittatis a quo by Jews: “calles et hospitia ipsorum injured. Is it possible to know the number scriptures or documentary proof of the nations! That the name of Israel no insult to its final consequences, or to Effectively, in the mentioned royal nia eorumdem tamquam raptores secum quam contra jus et justitiam agrauari judeorum”, in other words, the Jewish of dead? loans granted and where the names of longer be remembered!”5 May the Lord bury some bodies that would quickly remission, Peter III openly accused perperam asportarunt et plura instrulya seu etiam molestari”, A. López (1956), quarters of these places.14 Regarding Among the documents from the royal the lenders (the Jewish creditors), the compensate the good people and those have begun to rot in the open air as fast as the town’s deputy, councillors and ac scripturas ipsorum judeorum diver- Documentos acerca de la peste, Tàrrega, we can be somewhat more Chancellery, the habitual reference name of the borrower (in most cases, who turned perfidiously may the Lord possible and thus avoid greater evils (we dignitaries of, rather than protecting sorum contractuum laniarunt et etiam num. 9 [29.05.1348]. specific thanks to a document from late to the killings was generic. Referring a Christian name), the amount to be take with the criminals.6 Amen, Amen. believe that the epidemic of Black Death the Jews, doing nothing to stop the mob conburserunt et plures judeos ipsius 1349 with a detailed account of the events to the deaths in Tàrrega, the number repaid (resulting from the amount lent 7 had already reached the town or was that invaded the Jewish quarter: “nulla aljame inaniter occiderunt et quosdam A few days later, they rose against the “Hiis diebus proxime lapsis, propter that occurred the year before, according was emphasised also generically.20 On and the stipulated profit), the terms of about to do so). per vos prohibitione seu resistentia alios atrociter percusserunt et etiam vul- Jews who were in the city of Cervera, rumores nobis subito venientes, qualiter to the version given by the secretaries of one occasion it was even claimed that repayment, the guarantees and pledges, facta”.35 This inhibition of the authorities nerarunt et plura alia dampna gravia et they killed around eighteen and booty per nonnullos civitatis Barchinone 27 the Tàrrega aljama (fig. 2). almost all the inhabitants of this Jewish etc., were carefully and precisely noted. in Tàrrega contrasted with the way the inmensa, injurias, ofensas, raubarias mo- was seized.7 The survivors fled, their et villarum Cervarie, Tarrage, contra Translated into Latin by the officer from quarter were exterminated: “judeos et B) The assets In this sense, we know that the debt authorities of other places reacted to the lestias et violentias ipsis judeis fecerunt. souls mortified with fasting and many aljamas et singulares dictarum the Chancellery, the Jewish version iudeas aljame ville pretacte in maxima Galipapa’s literary account follows the instruments of some of the wealthiest disturbances. In the neighbouring town tormented by sackcloth and ashes.8 civitatum et villarum, casu fortuito ipsorum parte atrociter trucidarunt in medieval Jew custom of borrowing and most active creditors in the Jewish of Cervera, for example, the deputy and et inopinato, concitato populo, extitit of the events begins by explaining J. X. Muntané (2009a), “Itinerari pels And after three days, on the tenth day quorum Judeorum invasione”.21 The only quarter were the target for the attackers, that the attackers “ad callum ipsius biblical fragments, pieces of verses, and the dignitaries opened the castle for the documents”, p. 163, 168 (translation by of the month of Av, which is the day of suscitata occasione cuius strages seu figure we have is that of the total from as in the case of the wealthy Moshe Natan 36 aljame hostiliter accesserunt et using them to explain later events with no Jews to take refuge in. Lluís Solà, J. X. Muntané and C. Boswell). mortification, the inhabitants of Tàrrega neces, percussiones et vulnera varia ausibus indebitis violenter ostias all the riots in Barcelona, Cervera and direct relation to the biblical happenings. who, eight years after the riot, had not However, those sentenced to hang on also rose and charged against the Jews. et diversa rapinie ad destructiones ipsius callis tamen securibus et allis Tàrrega and which is greater than 300 For the readers of this literature who yet recovered and whose finances were the gallows that Gilabert de Corbera had More than three hundred people died domorum, adversas aliamas predictas armorum generibus fregerunt et etiam dead: “in facto concitationum, necium et know the holy books by heart, as is usual in a critical state, “quasi ad inopiam est Last year some from this town, strongly et quampluribus singularibus ex ea 28 built on purpose in the field of Sant Joan, and they were dragged to an empty destruxerunt ipsumque callum intrarunt raubariarum factarum et perpetratarum among Jewish scholars, the words are deductum”. on the outskirts of the town, or those who arousing the people, casting aside the cistern and booty was seized.9 The fuerunt diversimode subsecuta”, A. unanimiter et potenter clamosis vocibus contra judeos Barchinone et Cervarie et susceptible to having a double meaning: The aim was not so much to seize these were still serving prison sentences years fear of God and our call for order, not survivors fled with presents to the houses López (1959b), “Una consecuencia de emittentes “muyren los traydors”, et specialiter ville Tarrage, ex quibus ultra the literal sense of what they say and documents but more to destroy them to later must not have belonged to these hesitating to offend your majesty, incited of their acquaintances and remained la peste negra en Cataluña: El pogrom 22 hiis non contenti sed mala peyoribus trecentos fuerint nequiter interempti”. complementary meaning, originating in cancel the debt: without the deed, there families. They must have been people by a diabolical spirit, armed and with hidden until the rage had passed.10 On de 1348. Apéndices (documentos comulantes, hospitia ipsorum judeorum The relief that the text seems to attribute the associations that can be established was no proof or obligation to pay back of lowly origins, with few resources and deliberate intention, with obstinate that impetuous day they were stripped of inéditos)”, num. 5 [24.07.1348]. This nequiter dimitarunt lanceis, lapidibus to Tàrrega (with the adverb specialiter between the event and the biblical the money. limited influence. In fact, it is very likely malice and maniacal motives, came with their goods and they were not ashamed.11 document, sent to the authorities in et sagitis et demum in eis intrantes, res and the substantive ville), leads us to account the words have been taken from. There were two ways to attempt to that a large part of the attackers came hostility to the Jewish quarter of this Lleida, was intended to avoid a similar et bona omnia eorumdem tamquam think that the bulk of the dead were not That is precisely what can be seen on the aljama and with undue daring broke attack on the Cuirassa. It did not fulfil redress this situation: one, of doubtful from the poorest classes. 1. Est 9, 10.15.16; 2. Is, 42,22; 3. 1 Sa 12, raptores secum perperam asportarunt precisely from the Jewish quarter. That two occasions when Galipapa refers to down and destroyed violently the gates its purpose, as a document from the 11th success, envisaged fines for the In this sense, in 1354, when Moshe Natan 17,18; 4. Gn 11, 9; 5. Sl 83, 5; 6. Sl 125, 5; et plura instrulya ac scripturas ipsorum is, at least, what we read in Galipapa’s the assets of the Jews in Tàrrega. with axes and other types of arms, and of August 1348 (included in one from borrowers who did not repay the money from Tàrrega, together with Cresques 7. Est 9, 10.15.16; 8. Est 4, 3; 9. Est, 9, judeorum diversorum contractuum account, which does give specific figures all entered together shouting loudly: 1349, idem, num. 12 [18.07.1349]) states After the episode of the water tank, on the due date to the Jewish creditors Chelomo from Barcelona and Iafudà 10.15.16; 10. Is 26, 20; 11. Gn 2, 25 laniarunt et etiam conburserunt”.15 for the deaths in each of the events: 20 Galipapa continues his account saying who, due to the lack of documents, had “Death to the traitors!” And not satisfied that, after passing through Barcelona, Alatzar from Valencia, accepted a series with that but competing to commit worse not demanded this. The other consisted 1 Cervera and Tàrrega, the wave of ובביזה) ”According to this version, the attackers dead in Barcelona, 18 in Cervera and that the attackers “seized the booty of agreements aimed at preventing the calamities, they infamously assaulted J. X. Muntané (2009a), “Itinerari pels with words taken from the end of a remaking the stolen documents, but attacks also reached Lleida and other ,(שלחו את ידם .gathered before the gates of the Jewish over 300 in Tàrrega events like those of 1348 from being the houses of the Jews with spears, documents”, p. 158-179. quarter, which were closed, they Leaving aside that on one hand there is of the story of Esther. Indeed, when the this was a complex and expensive task places: “Et specialiter nuper primo in repeated, he did not hesitate from stones and swords, and lastly, entering knocked them down with axes and once the total of the three riots and the other book of Esther describes the attacks by when it was applied to large creditors, 2 civitate Barchinone et nunc noviter in classifying the attackers as being from these houses, seized all the things and As well as these collections of inside the quarter, attacked and assaulted is for only one, we find it interesting that the Jews on those they wanted to with hundreds of debts and various villis Cervarie et Tarrege et in civitate the lowest strata of society, stating: the assets of the Jews, like thieves, and documents, most of which are the houses of the Jews. the sources coincide on the same figure: exterminate, the biblical text repeats, as if notaries and one that also depended on Ilerde et in aliis etiam locis”. “the people of the town [the emphasis tore up and burned many papers and unpublished, Amada López wrote over 300. If the number of victims really it were a tornado, that although the Jews the good will of the later (fig. 5). Where was the Jewish quarter in Tàrrega is ours], on the day that any plague or scriptures of various contracts with the an article about the attacks on the exceeded 300, but not a significantly could have done whatever they wanted in 1348? The sources do not say anything. However, the robberies did not stop at famine occurs, make the ground tremble Jews and killed with impunity many Catalan Jewish quarters that happened We do know where it was in the later higher figure, it is quite possible, as can with them, they did not kill them and “did the deed of debta but also extended to shouting: “All that is the fault of the sins as a result of the plague and that is

396 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 397 8 Which it states took place on Saturady de Tàrrega (1366-1370)”, Urtx, 9, p. 86, fled with presents to the houses of their See A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia 5.4. The mass graves: is 1.35 m, measured between the walls, in the material used to fill this grave, an Stratigraphic unit 1141 coinciding 89. Meanwhile, we regard that space acquaintances and remaind hidden until de la peste negra en Cataluña: the archaeological and while the north-south axis has been almost whole, glazed white pottery jar This stratum is the result of the ,(ברע תעל תבשה םויב) afternoon with the information supplied by the between the last houses on Carrer the fury had passed”. Galipapa does not El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices paleoanthropological taken from the space occupied by the appeared in contact with the base, and destruction of the wall north of FS 164. Chancellory document mentioned Major and the bank of the Ondara as an specify whether the houses belonged (documentos inéditos)”, num. 15. evidence of the riot 1348 remains, which is 1.80 m (fig. 4). also, on the north side, part of a glazed Seven individuals were documented above. area encircled by some kind of wall. to Jews or Christians. However, if we This grave differs somewhat from the white pottery cover was recovered. 32 Anna Colet Marcé, in it, four of whom adults and three, bear in mind the general context in A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia others. The first is that a wooden cover Curiously, a fragment of the same cover 9 18 Jordi Ruiz Ventura children. As well as the anthropological Coincidences of history or pious J. Riera (2006b), Els poders públics and which Jews were attacked without de la peste negra en Cataluña: was documented under the earth used appeared in the fill in FS 166, which interpretations of it meant that, over les sinagogues, num. 128. Which does El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices Eulàlia Subirà de Galdacano remains, a set of coins, two rings (one distinction, and the detail of the gift, to backfill it (fig. 3). This cover was made shows, amongst other things, that they decorated with a flower and the other time, this same date accrued other not alter the fact that, in connection which insinuates that the Jews bought (documentos inéditos)”, num. 10. of pine,1 in line with the Jewish tradition were covered at the same time, while tragedies, including the first crusade, with this street, there were others, also with an inscription) and a thimble were their protection, these were most likely The six mass graves documented to (VRIES, 2007). Another particular aspect also presenting us with the dilemma of 2 33 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia also found. These elements are further decreed by Urban II in 1095, with with Jews, who, perhaps due to their the houses of Christians. date in Les Roquetes (the site is not fully the unusual presence of these ceramic de la peste negra en Cataluña: of the burials in this grave is the degree evidence that the bodies were dressed disastrous consequences for the Jews of line or because some of the houses had studied) are on the west side (fig. 1). It is in of anatomical connection of the remains. materials in the necropolis. 26 El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices in everyday clothing when they were central Europe, or the edict of expulsion no door at the back, at a given moment See the generic mentions of robbery this part of the graveyard where there are (documentos inéditos)”, num. 18 Of the at least seven individuals who One possible interpretation is that these buried in the mass graves. that Ferdinand II and Isabel decreed in allowed the area occupied by the Jews and theft in note 15, to which we more anthropomorphic tombs covered [15.04.1350]. In fact, even then, there have been documented in this structure two pieces of pottery, whose purpose is their respective reigns in 1492 , etc. to be fully separated from the rest of now add: “diversa rapinie”, A. López by slabs, a type of burial that corresponds were people imprisoned in Tàrrega for (NMI), only the remains of one were unknown, could have ended up in the Grave 166 the town. (1959b), “Una consecuencia de la peste to the earliest stage in the cemeteries in partially connected. Despite the lack mass graves through some kind of ritual 10 See http://www.hebcal.com and their involvement in the riot. This is the easternmost of the graves negra en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. Barcelona and Girona (CASANOVAS, of anatomical connection, the skulls related with the singular nature of these https://pantherfile.uwm.edu/corre/ 19 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, documented in the cemetery of Les 34 2003: 515). are on the west of the structure and it is multiple burials. www.calendar.html. My thanks to P. de la peste negra en Cataluña: num. 5 [24.07.1348]; “furta plurima There are very few documents that Roquetes (fig. 9). Like FS 164, the south Due to erosion and farming activities these that have allowed us to establish Casanellas for his useful help in setting El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices ac rapinie bonorum ipsorum fuerunt mention the participation of outsiders FS 162 contains the remains of a wall is outside the boundaries of the and generically, without specifying after the graveyard was abandoned, demographic composition of this NMI, minimum of twenty individuals, in a the equivelance of the Hebrew date as (documentos inéditos)”, num. 14 multipliciter insequte”, A. López (1959b), archaeological intervention (it is not most of the mass graves have only namely: a girl between three and four exactly as possible in our calendar. [23.12.1349]. “Una consecuencia de la peste negra where they were from, as if they mixed-type deposit, like FS 161. In this fully excavated). The north wall has partially survived. Of the six mass graves years old, two girls between twenty and en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. were not very important in number: case, there were again examples of been lost, either because of erosion or 11 20 thirty, a man and a woman between thirty See the following documents: “in See the following declarations [the “factoque maximo tumultu in ipsa per documented, the walls have survived in forced postures that indicate the haste the works to solve the flooding that still Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, and forty, a woman between forty and concitatione, raubariarum et necibus”, italics are ours]: “ratione seu occasione nonnullos ville eiusdem pacis emulos only one, FS 162. In contrast, these have with which the bodies were buried. affects the plots where the graves are num. 18 [15.04.1350]. forty-five, a woman of fifty to sixty and an A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia de necium in personis plurium judeorum et quosdam alios extraneos dicte ville”, been lost through erosion in FS 161, 163 Regarding the age distribution, we have located. The west-east axis of this grave adult woman of indeterminate age. la peste negra en Cataluña: El pogrom ipsius ville nequiter perpetratarum et 27 We read: “Quia plura et diversa A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia de and 54. The north walls of FS 164 and 166 identified a perinatal body of unknown varies between 1.42 m and 1.57 m. A de 1348. Apéndices (documentos aliorum criminum et excessum”, A. instrulya deed of debta et obligationes la peste negra en Cataluña: El pogrom have been destroyed. UE 1141 seems to This is the grave where a set of elements gender, a boy around six months old, two third set of coins was documented in the inéditos)”, num. 8 [23.03.1349]; “in López (1959b), “Una consecuencia de dictorum Judeorum per predictos de 1348. Apéndices (documentos have been result of this destruction. This were found from a necklace associated boys aged two and three, a boy between filling material, as well as the fragment facto concitationum, necium et la peste negra en Cataluña: El pogrom malefactores fuerint, sicut predicitur, inéditos)”, num. 18 [15.04.1350]; “per stratigraphic unit is north of FS 164, like a with the burial of a child (ue 1185), who five and six, two children of unknown of pottery belonging to the above- raubarium”, idem, num. 10 [13.06.1349]; de 1348. Apéndices (documentos rapta et depredata, destructa et aliquas personas uille eiusdem [Tàrrega] prolongation of the same. would have been between three and gender aged between six and seven, mentioned cover also found in the filling “de dictis concitationibus, avalotalyis, inéditos)”, num. 11 [26.06.1349]; “et penitus laniata”, A. López (1959b), et aliunde, fuerint disraubati et plures four years old. These elements, whatever a girl and a boy between thirteen and of FS 162. expugnationibus, invasionibus, necibus, plures ex ipsis [de l’aljama targarina] ex ipsis, glaudio trucidati”, A. López Grave 161 material they are made of or their shape, fifteen, two boys and two girls between “Una consecuencia de la peste negra FS 166 contains the remains of at vulneribus, percussionibus, furtis et glaudio trucidati”, A. López (1956), (1956), Documentos acerca de la peste, have been considered amulets. The body eighteen and twenty-five, two males and en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. This is the most westerly mass grave (fig. least twelve individuals with a mixed depredationibus et aliis excessibus et Documentos acerca de the peste, num. num. 150 [12.01.1362]. The opposite case of the child this necklace is associated a female between twenty-five and thirty Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, 2). Like the others, it is rectangular. The distribution. The individuals identified malificiis”, idem, num. 12 [18.07.1349]. 150 [12.01.1362]; it is worth comparing would be Cervera, where there was with had a malformation of the lower and four adults of indeterminate sex. num. 12 [doc. from 11.08.1348 enclosed north and south walls have been lost, were one between five and six years old, the “non pauci Judei [of Tàrrega] a greater presence of outsiders in the as the terrain they were dug into slopes limbs, which has been interpreted as the 12 in one from 18.07.1349]; “in eis intrantes, two from seven to twelve, two between See the following: “occasione crudeliter interfecti et disraubati documentation –and probably also in reason she was wearing this necklace of Grave 164 res et bona omnia eorumdem tamquam steeply to the north. The erosion that twelve and twenty, three between twenty invasionis, vulnerum, necium et fuerunt” with the “aliqui Judei ville the disturbances: reference is made to amulets. She had to be protected, more raptores secum perperam asportarunt caused this slope could explain the loss of This is the grave that, to date, most and thirty, and four between thirty and incursus”, A. López (1959b), “Una Cervarie interfecti et disrobati fuerunt”, et plura instrulya ac scripturas ipsorum a Pere Blanch, from Granyena, A. López the south wall. Besides erosion, there is so bearing in mind the recent outbreak of burials have been found in, although it consecuencia de la peste negra forty. A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia de Judeorum diversorum contractuum (1959b), “Una consecuencia de la peste a possible explanation for the north wall, the Black Death. is not fully excavated, as the southern en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. la peste negra en Cataluña: El pogrom laniarunt et etiam conburserunt”, negra en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. which could be that FS 161 and 163 (the This grave contained the remains part is still outside the area that could Chronology and interpretation of the Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, de 1348. Apéndices (documentos idem, num. 14 [23.12.1349]; “de quibus Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, latter, immediately north of the former) of at least seven individuals, mainly be excavated in 2007 (fig. 8). On the common graves num. 15 [04.03.1350]; “occasione inéditos)”, num. 29 [31.05.1352]. num. 9 [03.05.1349] and 26 [03.08.1351], were part of a single tomb, so that there quantitatibus aliaque memoralia amissit disjointed, identified from the number other hand, the north side is destroyed, If we leave aside, through prudence, the invasionis”, idem, num. 20 [17.04.1350]; in avaloto facto contra Judeos in villa some men from Çavit de Bordell, idem, was an empty space between the burials of skulls. 21 an aspect that prevents us from how coins from UE 1141, a stratigraphic unit “tempore invasionis et depredationis A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia num. 22 [13.05.1350] and, it seems, attributed to each grave. Tarrage”, idem, num. 30 [15.06.1352]; far it went on this side. The result of the resulting from the later alteration of part hospitiorum”, ídem, num. 23 de la peste negra en Cataluña: some from Tàrrega, idem, num. 29 Grave 54 “tempore barragii facti in villa eadem de An aspect of this and all the other mass destruction of this wall is UE 1141, dealt of a grave, 18 pieces were counted in [12.08.1350]; “post invasionem”, idem, El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices [31.05.1352]. bonis Judeorum et signanter de bonis graves, except FS 54, is the shortness of Only the west wall of this mass grave has with below. FS 164 and 166. The coins include ones num. 24 [13.08.1350]; “a tempore (documentos inéditos)”, num. 18 dicti Mosse [Naçan], amisit instrulya 35 the west-east axis. In this case, it is almost survived. Regarding the length of the Regarding the size of the north-south invasionis illicite contra eos et eorum [15.04.1350]. The information is relative, A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia minted from James I to Peter III, and in publica suorum debitorum libros et 1.5 m, which meant that the postures of hospitia”, idem, num. 27 [18.01.1352]; as it depends on the number of people de la peste negra en Cataluña: east-west axis, in contrast with the other axis, this was taken from the extent of the no case later than 1348 (CLUA, 2009: 149). alias scripturas tangentes sua debita the bodies were forced, either by folding “occasione insultus et invasionis”, idem, living then in Tàrrega, a figuer we do El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices mass graves, we can suppose that it was remains, with a longitude of 7.74 m. The The dating from these coins (the mid antedicta”, idem, num. 35 [19.08.1356]. their legs or by twisting the position of num. 33 [01.02.1354]. not know with any certainty despite the (documentos inéditos)”, num. 18 adapted to the height of the bodies that east-west axis measures approximately 14th century), the verifiable evidence that the heads to adapt them to the size of the had to be buried as they all have their legs 1.56 m. proposed estimates; J. Riera (1987a), 28 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia [15.04.1350]. This attitude of the some individuals were buried clothed, 13 hole. stretched out (figs. 5 and 10). See “in avaloto”, A. López (1959b), Catalunya and els jueus. de la peste negra en Cataluña: authorities in Tàrrega contrasted with There are elements in this grave that the exceptional nature of multiple During the excavation of this grave, a “Una consecuencia de la peste negra El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices that of the authorities in other places There are at least five individuals buried, must be highlighted. The most evident burials in the Jewish ritual and, very 22 series of five buttons were documented, en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia (documentos inéditos)”, num. 35 where riots broke out, such as Cervera, all well laid out, except ue 1051 and 1053, is that the bodies situated further south specially, the clear signs of violence in made of an alloy that gave them an Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, de la peste negra en Cataluña: [19.08.1356]. The situation did not seem where they opened the castle for the who are partially in the primary position, present a lesser degree of anatomical a considerable number of individuals num. 30 [15.06.1352]; “cum occassione El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices appearance similar to silver. These were as well as other disturbed remains in connection than those further to the to have improved. See J. X. Muntané Jews to take refuge in. Idem, num. 9 in the mass graves, show that these found under the right clavicle of a female cuiusdam concitationes populi sive (documentos inéditos)”, num. 10 [doc. (2010), Qüestions de vida, p. 41-45. [03.05.1349]. the form of an unconnected packet north. While the latter can clearly be burials respond to an episode of extreme avoloti”, idem, num. 31 [01.07.1352]; de 23.03.1349 in one from 13.06.1349]. body (ue 1173). over the right leg of individual ue 1052. individualised, the ones further south in violence that, chronologically, fits the riot “tempore barragii”, ídem, num. 33 29 “De pecunias, instrulya deed of 36 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia At least ten people were buried in this Additionally, movement of individual the grave are heavily mixed, although of 1348. 23 A. Colet et al (2009), “Les fosses [01.02.1354]. debta, vestes, superlectilia et alia bona de la peste negra en Cataluña: mixed-type grave, which is explained ue 1055 has been detected. All these the ritual orientation has survived, as the We believe that the burial in mass graves comunes de la necròpolis medieval universa qui in domibus dictorum El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices in greater detail later in this chapter. movements could be interpreted as the skulls are all where they should be, near was a response to the large number of 14 In a document from 1349. See A. López jueva de les Roquetes, Tàrrega”, Urtx: Judeorum ceperunt”, A. López (1959b), (documentos inéditos)”, num. 9 Regarding the age distribution, we result of successive burial or the later the west wall of the grave. victims of the riot, as at least sixty-nine (1959b), “Una consecuencia de la peste Revista Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 23, p. “Una consecuencia de la peste negra [03.05.1349]. have identified a boy of between seven reopening of the grave (voluntarily As explained for FS 161, buttons were have been identified, and the site has negra en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. 121-122. and twelve years of age; a girl and an or involuntarily) in which the moved en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. 37 found from the clothing of two bodies not been fully studied. The graves would Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, E. Feliu (1987), “Els acords de individual of unknown gender between remains were heaped up. 24 The use of wells and water tanks is in this grave: a female (ue 1201) and an have been the fastest way to bury the num. 12 [18.07.1349]. num. 12 [doc. from 11.08.1348 enclosed Barcelona de 1354”, Acords § 1b. seventeen and twenty-five; three men also documented in other disturbances, Regarding the age of the people, the adult male (ue 1211) who, apart from the bodies at a moment when the fear of 15 in one from 18.07.1349]. 38 and a women from twenty-five to thirty- remains found correspond to two bodies buttons, were also associated with a set A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia like the one in Barcelona in 1391, M. As they bled from being stabbed or another outbreak of violence must have five; two men between forty and fifty, and of indeterminate gender, one between of coins and the key of a chest (MCUT been present in the community, which de la peste negra en Cataluña: A. Fumanal et al (2011), “Documentant 30 run through by lances, as can be seen A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia a adult of indeterminate gender. ten and twelve years old and the other 4653) (fig. 7). would have been dramatically reduced El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices l’arqueologia: La casa de Massot de la peste negra en Cataluña: in the altarpiece of the monastery of The position of some of the bodies around seventeen; a girl aged between Regarding the number of burials, a in number. Despite being multiple (documentos inéditos)”, num. 14 Avengena a l’alfòndec del call major El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices Vallbona de les Monges, attributed to enables us to deduce how their burial seventeen and twenty-five; a man of minimum of twenty-five were identified, burials, the bodies are placed without [23.12.1349]. de Barcelona (carrer de Sant Honorat, (documentos inéditos)”, num. 12 [doc. Guillem Seguer and dated precisely took place, as happens with the position twenty-five to thirty-five, and a women distributed in a similar way to FS 161 and heaping them up, with the Jewish ritual num. 3)”, Tamid: Revista Catalana Anual from 11.08.1348 enclosed in one from around 1348, F. Español (2002), El 16 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia of the arms of the individual UE 1180, aged between thirty-three and forty-five. 162. Demographically these were a body orientation (even in the cases where d’Estudis Hebraics, num, 7, num. 19 18.07.1349]. Regarding the arrest and gòtic català, Manresa, Fundació Caixa de la peste negra en Cataluña: bent next to the body and at the height aged about six of indeterminate sex; there is no anatomical connection), [08.10.1394]. In contrast, in Palma, in accusation of F. Aguiló: idem, num. 8 Manresa, Angle, p. 161. El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices of the head. This indicates that the body Grave 162 four girls, a boy and an indeterminate which suggests that the survivors of the 1309, the Jewish quarter was attacked [23.03.1349] and 10 [13.06.1349]. On the (documentos inéditos)”, num. 19; 39 E. Feliu (1987), “Els acords de was dragged under the armpits, or In this grave, the north-south axis individual between seven and twelve; a riot buried their fellows who had died because of the rumour spread by a 26th of June 1349, the monarch sent G. Gonzalvo et al. (1997), Llibres de Barcelona de 1354”, Acords § 2b. carried under the armpits or by the legs, measures 5.40 m, while the east-west one girl of some thirteen to fifteen years old; during the attack on the Jewish quarter priest according to which the Jews had the appeal presented by F. Aguiló to privilegis, num. 139. killed a Christian child and thrown the to its final resting place in the grave. This oscillates between the 1.30 m and 1.51 m. three girls and two boys of twenty to or as a consequence of the wounds a jurisconsult from Manresa, idem, 40 J. Ruiz; M. E. Subirà (2009), body into a well, A. Pons (1984), Los would seem to be an insight into the Because of the limited size of the latter, thirty; a woman and two men between received during this episode. 17 num. 11. Before the building of the judíos del Reino de Mallorca durante los “Reconstruction antropològica del haste with which the bodies were buried, we can appreciate that those tasked thirty and forty; two women and three There are individuals with little fortifications during the second half pogrom de 1348 a Tàrrega”, Urtx: without time to lay them out separately. siglos XIII y XIV, vol. 2, Palma, Miguel 31 Of which, on the 4th of March 1350, with burying the bodies had to forced men between forty and sixty; a man of anatomical connection at the ends of of the 14th century, there was already Revista Cultural de l’Urgell, num. 23, Font, num. 34 [27.06.1306]. when he had served one year of the them to make them fit. The bodies do more than sixty, and three people of the mass graves, except in FS 54. There a wall round Tàrrega. Its line awaits p.133 and 136. Grave 163 sentence, he was pardoned as he was not fill all the mass graves, so that there indeterminate age (two men and another is a predominance of unconnected bone an archaeological study that may be 25 Regarding the survivors, Galipapa for the third sentence for not having We have mentioned the possibility that is approximately a metre and a half free whose sex has not been established). fragments in FS 163 and 166. This seems done some day. See M. Sales (1996), seems to have privileged information paid the fine within the stipulated time. this grave was part of a single unit with on the north side of the burials (fig. 3). A to indicate different burials, separated by “Les obres d’emmurallament de la vila when he explains that “the survivers FS 161. The length of the west-east axis specific aspect worth highlighting is that a short period of time. The first moment

398 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 399 would have been the burial of the best- remains leads us to think that they all the bodies are heaped up. In the case of The type of deposit of the human remains (although this would not be decisive at about the possibility of another attack by and 12b). The evidence that leads us to this text. However, the marks of the cuts conserved bodies a few days after the lived together and died together in the this necropolis, the study of the graves found in the mass graves high temperatures). On the other hand, the Christians of Tàrrega. call the absence of this part of the bodies could have been concentrated on the attack, and the others between a week same fire, whether this was accidental or and the disposition of the dead show an Another aspect to bear in mind is the the arrangement of the remains in these Thus, after the attack and even some a mystery is presented below. feet themselves, and this is impossible to and a month later (RUIZ and SUBIRÀ, provoked, and when the remains of the attempt to respect this cultural norm of different degree of connection of the graves could also be explained by them days afterwards, some victims could be In numerical terms, only thirty-six feet demonstrate unless a set of missing feet 2009: 129). Although it seems evident victims were being gathered, nobody not piling up the bodies nor overlapping joints of the bodies in the graves. These having been moved later. This could have buried, respecting the Jewish funeral were found connected to the seventy- were discovered. This is a rather forced, in the anthropological field that there realised there were also animal bones their parts as far as possible. In collective graves can be classified by the type of happened, for example, during possible rituals as far as possible. The first to one legs found in good conditions of although not impossible, hypothesis, were two moments of burial in these (SELMI WALLISOVÁ, 2011: 277). burials, this can become difficult, even deposit of the bodies, so that we can talk plundering or sacking of the belongings be buried were individualised, laid preservation and anatomical connection. given the situation of the time and our graves, this was not detected in the Another case of violence against the more so in a critical situation such as the about: they had been buried with. However, out one beside another and orientated There is no evidence of any violence to knowledge of cases of profanation of archaeological aspect during the dig, as one there must have been after the riot Jews in medieval times is documented a) Graves that only contain primary both the layout of the remains and the west-east, and so, indirectly favouring the distal parts of the legs that could make tombs in other Jewish funerary contexts. there is no evidence that the graves were and that led to the dead being buried in in Norwich (United Kingdom), where deposits, in which the bodies remained fact that pieces of personal attire were the good preservation observed in us to think about possible amputations To sum up, none of the three proposed filled and later reopened. However, we conditions far from the ideals of Jewish seventeen bodies that were thrown intact until their discovery and the found in these same graves means we these individuals. This would tend to during the attack. Although difficult hypotheses supplies allow us to conclude must bear in mind that they could have culture and religion. into a well were excavated and studied. process of decomposition took place can discard this hypothesis. reinforce the hypothesis that these to interpret, we have tried to imagine with any certainty that it is the correct been covered provisionally while the According to the researchers, the most entirely in the final resting place (fig. 10). Despite the difficulty of establishing the burials were done by members of the various hypotheses to explain this fact. explanation for such a difficult mystery. mass burials were taking place and then The funerary aspects of the mass graves likely explanation is that these were b) Graves with secondary deposits, time before the final burial, it is important Jewish community, despite the rarefied A first hypothesis refers to the size of properly filled in when they were full. The victims buried in the graves and the Jews, very probably murdered (although The placing of the body in the tomb is a where the disconnection of the members to emphasise that, despite their atmosphere and the general malaise the graves, 1.5 m in width, which would In the territories of the old Crown of events during the riot of 1348. there are no signs of violence on the clear reflection of deferential treatment of the remains seems to indicate that the anatomical disconnection, the remains that must have reigned in the turbulent have meant the bodies of anyone taller Aragon, there are parallels to the mass bones recovered) or forced to commit of the dead. It is a display of the respect decomposition began somewhere other found in secondary deposits shows society in Tàrrega at that time. than this had to be forced to fit into the graves in Tàrrega in Valencia. Two mass Laboratory anthropology suicide, according to the combination that he or she has enjoyed in life and that than the final resting place (fig. 4). no signs of the carelessness of hurried But what about the remains found in grave. Removing the feet would make the graves were documented during urgent of DNA studies, radiocarbon dating the relatives, friends and acquaintances actions. These deposits show that special bodies shorter and easier to fit. However, The anthropologic study of the remains, c) Graves with mixed deposits, in other the secondary deposits? As we have work done in the area occupied by the and chemical analysis of the bones. maintain at the moment of death to pay care was taken to place the skulls of the seen, various interpretations have the care taken to lay the bodies out and both in the field and in greater detail in th th words, those that contain remains from Jewish cemetery in Valencia. The first The skeletons date from the 12 or 13 homage, while remembering those victims together on the west side of the the fact that some of the bodies were the laboratory, offers more data for an both primary and secondary deposits led to some hypotheses as mentioned contained two individuals in an irregular centuries, a time of persecution of Jews aspects that meant the dead merited this grave with their legs to the east. This placed with their head or legs twisted accurate reconstruction of the events (fig. 11). above. However, the written sources grave. This double burial is interpreted in Europe. Eleven of the remains from the deference. Thus, the treatment of the again shows that those who buried these reveal another point to be taken into into forced postures to make them fit the during the riot of 1348, as well as the as the result of an infectious disease. The well correspond to people aged between dead clearly shows their social status and remains attempted to follow the Jewish We do not know what happened after consideration, and that is the role of a grave, but maintaining the feet joined subsequent events, until the remains of second grave documented in Valencia two and fifteen; the others are adults, rites, although they could not avoid 5 the esteem or appreciation of the people the attack. When did the Jews return to water tank (taken in the widest sense to the legs, would seem to refute this the victims were laid to rest in the graves. is the one we are interested in. It has both men and women. The DNA study who carry out the burial. their quarter? Where were the victims piling the bodies on top of each other. of the expression), in which some of the hypothesis. A minimum of sixty-nine individual a polygonal shape that is cut off at the shows that five of the seventeen bodies Throughout history, it has not always found? Where were they left before c) The typology of the mixed deposits victims could have been kept initially. A second explanation could be linked bodies have been identified from the burial? How much time lapsed between upper level by a grave from the first half belong to members of the same Jewish been possible to show this deference (FS 161, FS 162 and FS 164) falls between They could then have been moved again to the reuse of the footwear the victims remains and studied, and these have th 3 death and burial? of the 15 century and a burial at the level family. It has however been questioned to the dead in the case of burial in the previous two cases. These graves but after enough time for decomposition were wearing when they were buried. been broken down into a demographic of the cemetery. Forty bodies were found whether these individuals belonged to mass graves. In cases of epidemics, We only have the evidence described are characterised by a central group to have started (between two weeks and a If the economic context of the epoch is study of age and gender. This study in this, piled up and mixed. The bodies the Jewish community, as the results great battles, or slaughter with large to answer these questions, and many of individuals in a primary deposit month), to be buried in their final resting shows that there are bodies from all age 4 taken into consideration, not exactly a were linked anatomically. As can be from the DNA seem to indicate. numbers of bodies, when the consequent interpretations can be given to this. and relatively intact anatomically places. These burials could have been boom time but more a period of hardship groups and genders, and with a very inferred from the position of the heads, To sum up, the mass graves at Les decomposition endangers the hygiene What can be interpreted with a certain and, at one or both ends of the graves, done either in graves dug for the purpose that accompanied the crisis of the Black similar profile to the general population arms and legs, the dead were collected Roquetes are a clear display of the and health of the population, priority is degree of confidence is the time that secondary deposits in the form of sets (FS 163 or FS 166) or on the sides of the Death, it is easy to understand a desire (COLET et al., 2009). Thus, there does and buried quickly, as most of the violence against the Jewish community given to the survival of the living over had passed between the death of the of bones, often unconnected but with first graves dug. The hypothesis of the to reuse the clothing and footwear of not appear to have been any deliberate bodies had not entered into rigor mortis. in Tàrrega. In contrast to the grave in the individualisation and respect for the victims and their inhumation. Judging the aforementioned distribution of the water tank is favoured by the fact that the the victims. If this interpretation were selection of victims during the assault, Traumatic injuries are documented in a Valencia, where the anthropologic study dead. These burials always denote haste by the varying degree of connection of craniums and legs. heat (of summer) and humidity (inside a correct, the extraction of the footwear but it seems more like an indiscriminate high percentage of individuals: 30% of of the remains reveals that a majority of and, in many cases, the identification of the remains, burial did not take place Given the above-mentioned evidence structure designed to hold water) would would have had to be done a relatively rampage aimed at all the inhabitants of the bodies display wounds received in the victims were adult males, in Tàrrega, those who lie there is difficult or even simultaneously. Thus, it can be supposed that shows the complexity of the have accelerated the deterioration of long time after death to allow enough the Jewish quarter. the event that led to their deaths. These signs of violence were found in over half impossible. that all the bodies were not left under burial of the victims of the riot, a the bodies, so that there would be very decomposition to make it easy to separate The study of the age of the victims wounds are especially frequent in the the bodies buried, which shows that This way, with this historical background the same conditions between death and hypothetical chronology of the events evident anatomical disconnection. the feet with the shoes. This would mean shows that 32% were sub-adults, in adult males. Evidence of violence is the attack was aimed at destroying all to the practice of mass burials, we can final burial. This, as detailed below, was a can be established. We think that the However, because of the uncertainty that the tombs were reopened and other words, aged less than twenty, and documented in ten of the forty bodies in the Jewish community, as there were begin to detail the particular aspects of decisive point for explaining the different primary deposits in both FS 54 and the about the time between death and burial, sacked, and as mentioned above, there 67%, adults, with 1% whose age is not the Valencian grave; it is supposed that women, men and children among the the mass graves in the cemetery of Les states of conservation of the bodies. central area of the graves with mixed as well as our lack of knowledge about is no archaeological evidence to give clear due to the poor preservation and the other thirty died because of the Black victims, (with no discrimination for any Roquetes. So, by interpreting the distribution of the distribution, came first. These individuals the environmental conditions the bodies weight to this idea. However, following conservation of their remains. The profile Death of 1348. age group). The attack was so severe were exposed to, whether the hypothesis As mentioned above, given the position remains and their degree of anatomical are better preserved and with greater the hypothesis of the water tank, this of mortality seems to centre on young The demographic study of the remains that it is recorded in both Christian and of the water tank is right or not, none of some of the bodies during burial, connection, we can offer some anatomical connection, which means spoliation could have occurred while adults, aged between twenty and thirty, in the grave reveals a majority of adult Jewish sources from the epoch. of the proposed hypotheses can fully marked by the Jewish funeral ritual, hypotheses about the event in function of they were easy to individualise and the victims were being moved from who make up 30% of the population males, with only one child and one explain the reason for such a poor state However, despite the severity of the it is strange to find six mass graves in a the type of deposit: study. This would have been followed by the tank to the graves. Nevertheless, in the graves. It is notable that this age adolescent. of preservation and disconnection of riot, we believe it was the survivors Jewish cemetery. The most plausible isolated or disconnected remains being it would seem strange that the people group, the strongest and best able to a) The bodies in the primary deposit the remains in the secondary deposits In contrast with the disturbances in who buried the dead of their own explanation for the creation of burials buried, both in graves with only this type who buried the bodies, presumably also defend themselves, is the one with the (those from FS 54) are almost wholly graves, typical of an advanced state of Tàrrega, documented in both Christian community, as even in the cases where that did not conform to the culture of of remains and added to the sides of the Jews and thus, wealthier, had removed highest mortality. This could be due to connected anatomically. This shows decomposition. and Jewish sources, the attack on the bodies were in an advanced state of the dead buried there is the exceptional that the burials would have happened graves defined as mixed deposit. These the footwear. Also, it would have meant the attack being perpetrated by an angry, the Jews in Valencia in 1348 does not decomposition, the correct orientation nature of the event and the tense simultaneously and the time between bodies are more poorly preserved and Two decisive variables for defining the violating their own dead. So, although well-armed mob firstly surprising those appear in the documents. The finding of according to the Jewish ritual was atmosphere that must have existed in death and burial must necessarily have have less anatomical connection, given moment between death and burial are it is not possible to discard this idea who could best defend themselves, or two coins and the existence of a grave maintained (the craniums placed the town after the assault. This could be been short. Once placed there, the bodies that the bodies would very probably where the bodies were and how long completely, the reopening of the graves simply that this age group was the most with a deposit of material that cuts the towards the west of the graves) and an interpreted as the Jewish community, would not have been moved except by have begun to decompose before they they were there. At that initial time of is apparently a less plausible option, numerous in the Jewish population of the upper part of the mass grave limit the effort was clearly made to avoid piling as an exceptional case, allowing the the normal taphonomic processes (from were buried. In this sense, as mentioned chaos and insecurity after the assault, it and leads us to speculate about another quarter at that time. chronology in such a way that the most the bodies up. burial of the victims in mass graves, decomposition and other factors that above, it is important to emphasise that is difficult to imagine the few inhabitants hypothesis. Regarding the distribution by gender, feasible date for this mass burial is the The finding of eighteen coins in two but attempting, as far as possible, to affected the grave). If something else different factors could have affected the of the Jewish quarter who survived The third and last interpretation is there is a notable imbalance between one that the author proposes: 1348 graves, FS 164 and FS 166, together with maintain a certain deference towards had changed the original layout, the decomposition of the bodies, all related the attack daring to bury the victims. It related to some kind of posthumous act males (31%) and females (50%). In this (CALVO, 2003). the results of carbon 14 dating and the the dead. For this reason, the graves movements would have been reflected to the environment around them, both would not be until the royal authorities of revenge by the Christians against the case, this may be related to the fact In the context of Spain, we find anthropological study, confirm that these in Les Roquetes have some particular in the skeletons when excavated and, at the time of death and when they gave them a certain level of protection Jews. Beyond the moment of the attack that there is a remainder of 19% whose a reference to a multiple burial archaeological structures are linked to features that vary from what is usually thus, these would have been classified as were placed in the grave. Thus, even that they could begin to prepare the itself, the Christian population could gender has not been determined either documented in the city of Cordoba. the riot of 1348. found in these graveyards. At a moment secondary deposits. when buried, decomposition can also ritual burial of the victims. During this possibly have profaned these graves as because of the poor state of the remains, be affected by whether the body is in period, the bodies could have been kept According to the observations of the when a large part of the community had b) The graves with secondary deposits a response to the royal reprisals against or the difficulty of determining the director of the museum at the time, The medieval Jewish graveyard fled and were still in hiding, the use of an open or closed space, as aerobic or somewhere (water tank, cellar, etc.) off the attackers. Or simply following a gender of sub-adult individuals. of Les Roquetes. Field anthropology (FS 163 and FS 166) contain remains there were “diez esqueletos mezclados graves would have been a solution half anaerobic conditions can accelerate or the streets, to avoid the proliferation of simpler and more plausible motive: the It has not been possible to determine with little or no anatomical connections. slow down this process. epidemics and protect the bodies. Thus, con clavos todos ellos y colocados en Focussing on the mass graves, the way between what would have been The inhumation of these remains would hate they felt for this community, which the gender and age of 32% of the bodies dirección Oriente” (ten skeletons all epicentre of this study for their particular desirable and what prevailed in those In this hypothetical chronology of the both the time between death and the would have led to attempts to stop or from the graves. This bias does not allow have taken place longer after the death final burial, and the conditions in which mixed with nails and laid out facing East). features and the episode that they silently difficult moments. This way, the cultural of the victims. This would have had to be events, the secondary deposits are vital hamper their hypothetical journey to the us show any preference for individuals of These skeletons, presumably deposited relate, the burials were done, whenever patterns are depicted by the digging precisely because of this uncertainty the bodies were kept during this period, Afterlife. one specific sex or age during the assault, long enough to allow the decomposition probably explain the varying degree of in coffins, were found in an Arab water possible, in accordance with the Jewish of rectangular graves that allowed the to start, so that some of the anatomical about the time the victims had to wait to In this case, this revenge would have had but all the evidence seems to reinforce tank. A chronology is supposed for this burial ritual. This ritual contains a series bodies to be aligned beside each other, be buried. After a riot of this magnitude, anatomical disconnections found in the to have taken place not many days after the hypothesis that the attack was connections became looser. The fact bodies in different graves. burial. According to the report, they date of rules for burying the faithful, one of without overlapping, instead of one that the riot took place in July, in high why were so many bodies not buried the deaths and once the bodies had been against all the population of the Jewish from 1348 (LARREA and HIEDRA, 2010). which is to orientate the body towards large grave with all the bodies piled up shortly after the events, allowing them buried and be done by someone with quarter, without any discrimination by summer, means that the time between The mystery of the feet In Europe, a very similar case is the east. In this sense, the remains in haphazardly. the death and burial of these victims to begin to decompose outside their final enough anatomical knowledge to avoid either age or sex. documented in the medieval Jewish Les Roquetes were found with the head The fact that, despite the tumultuous remains uncertain, as the hot weather resting place? A notable feature of some of the graves leaving any cut marks around the ankles. The detailed anthropologic study in cemetery in Vladislavova Street in to the west and the feet to the east of climate, the criteria regarding aspects of that season could have favoured the To seek an answer to this question, we in Les Roquetes is the absence of the This would lead us to think about a doctor the laboratory has shown marks on the Prague, where a burial was found in the structure. The idea behind this is of the funeral rites of the Jewish religion processes of decomposition. A state of have to return to the written sources that feet of a large number of bodies. This is or butcher used to dealing with meat remains that could only be due to acts a deep grave with a 60×100-cm coffin to guide the dead towards the Afterlife were maintained leads us to think decomposition that could take months more or less objectively relate the facts the complete absence of this part of the and to cutting muscles and tendons, of violence on thirty-seven of the sixty- holding the remains of at last four people. or the so-called Olam Ha-ba. Another that it was very possibly the surviving in cold weather would only require a and the subsequent outcome. body, with no signs of cuts or movement and who also knew where these were. nine bodies in the graves. One hundred Among the human remains, cockerel, ox norm is to respect the individuality of the members Jewish community who buried matter of only weeks in hot weather Set in the context of the tense situation of the distal part of the legs, nor remains This would have to be a person with and fifty-five traumatisms were counted, and chicken bones were also found. The dead. In this case, with mass graves, it is their own relatives and neighbours. with high exposure to the sun. However, that must have existed in those time, of dismembered feet in the graves. It enough knowledge, time and calmness mainly on the skulls (one hundred and fact that some of the bones show signs difficult to think about not piling up the against this hypothesis, there is the one could suggest burials done with an seems as if these feet had been taken as a to disarticulate such a specific part of the five injuries). Both the localisation and of having been exposed to very high bodies, a habitual practice in collective dryness of this area in summer, as low urgency dictated by fear and uncertainty block, leaving no trace and without being anatomy after the events of a merciless characteristics of the traumatisms temperatures and the presence of animal burials, where a large hole is dug and humidity does not favour decomposition buried with the rest of the body (figs. 12a riot and an irate mob, as we have seen in with the number identified on each

400 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 401 skeleton (up to twenty-two traumatisms show that he was surely forced to fall to adequately. Unfortunately, in contrast 5.5. The beliefs and superstitions drew them towards the various types The necklaces and amulets clothing that accompanied the child on outstanding case among the necklaces on a single body) clearly show the the ground during the attack. with the events during the riot and the of the Jewish community through of witchcraft and black magic that drew All except two of the necklaces found her journey to the Afterlife. is the one from the child burial ue 1185 intentionality and cruelty used and, by Another case that shows the brutality study of the causes of death, where its objects those weak of spirit, such as women and during the excavation of the medieval All the burials where this type of amulet (MCUT 4467) from FS 163 (figs. 4a and extension, the aim of exterminating the of the attackers is the discovery of two many enigmas have been cleared up, in children (BARKAI, 1989: 28). were found were of children or women, 4b). This is a set of ten beads made of Anna Colet Marcé Jewish cemetery in Tàrrega include population of the Jewish quarter. The decapitations, one of which corresponds the aforementioned unusual cases we During the Middle Ages, there was pieces of jet. never accompanied by adult males. vitreous paste, jet, horn, coral, silver, fact that signs of violence were not found to a girl aged between twenty and have been unable to present a definitive a dichotomy between discourse and This is also true for the necropolis in smoked glass and rock crystal. Two of agic The necklace (MCUT 4461) found in ENT in the thirty-two other individuals in the conclusion. So, the answer to these M these ten elements are in the shape of twenty-five (UE 1221 of FS 164). This practice; between the posture based 67, a female burial in a bath-type grave is Valladolid (MOREDA and SERRANO, graves could be due to the poor state enigmas still awaits new evidence. Magic was part of everyday life during hamses or hands of Fatima, the first made decapitation was identified by the second on the texts on one hand, and the living made of jet. The one found in ENT 148, 2009: 49). of the remains found in the secondary the period known as antiquity and of horn (MCUT 4476) with what could cervical vertebra having been severed by Finally, it can only be concluded that experience and the written expression in a bath-type grave with coffin or pall, These elements, except a necklace found deposits and that fatal lesions could the Middle Ages. It impregnated be two eyes cut, and the second made of heavy blows from the back (fig. 15). It is an assault as severe as the one suffered of magic knowledge and practices on is also made only of jet, but with two in FS 163 (associated with the burial ue have been to the abdomen or thorax, everything, and constituted a way of silver (MCUT 4472). The use of hamses difficult to hypothesise over the reason by the Jewry in Tàrrega in July 1348, in the other, a series of attitudes that can be different sizes of beads (MCUT 4463). 1185), were found in individual burials without any evident marks of violence understanding the world. The resort was very common among the Arabs. The why the attackers would decapitate a which an irate mob guided by a hatred so summed up as: those who condemned All the beads in the necklace from ENT in the eastern part of the graveyard. The on the skeleton. This is clear where to magic, knowledge of it and practice hand engraved or cut into gold, silver or young girl, especially if this took place intense that they mercilessly attacked the magic as a form of idolatry and those 152, an anthropomorphic tomb with a layout of the tombs where necklaces bodies without these signs were buried crossed all social classes and was not lesser metals were specially designed to in the midst of the uproar of the assault. people they disowned, could only lead to who dressed up these practices with a wooden cover, are made of jet, also in two were found could indicate that this was simultaneously with others that do show underestimated by the different ethnic avoid the evil eye. As well as the shape, That is why, being events that have left such disorder and chaos that it followed discourse linked to religious precepts to sizes. The one from ENT 174, a bath-type a later practice, as the only elements this evidence, implying that all the bodies and religious groups that inhabited the material also has an important role in no physical evidence except for the fact the victims to their graves. Thus, the legitimate them (CABALLERO, 2011: 84). grave with bier, is also made of jet. found in the older part of the cemetery in the graves died at the same time. of the decapitation, this aspect of the riot answer to all the problems posed may the lands of the Near East and Western preventing the evil eye. Both coral and The one from the bath-type female burial (nearer the Jewish quarter) are earrings, Of the thirty-seven individuals in whom will remain unanswered. lie exclusively in the lack of control that Europe (CABALLERO, 2011: 74). “If we The objects found in the graves in the silver distract or repel it, either through EST 24 combines jet beads with others and it must be borne on mind that there these traumatisms were detected, ten reigned at that time. For this reason, we can learn anything specific from the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes the redness of the coral (MCUT 4475 The detailed study of the traumatisms made of coral (MCUT 4460). was only pair of these from a child burial, were children (figs. 13a and 13b) and and knowledge of the arms and tools can only approach this solution through texts and bundles of the Inquisition [...] A series of objects were found during the specifically ENT 131. and 4473), or the shininess of the silver A necklace (MCUT 4462) was found in the twenty-seven, adults. used during the attack enables us the material evidence left by the people this is that magic and occultism were in archaeological dig. These are considered (MCUT 4472) (CIAPPARELLI, 2005: 21). child burial ENT 113, a bath-type grave. The typology of all these tombs is bath- The distribution by sex of the bodies to complete an important gap in the directly involved in the events. Thus, no way restricted to one class or caste personal attire as the Jewish tradition is Glass (MCUT 4468) also helps to protect This piece combined jet and amber beads type graves with coffin or bier, except with marks of violence, shows twelve information about the events. Observing the burials of the victims differ from in the Hispanic Late Middle Ages” against putting jewels objects of value in against the evil eye. (GUTWIRTH, 1989a: 94). and others apparently made of coral. ENT 152, which is anthropomorphic (the females and fifteen males, maintaining the type of imprint that the arms left on the other remains in the necropolis, the tomb (VRIES, 2007: 253). These were head of the pit is defined by the placing of There are parallels to these in the the demographic balance of those buried the bone, for example, a cut, fracture or possibly due to this climate of unrest During the Middle Ages and earrings, rings and necklaces. A necklace with jet beads, and others stones). Moreover, the necklace found in necropolis of the Paseo de Recoletos in the graves, despite the bias produced fissure, we can extrapolate the type of and the nervousness in the area for some Renaissance, magic was not limited to made of amber, vitreous paste, silver, child burial ue 1185 is from FS 163. in Valladolid. These are three silvers time until a relative normality gradually the illiterate levels, but was rather an The earrings coral and bone, was found in ENT 172, pendants in the shape of the hand of by the individuals whose gender has not arm used as long as this mark has not The typology of the tombs where the returned. It is precisely these differences inseparable part of intellectual activity a bath-type grave with a coffin (MCUT Fatima found in tomb 31, and seven been established. been degraded by time or the burial Five pairs of earrings were found in the necklaces are found, and the situation and the gaps in the written sources finally (BARKAI, 1988: 30). 4465). jet hamses in tomb 33 (MOREDA and Thus, there are no notable differences conditions. This way, among the peri medieval Jewish cemetery in Tàrrega of the tombs in the cemetery, seem to that encourage the researcher to fill in SERRANO, 2009). between age and sex among those mortem traumatisms produced around (ENT 25, 64, 80, 107 and 131) and three Amber is recommended to prevent corroborate the fact that burial with the gaps in history, both the recent and The Jews and magic affected, which again shows that the the moment of death and that could be cases in which only one of the earrings abortions (CABALLERO, 2011: 92), while this kind of element is a practice that Regarding the jet pendants, similar ones ancient, in order not to forget, mask or attack was indiscriminate. the cause, the most frequent are those Witchcraft is prohibited under biblical are documented (ue 2154, ENT 29 and 80). jet has been used since prehistoric times. was adopted with the passing of time. to those from MCUT 4470 have also overlook any of the events featuring The above-mentioned dominance of caused by heavy sharp objects (swords, law, as it is understood as practice of Different types have been documented In the cave in Caldas, in Oviedo, jet beads However, two facts must be borne in been found in Valladolid and the site at those who, through their acts, have injuries to the cranium (in 67.7% of the axes or scythes) with long blades. These the gentiles. Maimonides, the great although they all respond to the same have been documented from Solutrean mind. The first is that the plots to the west Carrer de la Font, 7-9, in Tàrrega (fig. 5). brought us to where we are, although cases), and the legs (24.5%) over the arms appear in one hundred and fifty-three halakkit of the Middle Ages, listed it model (fig. 1). These are earrings made up levels dated from nineteen thousand of these burials were not excavated (they As well as being made of a material with the discovery of some of the passages (9.5%), shows the lethal intentions and cases, or 98.7%, of the lesions described. among the negative commandments. of a ring with little balls in the same metal. years ago (MOREDA and SERRANO, are part of a garden), and the second is a great symbolic importance, the two of our history involve a sad memory, as attempts to prevent them from fleeing. In these cases, the bone is seen to have This prohibition made it necessary to Within this type, we have documented 2009: 53). that, although not all the cemetery has pieces from Tàrrega seem to be engraved has happened with the study of the mass In many cases, injuries to the arms are been cut more or less cleanly, depending distinguish between prohibited magic one with nine balls (ue 2154) and a pair Since ancient times, magic properties been excavated, the tombs towards with eyes, which gives them greater graves at Les Roquetes in Tàrrega. seen as possible attempts by the victims on the energy behind the blow. Judging practices and those acts that, within the with three (MCUT 4459). There are have been attributed to jet. That is why the west, anthropomorphic and bath- preventative power. by the cuts observed on skulls and other practices considered magic were in fact to defend themselves, given the only 1 also some with only the ring (ENT 107). it has been used as an amulet. “These type and covered with slabs, contain The burial that these pendants, all of parts of the skeletons, these injuries Doctor Raquel Piqué, from the “non magic” and thus, allowed. These Parallels to these earrings have been in objects with magic virtues can present them amulets, was linked with was a girl options of flight or violent resistance. Autonomous University of Barcelona, no remains of any attire except some A certain predilection for cruelty (or were the result of very hard blows, and permitted practices were really natural the graveyards in Girona and Barcelona in jet, coral, rock crystal or opaline. earrings (MCUT 4459). with slight malformation of the legs (fig. the instruments used were very sharp. studied the remains. acts, those that could be explained with torture) to the males is evident, as they (PALAHÍ, 2003: 9), Deza (CASANOVAS The virtues of jet are conferred by the The only elements that were found 6). The fact, as mentioned above, that In some cases, the blows were strong natural laws and Aristotelian principles. have an average of 5.1 lesions per body, 2 See the corresponding technical notes. and RIPOLL, 1983: 597) and Valladolid material itself and also by the form it is in the western part of the necropolis children were considered vulnerable to enough to break right through the bones, This way, both Christians and Jews above the 4.1 lesions per individual Although they had been stirred up, the (MOREDA and SERRANO, 2009). given” (FRANCO, 2008: 83). (considered the oldest) are from the the evil eye and her slight malformation, amputating a limb. In second place, legitimated the magic practices in the among the females. This would seem to coins would be associated with a buried Amulets made of coral or jet, among mass graves. Thus, we understand that together with the context of the Black show the irate reaction of the attackers there are traumatisms or fractures from limits of Christianity and Judaism and The rings others, are used to protect children Death, could be the reasons why she was crushing, by the impact of a large heavy individual. The chronology of these these were not placed there on purpose to the people they considered most Jewish law (KLEIN-BRASLAVY, 2000: Four rings were found in the sector of from the evil eye or aojamiento, as they wearing a necklace with this number of object at low speed causing a lesion does not differ from those of other at the moment of burial. The mass graves responsible for their hardships (in Jewish 105). the necropolis excavated. Two of these are liable to suffer from it due to their amulets. without penetrating the bone. These numismatic findings. hold the bodies of those who died in society, it was the men who established Selomó ben Adret justified and (MCUT 4457 and 4458), have Hebrew weakness (CIAPPARELLI, 2005: 10). We the riots of 1348 and, as shown in the In contrast with the individual burials, could have been from throwing stones or th the laws and worked as lenders) and 3 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk- legitimated the use of magic as forces inscriptions. These rings confirm the find the testimony of an 11 -century where necklaces-amulets could have heavy utensils that typically cause radial corresponding chapter, we are sure that also the first who would have to be cut 13855238. inserted into nature by God to correct Hebrew origins of the graveyard (as Muslim scientist, Bembuclaris, who been placed on purpose at the time of injuries. Only one such case was found some of them (if not all) were buried down to crush any resistance. The larger the deficiencies of nature itself. Those explained in chapter 5, in the section highlighted the use of jet in Spain, hung clothed, so that the child ue 1185 found burial, those found in the mass graves in the graves in Les Roquetes, just on 4 number of lesions to the skulls of males http://www.jtrails.org.uk/whats_on/ who practiced “curative magic” did so referring to the ritual). One of these was round children’s necks to protect them are a clear indication that they were the top of the cranium. Finally, there is a in FS 163 was wearing these rings and (67.5 %) than females (57.1%) could be events/c-1175/jewish-bodies-found-in- in consonance with God’s aims or to found in the burial EST 2 (MCUT 4457), a from evil spells (MALALANA, 1997: 306). everyday elements. A necklace is not left single case of a penetrating wound. This pendants when she was killed. due to the wish to avoid resistance by the medieval-well-in-norwich/. carry out God’s will and intention in the bath-type tomb, without a slab or coffin, Two necklaces were also found in Les in a mass grave on purpose. is described as the impact of an object As well as the necklaces, a pair of stronger victims and the quick death of creation of the world. This type of magic of a mature female (between forty and Roquetes with the beads only made of on a specific area with enough force and 5 Josef ha-Kohen, in his work The Valley bracelets was documented in the child Similar sets of necklaces to those those more able to defend themselves. practice is not idolatry and does not lead forty-nine years old). vitreous paste. These were found in ENT energy to penetrate the bone leaving a of Tears, based on the rabbi Hayyim burial ENT 66 (fig. 3). These (MCUT described here have been found in Five males have been found with a single to it and thus is allowed in accordance 62 (bath-type grave) and ENT 65 (bath- mark that coincides with the object that Galipapa, who lived at the same time Two more rings, one inscribed (MCUT 4450 and 4451) were made of vitreous Jewish graveyards in Teruel, Valladolid blow to the head, which would clearly with the halakka (KLEIN-BRASLAVY, type grave), both child burials and very produced the impact. This injury can be as the events, mentions that the Jews 4458) and the other decorated with a paste the colour of jet. According to and Deza, and in Christian burial have been the cause of a quick death. 2000: 111). badly preserved. Necklaces of vitreous seen on the skull of ue 1215, and is the killed were thrown into a water tank. flower (MCUT 4455), appeared in UE Malalana, bracelets were usually part of grounds such as Santa Maria de Melque, There are other cases with a single lesion, However, some people were against 1 paste have been found in Jewish burials result of being hit by a rectangular object 1141. the individual funerary artefacts among Valeria (MOREDA and SERRANO, 2009), but these cannot be interpreted as the this. One of them was Maimonides, in Mazacote (Ocaña, Toledo) and Teruel, with enough force to shatter the cranium. The last ring (MCUT 4456) appeared in the Mudejar and Jewish minorities. Their the graveyard of Sant Llorenç in Valencia cause of death as they are to the arms who, when talking about amulets, as well as Mudejar burials in the Roman Given the shape and the position of the the tomb of an individual female, ENT 29. role is always interpreted as protection (PASCUAL and SORIANO, 2000) and (in two cases) or the legs (in two more). stated, “as the majority of men, if not circus in Toledo or the church of San injury (on the top of the skull), it has been This structure is a bath-type tomb with against the evil eye (MALALANA, 1997: Marialba de la Ribera, in Leon (Diario To judge by these wounds, death would all, have allowed themselves to be Andres in the same city (MALALANA, interpreted that the arm or tool used was a wooden cover (bier) that covered the 293). The added value of the bracelets, as de Léon, 2011), and other Islamic ones. more probably have been through loss seduced by them, victims of a great 1997: 294). the handle of an axe or a sword. In this body resting on stones set out in pairs well as imitating the colour of jet, is their This shows the cross-cultural nature of blood after arteries were severed, or madness” (BARKAI, 1989: 27). However, case, fragments of broken bone were around the body. This ring is plain with The necklace found in ENT 80 (bath-type shape, an endless circle to trap the evil of prophylactic elements. As in ancient wounds to soft tissues, like the thorax or in his opposition to the use of magic, been found inside the cranium. no inscription or decoration. grave with coffin) is made up of beads indefinitely, which makes them a great times, magic practices were widespread abdomen, which have left no traces on he accepted those acts that could be and part of life. In this sense, they This type of element associated with made of two different materials: the prophylactic element (MALALANA, the skeleton. To sum up, we can state that the explained through speculation on the crossed religious and cultural frontiers burials has not been found in all the smaller one are globular and could be 1997: 306). It is important to emphasise the evidence anthropological evidence, together frontier of Aristotelian physics, in other (CABALLERO, 2011: 87). medieval Jewish cemeteries excavated. coral, while the larger ones, whose shape Among Spanish Jews, a piece of red coral of the cruelty towards the defenceless, with the historical documentation words, that which could be known An example of this is the necropolis resembles ones found in the necropolis was usually used to protect children from as in the case of the male identified as ue and archaeological data, enable us scientifically (KLEIN-BRASLAVY, 2000: 1 We believe that this stratigraphic unit Lucena, where no personal attire or of Deza (CASANOVAS and RIPOLL, the evil eye. The origin of these Jewish 1215, found in the FS 164 (fig. 14). This to claim confidently that the bodies 113). is the result of the destruction of the elements that refers to the funeral ritual, 1983), seem to be made of unfired clay. practices is in the Talmud, where certain man alone presents up to twenty-two in the graves were victims of the riot north part of FS 164. The remains of Regarding specific types of magic, like shroud pins or iron nails from coffins A set of beads made of three different people are indicated as being more likely traumatisms, twelve head wounds and that occurred in Tàrrega in July 1348. seven individuals were found in this like talismans, Adret affirmed that if a or palls, have been found (BOTELLA and materials (jet, coral and vitreous paste) to suffer the evil eye: pregnant women, ten on the rest of the body, especially The multidisciplinary reconstruction layer. talisman is created thinking that the CASANOVAS, 2009: 5). These differences was found in the child burial ENT or those giving birth, the newly-born, on one leg, which gave him a limp. The has enabled some difficult points to be origin of the figure’s beneficial influence between cemeteries, as well as those 107 (Bath-type burial with bier). The the sick and those who are in mourning detailed study of his remains has shown cleared up, especially in the cases of the is God, then it can be used for curative mentioned in the previous section vitreous-paste ones are like those in (BUBELLO, 2012: 11). that he had an old, badly set fracture of events that took place during the riot purposes. referring to the burial ritual, emphasise ENT 80, with parallels in Deza. These the right leg, and that led to osteomyelitis and the fatal outcome of the many lives In a letter to Selomó ben Adret, Bonet the regional differences between the elements were at the level of the navel The set from FS 163 (ue 1185) of the right tibia and fibula. This injury lost during that harsh attack. Other Abraham, a Provencal Jew, spoke out Jewish communities indicated by some and accompanied by a number of bronze would have hampered him from fleeing facts, especially such unusual cases as In the description of the necklaces from against all those arts or practices linked authors (GUTWIRTH, 1989b: 180). hoops (fig. 2). We believe that this was given that he almost certainly could not the disarticulation of remains in the Les Roquetes, we have mentioned secondary deposits or the mystery of to magic. He also included the making not a necklace, but could have been a various elements of coral combined run and would have been easy prey. of amulets among the causes that led bracelet or elements that hung from the However, the many lesions to his legs the feet, mean that we can only hazard with jet and others, but perhaps the most a range of hypotheses to interpret this the people off the path of truth and

402 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 403 5.6. The archaeological evidence of the tableware and minting of certain which have be removed for the piece to 5.7. The reason for the attack marginalised socially. In theory, the idea The majority of medieval works on the Jews die or become Christians).17 We 1 J. X. Muntané (2012b), “Aproximacío a for the riot of 1348 in the Jewish coins (CLUA, 2012: 41-49) are very close be Kosher. on the Jewish quarter in Tàrrega of Christianity, the basis for that society, plague, true to the doctrine of Aristotle, realise that in 1348, in Tàrrega, where les causes de l’avalot”, p. 106-112. On 2nd to the date of this filling. That is why it has These traits are clearly shown by the accepted minorities but the praxis was Albumesar and Avicenna, attributed the most of the aljama died at the hands of May, there was “una bella professó ab quarter of Tàrrega. The site Josep Xavier Muntané Santiveri at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 been interpreted that the material found archaeo-zoological register from Carrer often less tolerant, especially in moments origin and spread of the 1348 epidemic of the attackers, the victims were given no molts preveres de la Seu y Parroquias was thrown there on purpose, possibly de la Font: sheep and goats represent of crisis and conflict (fig. 1). plague to the alteration and putrefaction other option. In 1348, the aim was not to y Monastirs y moltas gents [...] per la Anna Colet Marcé the result of simultaneous dumping The assault on the Jewish quarter in of the air. Among the causes that could convert the Jews was, but rather their gran mortaldat que les hores havia en Oriol Saula Briansó over 90 % of the remains identified, In the acords of 1354, Moshe Natan at one time (or several stages over a th provoke the “pestilència de l’àer”, doctor physical elimination. How was such an Barcelona que durà per tot juny”; E. Sílvia Valenzuela Lamas while pigs make up less than 0.5 % Barcelona, on 17 May 1348, took place presents this social intolerance when he short period of time). These discharges (Valenzuela and Valenzuela, shortly after the outbreak of the plague states that in times of plague or famine Jacme d’Agramont11 enumerated the extreme reached? In what way did the G. Bruniquer (1915), Ceremonial dels suggest that, firstly, a pile of rubbish and 2012). That coincides with the findings and appearance of the first cases of when the Christian people talked of traditional ones: the sins of men that drew Jews not fit into the town of Tàrrega magnífichs consellers y regiment de la The site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9, in broken tools built up as a result of the from the Jewish quarter in Barcelona contagion in the city.1 In Tarragona, the Jews, the discourse was “All that divine punishment;12 the conjunction of to the degree that they were labelled ciutat de Barcelona, Barcelona, Impr. Tàrrega helps us to see the effects of the action and, later, after some time, the pile (Florensa et al., 2007), where less than another port city, the first plague deaths happens is because of the sins of Jacob! certain planets;13 humidity14 and rotting traitors and treated as such? d’Henrich, vol. 4, p. 319. Some people riot of 1348 in the houses in the Jewish was scattered and mixed with the soil 1% is from pigs and contrasts clearly with also date from early May, although the Destroy this nation, kill them!” (acords bodies.15 A first indication appears in the anti- consider that the plague arrived around quarter. The place excavated is in an that was used to fill in the silo and level contemporary Christian sites, where only one to mention an attack on the § 1b). When Galipapa transcribes the Among this list of causes, Jacme Jewish municipal ordinances that were mid May, C. Guilleré (1994), Girona area that, from the interpretation of the the courtyard. That would explain why the remains of pigs represent around Jewish quarter is Galipapa.2 From the arguments used by the Christians d’Agramont added one that referred to passed and announced around the al segle XIV, Girona, Ajuntament de documentation, has been attributed fragments of the same piece are found in 20% of those identified (Valenzuela coastal towns, the plague spread across against the Jews, he also states: “For the testimony in the letter from Clement town various time in the 1340s. In these, Girona, Barcelona, Publicacions de to the town’s Jewish quarter in the 14th different superimposed strata. and Valenzuela, 2012). Other results the country along the main roads. In Jacob’s sin all this has happened [...]. VI: the plague as the result of the evil Jews were assimilated with the morally l’Abadia de Montserrat, vol. 2, p. 171- and 15th centuries. The neighbourhood Regarding the cultural origins of that corroborate the Jewish cultural this sense, the order in which the place Theirs is the guilt and for their cause this acts of men. Although this doctor, as he censurable elements of that society: 172. Regarding the attack on the Jewish is made up of the Carrer de l’Estudi, the materials, we must state that the adscription of the fauna are the infra- names appear in the documents in great misfortune that now afflicts us has indicates in the treatise, did not think prostitutes and pimps. The ordinances quarter, both the document of the Royal that acts as its central axis and, on either analysis and study of the pottery remains representation of the hind limbs of the royal Chancellery and Galipapa’s occurred!” that the plague provoked by man could sought as far as possible to prevent Chancellery and Galipapa coincide on side of this, Carrer de les Piques and the (ESQUÉ et al., 2012: 22-39) has shown ovicaprins (especially, the hip) and the report (Barcelona, Cervera and Tàrrega) Prince Peter presented this same idea correspond to the subject of his study, their presence from contaminated the the day of the week: Saturday. However, east side of Carrer de la Font. Carrer de no difference between the items used absence of remains of rabbits, which correspond to the path the plague took on in the letter that he wrote to the Pope in he did nothing to dispel the rumours of meats that the Christians had to eat, so the rabbi from Huesca is more specific la Font (Carrer de les Santes Creus in by Jews and Christians, except for one are very abundant in contemporary its advance inland from the coast along 1355 at the request of the Jews who drew poisoning that had spread from the other they could not touch it or chose it with and places it in the afternoon. medieval times) was the western limit of piece: a hanukiah or multiple lamp, of Christian and Islamic sites (Moreno- the highway: it reached Cervera first and side of the Pyrenees to Lleida in early 1348 their hands. It was an ominous way to up the acords. “When, because of the 2 In Tarragona the plague began on the Jewish quarter. Indeed, the situation which we only have a small fragment (fig. García and Davis, 2001; Davis, 2006; three days later, Tàrrega. sins, it happens that by the hand of the and fed the mood of the people who were discriminate them before everyone and the 1st of May, J. Trenchs (1969), “La of the site, on the western edge of this 1). Examples of this type of lamp have Alòs et al., 2006-2007; Molina et al., If, as explained above, the Tàrrega riot fearfully awaiting the imminent outbreak segregate them, in everyday affairs, from Omnipotent the people are afflicted with archidiócesis de Tarragona y la peste neighbourhood, obliges us to analyse the appeared in the site at Carrer de Sant 2003a; Molina et al., 2003b). took place in the first fortnight of July, of the epidemic. “[P]ot venir mortaldat e the rest of the population. plague, mortality, famine and shortage negra: los cargos de the catedral” in VIII remains carefully and thoroughly to see Honorat, 3, in Barcelona (FLORENSA probably around the 6th, we can state pestilència en les gents, ço és a saber, per To sum up, after defining the Jewish of food, there is the common opinion of Beyond the state of opinion about the Congreso de Historia de la Corona de whether they had belonged to a Jewish et al., 2007), and in the Jewish quarters that, as in Barcelona and surely also in malvats hòmens fiylls del diable qui ab cultural origins of the materials recovered many rustics that such things come about Jews that these prohibitions encouraged Aragón. 1 a 8 de octubre de 1967, vol. 2, or Christian population. in Puigcerdà and Teruel and the castle Cervera, it happened in the first days of metzines e verins diverses corrompen les and the chronology of the remains from through the sins of the Jews and, against among the inhabitants, as stated above, Valencia, Caja de Ahorros y Monte de We focus on a specific sector of the site of Llorca (PUJANTE and GALLARDO, the plague striking the town. There is viandes ab molt fals engiynn e malvada the study of the numismatics and pottery, the Jews, without distinction, attempt to we believe that these ordinances also Piedad de Valencia, p. 59-60. in Carrer de la Font that has stratigraphic 2004), among others. The fragment found which date from no later than the second no register of these first cases of plague raise the people and circulate the rumour maestria, ja sie ço que pròprialy parlan, worked as a measure of pressure to make levels with material from the first half of in the site in Tàrrega, like some of those th aytal mortalitat de gents no és pestilència 3 half of the 14 century, and analysing the in Tàrrega, although the possibility is that with the death of the Jews, any kind the Jewish creditors relax the conditions C. Guilleré (1984), “La peste noire th the 14 century. This part of the site is from Llorca or Santa Maria la Blanca characteristics of the remains mentioned reinforced by the rate of propagation of plague, mortality, famine and shortage de la qual ací parlam, mas he.n volguda of the loans that they had earlier given à Gérone (1348)”, Annals de l’Institut characterised by being an open area with (Toledo), corresponds to a flat base above, we can propose the reasons for of the plague, estimated at 45-60 km/ would cease and for that, the soul of fer lyion per ço car ara tenim temps en the municipality and that the generalised d’Estudis Gironins, num. 27, p. 107, note 3 a silo, interpreted as a rear courtyard on which the bowls would have been throwing away this material that was month. Thus, a couple of months would anyone who kills Jews would be saved”.7 lo qual s’a[n] seguides moltes morts en crisis made difficult to repay. In Tàrrega, 86. Guilleré’s proposal is confirmed by for a house (fig. 1). This silo would have mounted without legs (PUJANTE and in good conditions. Although we do not have gone by between the first cases of Similar terms are used in the Castilian alcunes regions prop d’ací així com en both motivations (social segregation and the coordinates of contagion in S. K. been dug by the first settlers in this GALLARDO, 2004: 184). The importance Cobliure, en Carcassès, en Narbonès e en completely discount that this dumping the plague detected in Barcelona and translation of the fragment of a bull by crisis economic) went hand in hand. The Cohn (2008), “Epidemiology of the Black 4 neighbourhood, which was newly built on this piece is, on one hand, its role in could have been caused by the Black those in Tàrrega. Innocence VI, emitted in Avignon on la baronia de Montpesler e a Avinyó e en Jews, who did not renounce their profits Death and Successive Waves of Plague”, th 16 at the end of the 13 century or in the first the Jewish ritual of the Festival of Lights Death, with the belongings of a family This causal relation between the the 21st of January 1356, “regnos del muy tota Proença”. despite the crisis the municipal economy Medical History Supplement, num. 27, th half of the 14 . It would have been dug and, on the other, because it gives us afflicted by plague being thrown away outbreak of the plague and the attacks on amado en Jhesu Christo, fillo nuestro, In contrast with the papal missive, in was immersed in, were segregated from p. 78, note 20. directly in unturned ground, made up of a weighty argument for the cultural as a hygienic measure, everything the aljamas is even clearer in a document don Pedro, Rey illustre de Aragon, the treatise by Jacme d’Agramont, the the town’s public areas. silt from old floods of the river. The silo origins of the site, as it is clearly Jewish. indicates that the site at Carrer de la from late 1361. Faced with the alarm que a los judíos morantes en los ditos poisoning is not attributed to any specific Could their desire for profits be 4 Among the documents in the Royal is refilled with soil that contains materials However, there is always the possibility Font, 7-9, in Tàrrega was the result of provoked by the resurgence of the regnos et tierras, sin razon alguna los group. In contrast, Khaiim Galipapa, considered in this context as an act Chancellery, there is one that, from from the time span mentioned and, at that a Jewish piece could have ended the 1348 riot, during which a large part plague, the secretaries of the Tàrrega fieren, plagan, apedrehan et encara los one of the witnesses of the events that of treachery that placed the whole the temporal point of view, places the same time, the entire courtyard was up by chance mixed with materials of the inhabitants of the Jewish quarter aljama requested royal protection, matan, diziendo los ditos christianos que occurred in Catalan territory in 1348 university in danger? The written the riot first (in which many debt the result of levelling the ground that from a non-Jewish context. A piece perished. In this assault, as well as killing fearing that, “as in the times of the por los peccados de los judios vienen does so. His words, picked up by Iossef sources do not go so far, but it would documents were destroyed) and later, covered the mouth of the refilled silo. of jet was also found in the silo. This the Jews, their homes were sacked and mortalities the, through divine will, took mortaldades, faltas de fruytos, et fendo ha-Kohén in his chronicle Valley of Tears, not be at all strange if the municipal the plague (that killed the witnesses The strata of the levelling abutted or is an elongated trapezoidal pendant, their possessions destroyed or stolen. The place times ago, this aljama and its los ditos males a los ditos judios que repeat the same accusation against the authorities had understood it this way. who could testify to these), A. López covered laterally a wall that dates from decorated with four circles with a central 8 site would have been part of the Jewish singulars, by some people from the cessan las ditas pestilencias”. Jews that Clement VI had made. What happened at an individual level? (1959b), “Una consecuencia de la peste between the end of the 13th century and point and a hole at the top to be hung quarter of Tàrrega and would be evidence town and other places, were robbed and The words of Moshe Natan and Galipapa, According to Galipapa, “no survivor We must bear in mind that the economic negra en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. the early 14th century and which formed from. Although the piece is of no help for of this assault. This way, the materials many of them put to the sword, now [...], together with those of Prince Peter and or fugitive of the Jews that there were crisis, that officially began with “el mal Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, the edge of the courtyard and part of a defining the cultural affiliation of the site, found in the silo and the strata that cover because of what has occurred and still the Pope, show us that various sectors in Aragon and Catalonia would have any primer” (the first bad year) of 1333, num. 14 [23.12.1349]. However, there house, very possible with entry from it is a very common element in the Jewish it belonged to one or more families from occur in some parts of the kingdom, they of Catalan society considered the Jewish remained because they were accused hit the poorest levels of society hardest, is another which mentions first the Carrer de la Font. In the excavation of necropolis of Les Roquetes from the this neighbourhood who suffered the are again being hurt, preyed upon and minority a key element for the theological with unjust slanders saying: “For Jacob’s those with fewest resources to face plague and then the violence against this house, multiple building phases same chronology. We also find parallels 5 attack (and perhaps died in it). killed as ferociously as before”. interpretation of the outbreak: it was sin all this has happened, as they have the famine. If we bear in mind, on one the Jews, idem, num 21 [17.04.1350]. On are documented on the inside of the to this piece in Christian cemeteries, such Although the link between plague and for their sins that God punished men. In brought a mortal poison into the world. hand, that an large proportion of the the other hand, the dating we propose mentioned wall. Identifying a house as Sant Llorenç in Valencia (PASCUAL riots against Jews does not always bear contrast, it is clear that the ecclesiastic Theirs is the guilt and for their cause loans from the Jews were for survival, is also backed by the fact that if, as is as Jewish in the archaeological field and SORIANO, 2000). out in Catalonia,6 it was clearly true for and civil dignitaries did not share the the great disgrace that now afflicts us given to people precisely from this social deduced from the sources of the epoch, is almost impossible through the On the other hand, the study of the the 1348 epidemic. Thus, when seeking opinion of the plebs: to their mind the has come!”” Some lines later, when he strata that were now forced to accept in a given place the epidemic normally architecture, as, until the 19th century, remains of bones from the fauna in the the motivations of the attackers, the plague, a divine scourge, struck fiercely reproduces the accusation used to blame the usurious rates that these lenders lasted between two and three months, the Jews used the same architecture site, specifically the levels resulting from plague, in one form or another, must be due to the sins committed by the people the German Jews, note that poisoning demanded, and that, on the other, the the first days of July is the date derived and art, furniture, materials, techniques, th the 14 -century dumping, gives us clear considered. in general, not only the Jews.9 refers explicitly to drinking water: “In 1330s and 40s were characterised by a the document of the Chancellery dated modes and styles of the peoples they nd evidence about the consumers of this Germany the Jews are accused saying, considerable, almost vertiginous, rise in the 22 of September 1348 which were in contact with in the places they fauna and, in passing, other material However, whether due to the sins A) Theological motivation: the sins “They have thrown the dead into the the loans from Jews to Christians in the first refers to the dead in the plague settled. The elements that identify these committed by everyone or only those associated with these remains. of Jacob wells!”” Tàrrega area, we can understand that in Tàrrega in the past tense: “cum as belonging to a Jewish community by the Jews, the perception of the propter mortalitates que, anno presenti, Diet is one of the leading expressions The Middle Ages were marked by We do not know if anyone in Tàrrega the riot, as well as violently eliminating include some ornamental motifs and epidemic as a divino iuditio is basic Diuino Iudicio, in ipsa villa multipliciter of cultural identity, especially when it is religion and it would be difficult to to understanding the reaction of late accused the Jews of poisoning the these people, led to the destruction of some specific buildings or elements viguerunt”, A. López (1956), Documentos regulated by religious precepts. In the understand the behaviour and decisions wells and springs, but we do know that the accounts books that proved these linked to their religious practice medieval Catalan society to the epidemic acerca de la peste, num. 26. case of Judaism, the consumption of of medieval man if we underestimate the of plague of 1348. this accusation was at least in the air debt and that forced ever more insolvent (ROMERO, 1989). meat is strictly regulated by the Torah, real and effective importance of beliefs. and spread in the same direction as the Christians into the hands of their Jewish 5 A large amount and range of “Pro parte aliame Judeorum dicte which lists the permitted species and Faith became a powerful element of B) Criminal indictment: the Jew poisoner outbreak of plague. creditors (fig. 2). archaeological materials appeared uille, fuit nobis humiliter suplicatum how these have to be prepared to be identity that dictated behaviour and The attackers, of lowly origins, took in the soil used to fill the silo. These The document Clement VI sent to the ut cum tempore mortalitatum que, Dei apt for human consumption (Kosher). structured whole societies in all fields, C) Economic crisis, profit seeking and advantage of the arrival of an epidemic included remains of tableware, lamps, prelates includes the specific reason social segregation: the Jew the traitor Juditio temporibus preteritis viguerunt, That means that in the case of practising from the most intimate moments of that emptied the countryside of cooking pots, casseroles and different why Christians blamed the Jews for aliama ipsa et eius singulares, per Jewish families, the remains of food believers’ private lives to the most banal In the document with the words of the manpower and workers and had begun types of pottery vessels, remains of glass the plague that was spreading across aliquas personas uille eiusdem et have particular characteristics. Firstly, acts in public. Belonging to a certain faith representatives of the Tàrrega aljama to inflict damage on the feeble economy containers, bronze objects associated wide areas of zones Europe, including aliunde, fuerint disraubati et plures they cannot consume certain species, meant accepting a defined distribution of who so eloquently explained what of the Principality, to call for the death with clothing, small-format furniture and Catalonia in 1348. “Recently it has ex ipsis gladio trucidati, timeantque which, in the case of mammals, covers time, the observance of specific dietary happened that day, we read that when of these traitors. Perhaps for them, the diverse instruments; remains of pieces of come to our notice a public rumour, nunc occasione mortalitatum que cloven-hoofed animals or ones that chew rules, the obligation to marry people the attackers knocked down the gates of latent and real threat of the problems iron, among which a large knife stands that is nothing less than a real disgrace, jam viguerunt vigentque nunc in the cud. That excludes pigs, as well as of the same religious group, etc. but the Jewish neighbourhood, “intrarunt that awaited them in the case of failure out, coins, remains of fauna and other according to which some Christians, aliquibus partibus regni nostri iterato rabbits and horses, among others. Also, especially, the fact of belonging to one unanimiter et potenter clamosis vocibus to repay their debts was perceived more types of material that date from no later seduced by the Devil, falsely accusing the dampnificari, depredari et interfici et the animals have to be sacrificed and faith or another in a shared place like the emittentes: “Muyren los traydors””. It is than as an act of justice, as treachery by than the mid 14th century. Everything Jews of poisoning the plague with which immaniter prout prius dignaremur prepared in a certain way, following the medieval had consequences in function true that we find this same expression indicates that most of this material was God, moved by the sins of the people, ails a few, and moreover Jews, who were eisdem super hiis de nostri regia rules of the kashrut, which means that of the dominant religion. During the Late in other contexts of conflict, but if we in use when it ended up in the courtyard the Christian people, have killed some of taking advantage of the situation to clementia subuenire”, A. López (1956), certain body parts are not consumed Middle Ages, Christianity became the compare it with the slogan of the anti- threaten them with ruin. of the house, as some pieces are clearly or are infra-represented, such as hind these Jews in an unholy and reckless way Documentos acerca de la peste, num. dominant religion in our lands and both 10 Jewish riots of 1391, “Muyren los dits seen to have been whole when they were and without regard for age or sex”. 150 [12.01.1362]. limbs (and especially the hip), where the Islam and Judaism were progressively juheus o’s facen cristians” (Let these thrown there. The dates of the making sciatic nerve and the femoral artery run,

404 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 405 6 In the 1440 epidemic of bubonic preservation de pestilència (24.04.1348). 5.8. After the riot The trauma provoked by such a Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, document, the names of the heads of plague, the Council abandoned old Written (as the author reveals) “for disturbing experience, the fear of new num. 19; G. Gonzalvo et al. (1997), family from the Tàrrega aljama were prejudices and admitted those Jews, the profit of the people and not the Josep Xavier Muntané Santiveri attacks and the uncertainty about the Llibres de privilegis, num. 139. again noted, when, on the 5th of May converts and Christians escaping from instruction of doctors” (Regiment future led the survivors to move to safer 1355, one Ramon Serra junior, together places devastated by the outbreak 2,9-10), it is valuable testimony of After the riot. Consequences places. Perfet Adret and others went 6 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia with Ramon Serra senior, perhaps his of the attack into the town, without distinction by the speculation about the plague to the Jewish quarter in Balaguer;6 de la peste negra en Cataluña: father, sold a violari for 500 sous. There religion, who could show that they in the months before the arrival There are no documents that explain Avraham Atzay moved to the Cuirassa El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices were a total of 54 heads of family in were not infected. If not, anyone from of the epidemic in Lleida, J. Veny what happened in the hours after the in Lleida,7 and we know that Moshe (documentos inéditos)”, num. 24 1355. outside was expelled from the town (1971), “Regiment de preservation de riot. Galipapa mentions Jews taking Natan passed through the various [13.08.1350]. refuge in the houses of acquaintances, 13 Fifteen councillors were chosen or not allowed to enter: “Item més hi pestilència” de Jacme d’Agramont (segle places including the Jewish quarters of 7 fonch proposat que per rahó de les XIV), Tarragona, Diputació Provincial bodies thrown into a water tank and Barcelona and Cervera.8 Some returned A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia to govern the Jewish community in mortalitats que huy són en la ciutat de de Tarragona. nothing else. The remains exhumed from to Tàrrega, of their own free will or de la peste negra en Cataluña: 1361, according an old privilege of Leyda, en la vila de Monsó hi en altres the mass graves corroborate the lethal forced by the king, while other seem El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices the Tàrrega aljama. Of these, thirteen lochs e viles, vehem av ull que alguns 12 Regiment 13,15-15,9. Jacme force and indiscriminate violence of never to have done so. (documentos inéditos)”, num. 34 were on the list from 1355 mentioned [13.05.1354]. juheus e crestians novels e de natura d’Agramont supplies a string of the riot. Everyone can then imagine the Moneylending, one of the mainstays in the previous note, ten of whom in són venguts en la present vila fugint biblical references in which the divine devastation that this caused. administration roles as secretaries or of the economy of the aljama, was very 8 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia a les dites morts, e los sembla que sia punishment that follows the sin of men As the days went by, however, it became badly affected. The destruction of the councillors. Between 1355 and 1361, takes the form of plague or mortality: de la peste negra en Cataluña: at least two other heads of families cosa molt perilosa per ço com leument ever clearer what would happen. Firstly, deeds of debt and of the accounts books El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices purien metre infecció en la vila, que los Dt 28; 2Sa 24; Ex 7-11 and Nm 14. Later, the king would not just stand by. He of the Jewish lenders made recovering settled in the town, and were elected when proposing the pertinent remedy (documentos inéditos)”, num. 31 councillors of the aljama in 1361, ARB, plàcia provehir, e si aturaran los dits would send his people to the town to the debts an almost impossible [01.07.1352] and 35 [19.08.1356]. juheus e crestians novels e altres en la if the plague were caused by God, he impart justice, but not for the Jews, task. Although the recovery of this reg. 906, f. 165r-165v [11.01.1362], cited refers to the authority in 1Re 8. See in C. Ferragud (2005), Medicina and dita vila, e si d’ací avant n·i ve d’altres but to restore his right, as the Jews of documentation was among the first 9 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia promotion social, p. 356. Regarding se’ls recoliran ho se los daran comiat. Regiment 38,1-19. Tàrrega belonged to him, and together measures taken by the crown to redress de la peste negra en Cataluña: Provehí e acordà lo dit consell que los with their assets, were part of his 9 other additions to the Jewish quarter 13 Regiment 15,18-16,9 and notes the chaos caused by the disturbances, El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices crestians e juheus forastes que uy són royalties. Everyone knew that and Peter of Tàrrega after the riot, J. X. Muntané 33-34. According to the Compendium almost a year and a half later, the king (documentos inéditos)”, num. 12 [doc en la present vila, venguts per causa de III repeated it in one of many documents (2013), “El testament i l’inventari de epidimia, written by the college again had to intervene. This time it of 11.08.1348 in doc. of 18.07.1349]. les dites morts, e los que hic vindran written after the disturbances: the Jews d’Astruc Iossef, jueu prestamista de of doctors at the university of Paris was to respond to pleas from the Jews d’ací avant, que sans sien, romanguen “sunt thesaurus et regalie nostre”.1 If 10 10 On one of the few times when a Manresa (1391), seguits d’un inventari in October 1348, the planetary of Tàrrega who had been unable to en la dita vila si romandre voldran. Axí anyone attacked the Jews, they would certain compassion was shown for the i un testament menors”, Iberia Judaica, conjunctions suspected of having recover the debts from the documents emperò que si malaut algú hic venia have to face the consequences of victims of the riot: “Sane cum predicta num 5, p. 108. caused the plague were the one with destroyed or damaged in the attack, de accident de glànola, que aqel aytal having provoked a drop in royalties, juxta occasione predicta amiserint Saturn, Mars and Jupiter on the 20th which were in danger of prescribing if no atur en la vila ans prestament li sia and an insult to the domain the king quam omnia bona sua et non habeant of March 1345 and, some years later, not reclaimed in the five-year period, donat comiat per lo balle o son loctinent exercised over this group: “in nostrarum instrulya cum quibus eorum debitores the one caused by the situation of and which was becoming more urgent as e per los pahes. E per semblant si de regaliarum diminutionem et vituperium valeant convenire, cum aliqua ipsorum Mars at the end of 1347 and beginning time went by. aquels que sans són e sian venguts a nostri dominii”.2 instrulyorum sint conbusta et alia of 1348, J. Arrizabalaga (1991), “La Four years after the riot, the aljama in la vila e se emalantiran del dit accident laniata aliaque ammisa, occasione peste negra de 1348: Los orígenes de The right the king had over the Jews Tàrrega had again to request the king que axí matex li sia donat comiat, que predicta, at indigeant judeis testibus la construcción como enfermedad de provided him with financial resources he to intervene to reclaim the unpaid debts no atur en la vila. E que sia feta crida cum quibus eorum debita clare et una calamidad social”, Dynamis: Acta was evidently not willing to relinquish. that the Jews themselves were afraid to pública per los lochs acostumats de 11 legitime absque instrulyis et scripturis Hispanica ad Medicinæ Scientiarumque This was the reason behind the fines ask for. la vila que tot hostaler ho hostallera, potant comprovare. Quiquidem Historiam Illustrandam, num. 11, p. 93. in many of the legal proceedings and All together, as mentioned, it involved metge e specier e qualsevulla altre de testes, tempore mortalitatum que Among the various French astronomers that evidently did not go to the Jewish a sharp change in an aljama that had la vila, que no gos recolir algun crestià subsequent extitiunt vite terminum who predicted the epidemic, there were families affected but straight to the royal become the destination for ever more o juheu o moro en lur casa que malaut consumarunt, propter quod nobis also Jews, S. Guerchberg (1948), “La coffers, and this also explains the general Jews who had seen it as the ideal place to vinga fora la vila del dit accident. E extitit humiliter suplicatum ut eorum controverse sur les prétendus semeurs remission of 1350. Peter III absolved the settle and prosper. si de aquels forastes que uy són en authorities and the universitas of Tàrrega instrulya qui, causa premisa eis de la “peste noire” d’après les traités How could this situation be reversed? la vila o de ací avant hi vindran hi en from any civil and criminal responsibility ablata fuerant, reparare et instrulyis de peste de l’époque, Revue des Études Probably the agreement between the lur casa pendran lo dit accident, que in perpetuity in exchange for 20,000 ruptis et laniatis fidem adhibere fieri Juives, num. 8, p. 9 note 18. aljama and the municipality, which encontinent ho haga a denunciar e sous, to be paid into the royal treasury facere dignaretur. Idcirco Nos, eorum stipulated the amounts that had to be manifestar als dits balle o son loctinent 14 that same year, and another 16,000 sous suplicationi favorabiliter annuentes, As a result of the confluence of hot repaid to the Jews for the assets they lost e pahers sots pena de X lliures”, J. over the following four years.3 It was a compatientesque ipsorum Judeorum and cold winds or the vapours that the in the riot, and that the king ordered to be X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, núm. 335 huge sum of money. Dividing the time miserie et dampno et attentis earth and the water exhale, Regiment signed without any delay on 12th August [08.08.1440]. during which the income the crown inmensis laboribus atque dampnis 16,10-12; 18,5-19,27. 1350, was one of the elements that helped received from the aljama in Tàrrega was per eos vehelyer sustentis et passis 7 E. Feliu (1987), “Els acords de to re-establish confidence between the 15 The putrid exhalations which the affected by the fall in the numbers of that et ut vitam ipse uxores et familie sue Barcelona de 1354”, p. 174. parties. It must have been followed by winds spread and scatter rapidly, community (from the year of the attack, ducere valeant in futurum, vobis et other gestures. We do not know these, 8 Regiment 16,13-18,4. 1348, to the year when it must have been cuilibet vestrum dicimus et mandamus S. Simonsohn (1998), The Apostolic but in 1355, the aljama had far exceeded considered that the situation would be expresse: quatenus cum constent de See and the Jews: Documents 492-1404, 16 the minimum number of forty heads of Regiment 15,10-17 and note 32 [about re-established, 1354), we see that the manera notoria violentia supradicta, Toronto, Pontifical Institute of Mediæval family imposed by Peter III12 and it seems rumours of poisoning, and also C. amount per year was around 5,000 sous. quecumque instrulya que ipsi Judei que Studies, doc. 378. that this was the trend over the following Guilleré (1994), Girona al segle XIV, This was only a fraction of what the extunc exnunc disraubati vel eorum years. 13 9 The pontifice expressed himself in vol. 2, p. 166-168]. Alfons de Còrdova, monarchy received from this aljama as heredes in perpetratione et violentia these same terms in the letter sent in master of medicine in a Montpellier, ordinary and extraordinary taxes in a omnium predictorum, juraverint 1 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia times of plague to the bishop head of also took up the theory of deliberate normal fiscal year.4 super decem precepta legis amisise poisoning in his treatise Epistola et de la peste negra en Cataluña: et eis fuisse ablata per patratores the chapter of Barcelona: “exigente However, it was clear that the council regimen de pestilentia (1348-1349). In El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices excesuum predictorum confecta intra gentium mole peccaminum divinum in Tàrrega could not replace what the contrast with a Jacme d’Agramont, (documentos inéditos)”, num. 12 quinquenium ante quam promissa flagellum percussit tam aspere”, J. crown expected to receive from the he considered that the plague of 1348 [18.07.1349]. nequiter, ut premititur, extitunt comissa Trenchs (1969), “La archidiócesis de aljama much longer. Thus, two days after was the result of poisoning the air by seu etiam perpetrata, per notarium seu Tarragona y la peste”, p. 54, note 51. the concession of this general absolution, 2 A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia ex profundo malitiae per artificium notarios qui ipsa instrulya receperunt the king ordered the authorities de la peste negra en Cataluña: 10 subtilissimum profundae iniquitatis aut alios qui in eorum documenta, “Nuper autem ad nostrum fama of Tàrrega to begin a campaign to El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices inventae. According to this author, protocolla seu capibreviam detinent [...] publica, sed infamia verius, perduxit repopulate the Jewish quarter over four (documentos inéditos)”, num. 18 the Christians were the most affected, reparetis seu reparari continue faciatis”. auditum, quod nonnulli Christiani years, at the end of which there had to be [15.04.1350]. which can be understood (together with A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia de pestem qua Deus populum Christianum at least 40 heads of family settled in the other evidence, such as the vocabulary la peste negra en Cataluña: El pogrom ipsius peccatis populi provocatus town and paying to the royal exchequer. 3 ARB, reg. 890, f. 174v-175r used to designate those responsible for de 1348. Apéndices (documentos affligit, Iudeorum falso tossicationibus, If they were unable to do so, they would [15.04.1350], publ. in A. López (1959b), the poisoning that employed terms used inéditos)”, num. 14 [23.12.1349]. seducente dyabolo, imputantes, pay an annual fine of 2,000sous to the “Una consecuencia de la peste negra nonnullos ex Iudeis ipsis, temeritate to talk about the Jews) as an implicit 5 royal treasury. en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. 11 propia, non deferentes etati vel sexui, accusation of the Jews, J. Arrizabalaga A. López (1959b), “Una consecuencia Effectively, the view of the depopulated Apéndices (documentos inéditos)”, de la peste negra en Cataluña: impie perimerunt”. S. Simonsohn (1998), (1991), “La peste negra de 1348”, Jewish quarter must have been one of the num. 18; G. Gonzalvo et al. (1997), The Apostolic See and the Jews, num. p. 98-101. El pogrom de 1348. Apéndices clearest pieces of evidence of what had Llibres de privilegis, num. 138. 373 [26.11.1348]. (documentos inéditos)”, num. 27 17 J. Riera (1997), “Los tumultos contra happened in Tàrrega. A brutal riot that, [18.01.1352]. 4 J. X. Muntané (2006b), Fonts, 11 las juderías de la Corona de Aragón en in a question of hours, eliminated most Let us follow closely the treatise on num. 97, 100, 101, 103, 193, 194. 12 the plague by Jacme d’Agramont, 1391”, Cuadernos de historia: Anexos of the Jews, left their neighbourhood ACSG, FN, Ramon Rama, Manual doctor and professor of medicine in the de la revista Hispania, num. 8, various almost empty and brought the economic 5 ARB, reg. 890, f. 175r [17.04.1350], (1373-1382), f. 17r-19r [03.10.1375]; J. M. Llobet (1984), Algunes notícies, p. Estudi General in Lleida, who was the documents published p. 220-223. growth that had been one of the main publ. A. López (1959b), “Una first of the various medieval authors traits of this aljama during the first half of consecuencia de la peste negra 11; A. Colet et al. (2009), “Les fosses th worked in this genre: Regiment de the 14 century to an abrupt halt. en Cataluña: El pogrom de 1348. comunes”, p. 122, note 12. In this

406 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 407 6. Tàrrega in the European medieval Jewish patrimony

6. Tàrrega in the European medieval differ in each case. Historical reasons are Focussing on the city of Toledo and in been done without prior documentary some 5,500 square metres of the area. A Lastly, but no less important, emphasis Jewish patrimony foremost in the former case, while in the an effort to clarify various aspects of the research, such as in the synagogue in minimum of two hundred and twenty- has be given to the museographic latter, the concept place of the memory urbanism of the areas occupied by Jews, Lagny-sur-Marne, or based on scant eight individuals buried between the proposal of a new installation in the Jordi Casanavas Miró dominates over all other aspects. This J. Passini identified and localised the information, as in Lorca or Molina de individual tombs and the six mass graves permanent collection of the Urgell Oriol Saula Briansó means that the diffusion of each case also synagogues of El Sofer,2 Caleros3 and Los Aragón, with interesting results leading were found. That same year, which was District Museum, “Tàrrega 1348”, not follows different paths. This is probably Golondrinos, as well as the midrash of Las to useful publications. Finally, we must very important in Jewish archaeology, only including elements related to the What was left of the Jews, and their the main problem that the Jewish Vigas4 and the old synagogue5 from the consider the finding of some elements of work began on the archaeological digs in necropolis, but also those from the site in properties, once repaid, after a phase heritage presents for the Diaspora. study of the historical topography and the furnishings. This could be the Aron Cologne and Montpellier. Carrer de la Font, 7-9, with a globalising of active speculation, was gradual Jewish archaeology in this country is thanks to the abundant documentation Kodesh from Saint-Paul-Trois-Châteaux Despite the obstacles that affected its idea of the Jewish presence in Tàrrega forgotten. Nothing special or that nowadays similar to the rest of Europe, consulted. This was a large step forward or the liturgical cabinet from Modena, excavation, the necropolis in Tàrrega and their integration into a dominant involved different treatment. Despite with similar approaches and problems. in our knowledge of a site as important as important examples of synagogue can be considered a paradigmatic case, Christian setting. this patrimony, only some place names Over recent years, some of the previous the city of Toledo. furnishings. given that this research was done very conserve the record of what had been. differences have gradually faded, which Another important step forward was Given their peculiar status, the carefully, with the assistance of a number The neighbourhoods underwent is visible in some of the most recent the publication in 1995 by Girona City cemeteries have merited different of specialists in very varied subjects and transformations with new occupants, scientific conferences focussed on the Council, of the first edition of Els jueus i treatment, with unequal results, despite has culminated with the publication and new buildings went up as others Jewish field or with a section specifically la ciutat de Girona, whose main aim was the campaigns undertaken some years of the results obtained to date. Since were demolished or abandoned. Now, dedicated to this theme. to present a cartographic reconstruction ago in Barcelona, Girona, Seville or 2008, those in charge of the excavation in an exercise of memory, the aim is to Over recent years in Europe, many of the city’s Jewish quarter from the 10th Puente Castro (probably the most have presented the main lines of their recoup the record of those communities aspects have been dealt with and actions century to the 15th, showing the location singular Jewish site) or, more recently, research in conferences, congresses that awaken so much interest. This is a carried out to improve our knowledge of of the synagogues.6 The documentation in Toledo, Lucena or Tàrrega. There and symposiums both in Spain (Múrcia, double exercise focussed, on one hand, the medieval communities. There is still includes details about the dimensions has also been less interest in France, Lucena) and abroad (Paris). on the material remains and, on the other, much to be done to understand the older of the houses, their market value, and Britain or Germany, and only recently The archaeological dig and the posterior on certain reminiscences of very varied communities better and to know the links the rent paid and reforms carried out in have excavations been done (Ennezat research over the last six years have nature of what is known as intangible between them and later epochs. This them. Regarding synagogues, it has been or York, among others), of varying allowed us to reach various first order heritage. However, the potential of the theme is not yet very clear and is still in possible to unveil their history, as well size. A special case is that of Worms, targets. Thus, the approximate extension archaeological interventions carried out the uncertain territory of the hypotheses. as define the place they occupied and, with an extensive necropolis and a of the site has been calculated. Four or still to be done is influenced by the lack in some cases, even their internal layout Topography studies are fundamental for large number of funerary inscriptions. types of funerary structures have of monumentality of the remains. thanks to the documentation related clarifying various concepts, beginning It is in fact a reference to consider in been documented, including the with the applications for the seats or If we exclude the specific nature of such with the location of the places occupied future archaeological park projects in a mass graves, similar to those found in the sales documents. As a summary of aspects as baths or the necropolis, what by some of the communal buildings, necropolis. To date, the only example of other graveyards. Very shortly before the work done to widen our knowledge determined the Jewish character of a which does not means that it is always this in Spain is in Lucena, as well as the the start of the excavations based on about Jewish Girona (fig. 1), the city place were added elements. Once these possible to identify these remains even unfinished proposals for Barcelona and the property registers (1501-1510), has the Museum of the History of the are removed, it is difficult to identify a when they have been located. Girona, both of which have a notable Josep Xavier Muntané had located place as Jewish, if it does not show any Jews, which deals with a wide range of collection of epigraphic elements the necropolis precisely, although the In this respect, the work by D. Iancu- elements with a clear Jewish association. themes and, after various modifications associated with funerals. As in other definitive confirmation was obtained Agou in the field of the Provencal Jewish In the case of the Jewish monument in (2003, 2007) since the first installation in places, the primary questions are to set with the finding of rings with Hebrew communities should be highlighted.1 Rouen, the presence of graffiti in Hebrew 2000, presents a very coherent overview the limits, ensure the Jewish adscription The main thread of his research revolves inscriptions. Some of the human remains was determinant, and in the case of a of medieval Judaism. Similarly, in and establish the chronology. Only the around the Jewish neighbourhood, have been studied in the Department necropolis, the presence of headstones Barcelona, as well as the rooms dedicated first of these three aspects has been fully updating the cartography of medieval of Animal Biology, Plant Biology and or objects with inscriptions is a necessary to this in the Museum of History clarified. Jewish Provence, covering a chronology Ecology at the Autonomous University of feature. th (MUHBA), there is an interpretation Regarding the necropolis, excavation is Barcelona and the Unit of Anthropology. from the second half of the 10 century centre for the Jewish quarter (fig. 2) and Unlike the archaeology of the land of until 1501, date of the final dispersion of essential but the difficulties this entails The chronology of the site has been Israel, which is designed to assemble an exhibition about the excavations in are enormous. An excavation supplies determined, running from the 13th the Provencal Jews as a consequence Carrer de Sant Honorat, with the remains a full history from the thousands of of the annexation of Provence by real data that do not always coincide with century to the 15 century, based on fragments available, with the Diaspora of a Roman domus together with a set of the information given by the texts, at the twenty-two coins found in the necropolis the Kingdom of France in 1481. He silos backfilled with numerous everyday the main aim is not so much a deep establishes a clear sequence for the same time as they sometimes offer certain and the carbon 14 analyses. A significant knowledge of the details as to bear Jewish elements from the medieval aspects not envisaged in those. This number of objects associated with the settlements, from the most important epoch, some of which are epigraphic (13th witness to the Jewish presence in th th illustrates the importance of localisms Jews buried have been found and these in the 11 -12 centuries to the smallest. and 14th centuries).7 earlier times and its development within This study includes up to sixty-one as a source of primary information for enable us to deepen our knowledge of other dominant communities with places thanks to the exploration of new The topographic studies of the Jewish studying the individual characteristics the Jewish community of Tàrrega and which, at some moment, there has not unpublished documentary sources that neighbourhoods enable us to define of each community while simultaneously Catalan Jews in general. And, as a more been even simple tolerance but more have enabled more accurate topographic their characteristics better, a task often emphasising the common elements. exceptional and remarkable fact, it has serious problems of coexistence. All measurements to be done. This task complicated by the transformations However, care must be taken to avoid the been possible to show that the sixty-nine that has contributed to hindering the continued the research initiated by B. undergone by the buildings in particular, error of considering that everything can individuals found in the mass graves conservation of the material culture, Blumenkranz. The synthesis of the work and the towns and cities in general. be turned into a museum exhibition and were victims of a riot, the assault on the which has been aggravated by purely that had been done until then in very There are frequent cases in which the is susceptible to be presented the same Jewish quarter in Tàrrega in 1348, and economic questions. Analysing varied fields of the history of Judaism Jewish quarters were moved with way. The difficulties related with tasks of thus, the Jewish necropolis in Tàrrega is the situation that arises after the published in Art et archéologie des juifs the historical changes. Four different this type should lead us to value things one of the few sites with archaeological disappearance or expulsion of some en France médiévale in 1980 was also neighbourhoods have been documented objectively and avoid simplifications evidence of this type from the medieval communities enables us to see clearly pioneering. in Orleans each corresponding to and the easy generalisations. Wishing to epoch in Europe. how this process develops. different epochs. All this effort of study, compare what has been done in different As well as the scientific research, care has Notable work has been done on the extracting information from documents, The awakening of this interest has gone old and medieval synagogues, about places can blur the question. P. Salmona been taken, as it should, to conserve the through two stages. The first one lasted archaeological research, identification states as much when he suggests that the site and publicise the results obtained some of which some details had been of the remains, etc., goes hand in hand until 1990 and was characterised by published and, although they had been approach to the role of medieval Judaism in all media. In relation with the former a few interventions without any links with the equally important task of has been very different in France or aspect, a proposal was drawn up to partially excavated years ago, a deeper publishing the corpus of inscriptions between them and with an element study was now required to revise the Spain and so the work done in Rouen preserve part of the necropolis (four that was still predominantly exotic. and documents, monographic cannot be criticised by comparing it with plots) in a sector where no building was new data and, if possible, carry out new studies, scholarly and popular articles, Evidently, the turning point was the interventions. In some places it has also the project undertaken in Cologne. In planned to make a small archaeological changes in medieval archaeology as a exhibitions, colloquia and seminars, any case, what is needed is to prioritize park that, lamentably and for various been possible to delimit and study the and global research projects, thanks to whole from the 1980s on. Although this synagogue complex (Saranda, Albania), the documentation, study the sets, and reasons, has not been possible. was a type of preventive archaeological the assistance of historians, museums plan future interventions globally. The The excavations in Carrer de la Font, 7-9, despite the difficulty of interpreting it, and local and national research centres. heavily conditioned by emergency together with aspects related to their more ambitious and wider this planning which, as we have been able to document, interventions, there is a tendency The creation of extraordinarily active is, the more possibilities there will be was on one edge of the Jewish quarter, chronology (Syracuse, Montpellier, research teams, like the Nouvelle Gallia towards a better planned archaeology Cologne), or extending the scope of to interpret specific remains better. has produced various materials in a silo in the framework of a deeper knowledge Judaica, enables us progressively to fill However, often for very diverse reasons and different strata of the levelling of the research from a previously known, in the remaining gaps in all these fields about the sites and the possibilities but still decontextualised and partially we can go no further. Aspects considered a courtyard that can broadly be dated these can offer, thanks also to greater of study. All these previous studies, first class nowadays were not present a from the first half of the 14th century. A studied nucleus (Besalú). Moreover, fundamental for research, have led the knowledge of the documentary notable progress has been made in their few years ago, this should always be kept multidisciplinary study has been done sources. In this sense, although Jewish way to later archaeological interventions in mind. of these findings (remains of fauna, presentation and diffusion. This has not such as those mentioned in Rouen, the archaeology has benefited from the rise always been easy given the character On the 19th of February 2007, excavation pottery, wood, pieces of metal, coins) in medieval archaeology in general, it is synagogue in Besalú (with the presence began on the Jewish necropolis in that belonged, it seems, to one or more and state of the remains conserved, often until now of ritual baths without an burdened by certain implications that difficult to identify. The debate about the Tàrrega, on the north slope of the hill Jewish families. The importance of this mean that even nowadays it is a very archaeological context) or the synagogue known as Maset, as it was planned work lies precisely in the complementary interpretation of the building excavated of Santa Maria la Blanca, where the special field of research given the media under the courtyard of the Palais de to build homes on that site. The work nature of the material found in the Jewish repercussions it provokes. Excavating a different constructive phases have been continued until December and, over quarter and the necropolis, and between Justice in Rouen is still open: was it a documented and greater knowledge Roman villa is not the same as working on Talmudic school or a synagogue? these months, it was possible to these and material from sites in other a Jewish necropolis, as the motivations obtained about the structure of the confirm archaeologically that it was parts of the country. building. In other cases, excavations have the Jewish cemetery and excavate

408 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 409 7.CATALOGUE

echo reached western Catalonia. We given that head and body correspond to collaborated doing figures of apostles explanation that occurs to us is that the Capital holding the Child in her left arm. Mary espinari, as we see in a Virgin Mary from SCULPTURES AND see it in some capitals of the chancel and the same hand. had a very similar style, also Frenchified, when the friar visited the town two of the Stone sculpture appears in a face on position, only broken the church of El Roser in Valls conserved ARCHITECTURAL AND transept of the Seu Vella in Lleida, where The second sculptor is the author of the which surely indicates that they were figures had already been removed and First half of the 14th century by a slight inclination of her head. She in the Dioceses Museum of Tarragona it has been proposed that his workshop hypothetical Saint Peter (MCUT 4406), done more or less simultaneously and, placed somewhere else inside the church. 35 x 48 x 24.5 cm is wearing a veil that covers her head (inv. num. 1455) (Liaño, 1992: 128). The ORNAMENTAL ELEMENTS or someone very close to the master was that shows a lesser quality than the by extension, the existence of a common Unknown origins that reaches down to the middle of her theme comes from the ancient world Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez IN STONE working, and who at certain moments, previous one (Español, 2007b: 90). The project headed by the person who we MCUT 4412 back, although we can see some of her and it is given negative connotations. outshines the quality of Bianya’s own peculiar curls of the prince of the apostles consider the main artist. One fact that we Bibliography: unpublished wavy hair on her forehead. She is also However, in these one should see a veiled les productions (Yarza, 1991: 49-53, cannot yet give a reasoned explanation wearing a mantle that falls from her right allusion to the crown of thorns and the become one of the stylemes that distance The existence of this capital has been Capital fig. 8-10; Fité, 2008: 417-419). In the to is the difference in height between Capital shoulder and that opens at the level of Passion. him from the first master, as does the Stone sculpture known since the 1950s, when it was part Ramon de Bianya’s workshop Urgell, the sculptures of Saints Peter the two apostles acquired in 2007 and her chest, exposing her round-necked solution adopted for certain facial traits Around 1325-1350 of the lapidary collection in the Palace of Despite these differences, the French Stone sculpture and Paul reused on the facade of the (among which, the eyelids, much more the other three (between 20 and 30 cm), inner tunic, while half way down it forms influence on the image from Tàrrega is 30 x 44.5 x 30 cm the Marquises of La Floresta, together Around 1215-1225 church in Anglesola have been directly that could be due to specific details that some very well-done diagonal folds. The marked in his case). The expertise the with other objects that were finally very clear, an aspect that links it to the 38.2 x 40.5 x 39.5 cm attributed to him (Durliat, 1973: 138), we rae currently unaware of, such as From the Franciscan monastery in Tàrrega Child, sitting on her arm and in a frontal sculptor shows in the treatment of the moved to the Urgell District Museum. set of works mentioned. However, no From Santa Maria, Tàrrega as has the tympanum on the doorway of the dimensions of the places they were MCUT 4410 position, is also wearing a round-necked clothing is equally inferior, as can be Its exact origin is unknown, although stylistic links have been detected that MCUT 1611 the church in the monastery of Vallbona destined for. Bibliography: unpublished tunic, held by a kind of belt and with the noted in the not very satisfactory solution we can suppose it comes from one of enable us to establish a direct connection Bibliography: unpublished de les Monges (Español, 1997: 578- This capital was found in 1996, during cuffs of the sleeves turned up. His head of the mantle on the right of the figure About the doorway they were part of, an the churches of the old monasteries of with the group, unlike the images that 581). In fact, the style on the capital in works to reduce the level of the site of is inclined to his left, a position that, as The Urgell District Museum is home to (from the viewers point of view) and the indirect reference allows us to place its Tàrrega or the church of Santa Maria. make up the latter, some of which could what could be the only remaining piece Tàrrega matches those in the Seu Vella, way the tunic protrudes from under construction around 1319, the date that the former Friars Minor monastery in we shall see, is related to the fact that he have been made in the same workshop. The capital is a long corner with the two from the Romanesque church of Santa where we find an identical treatment of the mantle at the level of the waist. The could be considered a good chronological Tàrrega. On discovery, it was donated to is holding his foot with his right hand. sculpted faces completely decorated. Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez Maria in Tàrrega. This is a corner capital the faces and clothing. The sculptor in folds, much heavier and artificial, are reference point for the sculptures (we the Museum by Martí Pijuan, the builder Both figures have cuts on the top of their On the main one, we see a large dragon (only worked on two faces) that was Tàrrega was undoubtedly one of those also distant from the previous sculptor’s again refer to the text about Santa Maria in charge of the mentioned works. It is heads, done at a later date to insert metal with prominent ears, wings, a reptilian added to the old museum at an unknown who worked in Lleida cathedral, which work. Despite the differences, the three in this same catalogue). The portal, very a corner capital (only worked on two haloes. tail and claws. The beast is attacking and Christ the Judge data. It is not whole as the lower part gives even more sense to the members figures make up a homogenous group, innovative in the context of the Crown faces), it is long in shape, whichindicates The oval-shaped faces denote the quality biting the head of a person located to Master of Albesa and one of the corners were mutilated, of this important workshop spending with figures of completely analogous of Aragon, and especially the western that it might have been part of a door. On of the artist who made the image. The the viewer’s right, on a kind of circular Scuplture in stone with traces of breakage that indicate some time in Lleida on a date not very far dimensions and the stylemes of a lands, was built on the south side of the one of the faces, there is a human figure eyes stand out, slightly almond in shape base. Another identical dragon to the Last quarter of the 14th century a possible reuse. Given its format and from the one proposed for the capitals in common epoch. building, the facade that opened on to fighting with two hybrid beasts (with the with very marked eyelids, as well as person’s left is also biting him, although 47.5 x 30 x 11 cm dimensions, it may have been one of Lleida and the tympanum in Vallbona, Plaça Major. We must conclude that it body of a lion and the tail of a dragon), the slight smiles on both their faces. In last place, there was a third person, it is only partially visible due to the the capitals of the triumphal arch of the that is, around 1215-1225. was an architectural body added to the which he holds by their heads. This is the The treatment of the hair is significant, From the Franciscan monastery in Tàrrega (?) who must be attributed with the two morphology of the capital. The central presbytery. Thus, it is not very probable Romanesque-epoch temple and that it submission of animals, a habitual subject especially in the case of Jesus, with very MCUT 2900 Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez apostles acquired by Tàrrega Town character seizes the two animals by the that it was from a window or doorway. Council in 2007 (MCUT 4407 and 4408). was built as part of a great reform project in Romanesque sculpture. On the longer characteristic curls. The image is in a very Deposit: private collection face, there is a man on horseback, seen neck while they hold him by the knees Regarding the theme, it depicts two He was a master with a very personal for the church begun in the first half of good state, despite some missing parts, Bibliography: Duran (1932-1934: i, 141); th side on, facing the opposite way from with their claws. There is a third dragon Beseran (2007: 128-129, fig. 58);V elasco people wearing tunics that they hold treatment of the faces, hair and clothing, the 14 century. The portal reproduces like Jesus’ left hand and Mary’s right. Set of five apostles the pervious group and holding a lance on the left of the capital. We can only see and Yeguas (2010a: 190, fig. 19) with their left hands. One of them is Master of Anglesola and collaborators but who stands out especially, because the French model with apostles on the The material of the image is alabaster, in his right hand and a shield on his left half its body, one wing and the tail, that Fragment of the predella of the altarpiece holding a staff in his right hand while Stone sculpture his sculptures are smaller than the jambs and a Marian image on the mullion, a petrologic analysis of which has arm. The sculptor has placed a certain intertwines with that of the first dragon. with a depiction of Christ of the Final the other is taking him by the hand that ones mentioned until now. Apart from following the model begun in this area indicated a possible Aragonese origin Around 1319 interest in reproducing the harness of the The partial depiction of this animal seems Judgement showing his wounds. The holds this rod. The presence of a snake that, these two apostles have another in Tarragona Cathedral. The plausibly (Banegas, 2008: 441). MCUT 2898. 203 x 62.2 x 54.3 cm knight and the horse, given that, besides to be done on purpose and it has been figure, in a seated position, is wearing can be sensed at the bottom of this rod. In differentiating element: the podia or French origins of the Master of Anglesola This virgin is from the medieval church MCUT 2899. 204.5 x 57.5 x 54.7 cm other elements, we can see the scabbard, considered a kind of sculptural exercise a cloak with gold trim that opens to the the background, there is a third person, bases they rest on. Thus, while the could partially explain the adoption of of Santa Maria in Tàrrega, from before MCUT 4406. 192.5 x 61.8 x 50.1 cm a spur and the penjants. by the mason, who wanted to depict the chest and letting us see the ribs, stomach whose head is all that remains. The podia of the figures by the previous two this model from across the Pyrenees. Nor the current building. We do not know MCUT 4407. 176 x 61.5 x 63.2 cm beast half hidden. The dragons have a and the wound on his side (highlighted elements described help to identify the sculptors share similar decorations and should the influence of other innovative Being from the Franciscan monastery where the image was placed in the old MCUT 4408. 164.3 x 63.3 x 66.5 cm series of parallel folds that represent with polychrome red). Christ shows theme, that is none other than Aaron’s morphology, these have a plain base projects that were being carried out in enables us to establish a more or less church, but we do know that it was in a From the old Gothic doorway of Santa Maria their skin, while the human figure has the wounds to his hands, a gesture that rod being transformed into a snake without decoration. neighbouring areas be forgotten. These precise chronology for the work. We niche on the east façade of the new one in Tàrrega also been depicted simply, with a tunic reinforces the Eucharistic sense of (Exodus 7,8-13). The biblical text states include the funeral pantheon for James know that the order arrived in a Tàrrega (Manote, 2008: 131) where the date MCUT 2898, 2899, 4406, 4407 and 4408 The study of the set of apostles and of vertical folds. The prominent, circular the image. The treatment of his hair is that the brothers Moses and Aaron (who II in the monastery of Santes Creus, with in 1318, the year when Pope John of 1676 could be read (Banegas, 2008: Bibliography: DURAN (1955: 354); Novell (1958: 26- the fragments shows that one of the form the character is placed on draws outstanding, with prominent curls that must be identified with the main figures the intervention of French sculptors like XXII emitted the bull that granted the 437). If this was the date the image was 27); SEGARRA and MALLA (1987: 202); ESPAÑOL sculptors, the author of the supposed our attention, which corresponds to flow over his shoulders down his back on the capital) went before the pharaoh, Pere Bonhull, who cultivated a sculptural founding of a monastery in the town placed in the niche, we must abandon (2002: 124-126); BESERAN (2003: 43); ESPAÑOL Saint John the Evangelist and the apostle the join with a column. This detail could and he also has a forked beard. He has who asked them for a miracle. Paying (2007b: 90); JOSÉ AND SAN JOSÉ (2008: 14-15); lexis similar to our sculptor: that of the (Sanahuja, 1959: 100; Segarra i the identification of the sculpture with with the long beard (as well as other give some clues about the purpose of the a cruciferous nimbus with a reticulated heed to God’s earlier instructions, Aaron VELASCO (2009: 227-248); VELASCO radiant Gothic (Español, 2011a: 181- MALLA, 1984: 91). During the reign of the Marian image that presided over fragments stored in the museum), had a capital, surely in the setting of a doorway. background with diamonds. The figure cast down his staff and it turned into a (2011: 209-219); VELASCO (forthcoming) 194). It is thus very possible that the Alfonso the Benign, the community the portal of the apostles (Velasco, more important role than the others. This The theme depicted, a person attacked by has been placed in a sort of niche covered snake. The pharaoh’s magicians, who In the Urgell District Museum, there are doorway in Tàrrega became one of the was full in stalled in the monastery, but forthcoming), as the latter remained in has been reaffirmed with the discovery monsters, harks back to the Romanesque by a polylobulate arch supported were present, followed suit and their five figures of apostles from the old Gothic first examples of the la penetration of this we know that, in the times of Peter the its original place until 1709, when the of new sculptures by the same person, tradition, a trait that can be extended by brackets with plant forms on the rods also became snakes, but these were doorway of Santa Maria in Tàrrega. sub-style into Catalonia. Ceremonious (1340), the works were not great Gothic doorway was dismantled reused on the outside of the bell tower to the style of the sculptor who did it, spandrels. then swallowed by Aaron’s. Various Besides these, the store of the Tàrrega The doorway stood until 1709, when progressing very well, which forced the (Segarra i Malla, 1987: 187; of the church of Santa Maria and surely clearly backward and poor quality. In interpretations can be made of the theme. museum has the remains of other figures it was dismantled for the building of friars to seek finance. It seems that the Garganté, 2004: 194; Velasco, 2009: The relief is well preserved with a originally from the Gothic doorway (see contrast, the format of the capital is in The basic idea is the triumph of Good that were part of the same set (Velasco, the new parish church (Sarret, 1926: church was not finished until September 230-232). Furthermore, we could imagine bright polychrome that emphasises the our text about the church in this same the Gothic typology, from which we can over Evil and the unfaithful. Everything 2009: 236-239). The five figures and the 4; Segarra i MALLA, 1987: 187; 1365, when a general chapter of the that the Marian sculpture on the main expressivity. It was first published in catalogue). This leading artist was the deduce that this is an example of inertial revolves around the rod, which became most important fragments have similar Garganté, 2004: 194; Velasco, order was held in the Tàrrega monastery, doorway would have been similar in size, 1932 by Agustí Duran i Sanpere, when Master of Anglesola, a sculptor active in sculpture, typical of those regions where a symbol of divine authority, the supreme characteristics having been part of a th 2009: 230-232). Some of the apostles which led the councillors to convoked the chronology and material to the apostles the owner was Magí Roca i Coromines, the first third of the 14 century, surely of the new proposals took root in parallel truth and God’s mission to Moses to lead common project. However, the analysis (probably five) were reused in the new townspeople to collaborate in finishing nowadays in the Urgell District Museum. who, according to the historian from French origins, who must be considered with the continuance of the earlier the people of Israel. of their style shows that they were done work nova, as they were installed on the church and refectory (Segarra i Cervera, had found it in 1927 in the house one of the introducers of the Gothic in the Romanesque language. Given all this, The image, unknown until it was studied by three different sculptors. The first the outside, in the eaves of the upper MALLA, 1984: 128-131). where he lived (Duran, 1932-1934: I, The artistic work on the capital is of high Lleida area. This personality was created as with the case of the capital from the by Manote (2008: 129-135), has been was the author of the apostle with a long part, while others underwent several With these data, it is feasible to place the th 141). Having been found in the house in quality, with clear echoes of the old world in 1932 by Agustí Duran i Sanpere, who Franciscan monastery in Tàrrega studied dated from the third quarter of the 14 beard (MCUT 2898). This sculptor was changes of position and ownership making of the capital cap in 1325-1350. Raval de Sant Agustí, it is very possible that enable us to grant it a very specific attributed him with the altarpiece- in this same catalogue (MCUT 4410), we century, based on certain typological skilled in the use of the technique, and until they were taken into the museum This chronology does not tie in with that the fragment could be from the old artistic affiliation. These echoes appear in frontal of the parish church of Anglesola can call this a new example of inertial similarities with a group of Virgins, all this is evident in the elegant treatment of collection. In contrast, we know nothing the theme or the style, the subject and Franciscan monastery (later occupied the generous folds of the clothing done (nowadays in the Museum of Fine Arts Romanesque. The sculptor in Tàrrega with the same characteristics, from the clothing, especially the folds. The face about the Virgin that presided over the iconography are still very close to the by the Barefoot Carmelites and the from straights parallel traces, like the de Boston), as well as other works in showed that he was familiar with the Navarre, Aragon and Catalonia (Crispí, is equally well done, with characteristic portal, nor the Christological depiction Romanesque. This should come as no Augustinians). hair. The prominent lips and ears stand the modern demarcations of Lleida and traditional depictions of the theme, as we 1997: 107-125). The Virgin Mary from pout on the faces, as do the eyes, on almond-shaped eyes. Another trait that Tarragona (Duran, 1932-1934: i, 25-26). that must be supposed was of the Final surprise in the context of Lleida, where Tàrrega does not fully belong to the The work is attributed to the Master of see if we compare this capital with one of Albesa, one of the leading sculptors of which a drill was used. All this suggests personalises it is the way the hair is done More recent research has profiled his Judgement and could have been part of we see that the Romanesque tradition subgroup made up of the Virgin Mary the ones on the side of the gospel in the the Lleida school of the 14th century and that the sculptor was close to the 1200 especially in the area behind the ears, figure attributing new works to him the tympanum, two figures that were also was of weight in the architectural from the tympanum of the façade presbytery of the Seu Vella in Lleida, by who takes his name from the altarpiece style, characterised by a revitalisation of with a wavy appearance that is generated and reinforcing his importance in the dismounted in 1709. sculpture of building erected in the time of Huesca Cathedral (ca. 1338), the Ramon de Bianya’s workshop around conserved in the parish church of Albesa. the classic forms. The New Catalonia was from the shape of the ear itself. geographical area indicated, as well as Finally, an unpublished document of the early Gothic. This is the case of the Mother of God of the Helpless from the 1215-1225. Disciple of Bartomeu de Robió, sculptor important focus for this swansong of the Earlier studies have shown that this same the study of other artists close to him, informs us that there were ten apostles on south door of Sant Miquel in Castelló monastery of Pedralbes (second half of th th around whom the school formed, he is Romanesque, and there are outstanding sculptor did the apostle that has been as such as the author of the sepulchres in the façade at the end of the 16 century. de Farfanya, dated around 1313 (Fité Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez the 14 century), the Virgin Mary in the attributed with works conserved in, or examples in the Lleida area. Saint John the Evangelist (MCUT 2899) Santa Maria in Bellpuig de les Avellanes The data is from a manuscript in the i Puig, 2009: 11 and 16-19), or some MNAC (inv. num. 14524) and the one doorways still linked to models from the from, Vilanova de Segrià, Les Borges The style of this capital is close to that (Velasco, 2009: 236). However, the (Español, 1991a: 183-184; Español, library of the Museum of Peralada, titled from the sepulchre of Bishop Sánchiz de Lleida school that were built in the 14th Blanques, Cubells, Àger, les Avellanes, of the sculptor Ramon de Bianya (as conservation-restoration tasks carried 1991b: 329-330; Español, 2002: 124- Peregrinació de la ida per Cathaluña, Virgin Asiáin in the cathedral in Pamplona (ca. century, like Sant Pere in Vinaixa. This is Alabaster sculpture Artesa de Segre, Vilanova de Meià, suggested by Francesca Español, who out in 2013 by Adriano Casagrande 126; Español, 2007b: 87-92; Velasco, written by a Franciscan inspector who 1360-1370), given that there are notable thus an inertial sculpture indebted to the Third quarter of the 14th century Tàrrega, Fraga (Huesca), Bellver de we thank for this observation), one of showed that this figure could be a 2009: 239-245; Velasco, 2011: 209-219; passed through Tàrrega around 1586 differences (Manote, 2008: 132). For figurative and decorative proposals of 91 x 33.8 x 24.4 cm Cinca (Huesca), Sanui (Huesca) and the most representative of the stylistic factitious assembly of head and body Velasco, forthcoming). The leading (we thank Jaume Barrachina, director of example, we see that the Virgin has no the last third of the 13th century. Calassanç (Huesca), as well as others of context we describe. Originally from, and that should be considered old, because role of the Master of Anglesola in the the Museum of Peralada Castle, for this From Santa Maria in Tàrrega crown and the Child is dressed ands unknown origin in the Museum of Lleida the sculpture appeared as such in project of the doorway, almost certainly information and who is currently editing MCUT 4649 does not cover his nakedness with Mary’s active in Roussillon between 1200 and Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez (Duran, 1932-1934: I, 86-94; Español, photographs from the early 20th century, directing a team of sculptors and masons, this manuscript). The data gives room Deposit: church of Santa Maria de l'Alba, Tàrrega mantle, habitual features of the group 1220, his works can be found in are Elna 1991a: 190-191; Español, 2007a: 269- when the apostle was at the door of the makes us think of someone who, as for a speculation, given that matching Bibliography: Manote (2008: 129-135); described. Another detail that distances cathedral, Sant Joan el Vell in Perpignan 273; Velasco, 2010: 219-229; Velasco Antoninian hospital. This detail, that must well, as sculpting figures, directed the different old references had allowed a Banegas (2008: 435-453); Velasco this image from the mentioned examples and Santa Maria in Arles del Tec, some of (forthcoming) and Yeguas, 2010a: 183-194; Velasco them autographed (Durliat, 1973: 128- be verified in the future, does not affect architectural works as master of works. total of twelve apostles to be counted is the frontal position of Jesus and, This is standing depiction of the Virgin and Yeguas, 2010b: 217-225). 138; Camps, 2007: 37-38). This master’s the stylistic consideration of the image, In this sense, the other two sculptors who (Velasco, 2009: 232). For now, the only especially his gesture, which formally Mary, with a clearly marked hanchement, evokes the depictions of the theme of the There are close stylistics links between the relief from Tàrrega and the work that

410 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 411 the group its name, as can be seen in the proposals for the identity of the others of the Hispanic Mudejar substrate and Plate Plate findings documented (in most cases, Pot treatment of Christ’s face, in such details done until now (Manote, 1977: 37-42; TABLEWARE AND HOUSEHOLD parallels in Provence and the Italian Archaic pottery turned on a wheel Pottery decorated with monochrome unpublished) in the archaeological digs Brown glazed ceramic made on a wheel as the forked beard, the almond shaped Minguell, 1996: 128), we add that of EARTHENWARE peninsula. The decorative motif of the First half of the 14th century manganese made on a wheel that have been done over recent years. First half of the 14th century th eyes and the long curls that flow over his Saint Peter, both for his bald head and border is very recurrent, with two purple 4.1 x 16.3 cm First half of the 14 century 13.7 x 21 cm Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito shoulders, all traits typical of the author that fact that he still has some remains of lines and a green one in between. The 2 x 9 cm From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish and Míriam Esqué Ballesta From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 of the altarpiece in Albesa. Among the keys at the level of his chest. Pitcher central decoration is plant motifs, with quarter, Tàrrega) From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) Greena dn purple Catalan pottery made on a closest parallels, mention must be made The cross has not remained on the a blade as the central figure with curved MCUT 4657 quarter, Tàrrega) MCUT 4486 of the Christ the Judge from the set from wheel sidelines of chance events that have th leaves sprouting like flowers forming a Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) MCUT 4656 Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) Belver de Cinca (MNAC) or a large figure First half of the 14 century Bowl influenced its current state, the result geometric pattern. Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) with identical iconography originally 15.1 x 14.7 x 11.5 cm Plate identified in the el tipus “pisa White glazed earthenware made on a wheel Pot of oxidised and glazed pasta, brown of the damage it suffered in a northerly This type of green and purple pottery This pottery piece has been identified th from Vilanova de Segrià, nowadays held From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish arcaica catalana” type (archaic Catalan First half of the 14 century on the inside with runs on the outside. gale in 1862, which broke it into several is often found in Catalonia, although in a private collection. quarter, Tàrrega) pottery). Recent archaeological and as a small, fairly flat, plate. It is very 5.4 x 13.5 cm It has a globular body with the edge fragments. The remains were placed there is little of it in the Lleida area MCUT 4487 archaeometric studies show that this low, with a foot differentiated from the From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish exvasada and a rounded lip. The edge Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez in a municipal store and in 1876, they (GONZÁLEZ, 2000). The importance of th body. The edge is slightly differentiated Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) type of item has its origins in the 13 quarter, Tàrrega) is 17 cm in diameter. It is one of the were sent to the Museum of Antiquities this kind of pottery is in the trade in it century (BELTRÁN DE HEREDIA, 2007). with a gentle turn on the inside. It is MCUT 4654 best-known shapes for domestic use. It Among all the types of pottery presented, in Lleida, at the request of the Provincial that enables us to evaluate the circulation This differentiated category would show made from reddish, very hard clay with Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) shows traces of having been placed on Commission of Monuments. It returned the pitcher of the green and purple and routes taken by these utensils. They oxidised fired, that has very well defined Town cross an origin of the evolution compared with A pottery piece that corresponds to a a fire, which confirms its function for Pere Joan to Tàrrega around 1944 and, some years type stands out. This is type of jar for are found in Valencia, Italy, the southern th particles. The white glazed layer, with the pieces found from the 14 century, bowl with white glazing on the inside. cooking food. There are cases where this Stone sculpture later, the catital was integrated into the serving wine, water or liquids at the Iberian Peninsula, France (PASCUAL i some tin, completes the inside, which is as in our case. The oxidising firing with A very common piece in repertoire of type of piece could hold honey or milk Around 1424-1436 memorial to the war dead that was placed table, also raleted to the act of “donar MARTÍ, 1986) and Majorca. In Sardinia, decorated in manganese in the centre. a paste of compact reddish clay shows late-medieval crockery, corresponding (ALCOVER and MOLL, 1968: 901). The Capital, 124 x 58 cm in the Plaça Major, that reproduced the aiguamans” (hand washing) (BELTRÁN after the definitive conquest by the This corresponds to a blade or lobed a degreaser with particles very well to a hemispherical without handles or bottom of this type of pot is rounded to cross in its original state. The upper DE HEREDIA, 1999: 197). Its ovoid body Catalan-Aragonese Crown in 1323, there cross, with the space in between also Cross. 122 x 110 x 38.5 cm purified. It corresponds to a plate with a decoration. The edge is almost vertical facilitate the la dispersion of heat and part was very badly damaged so the has a vertical handle that goes from near is an important presence of this type filled with lobed motifs, which make the From the portal of El Carme in Tàrrega glaze that is poor in tin, la which indicates with the lip slightly bevelled and a flat prevent it from breaking with the heat original fragments were not included the lip to the ridge. Much of the edge and of Catalan ceramic material (DADEA i central motif stand out. MCUT 4417 that these pieces were from an early date, bottom. Absence of a marked ridge. while being used. Generally, these pots in this pastiche (a reproduction was the whole base have been restored. PORCELLA, 1997; GONZÁLEZ, 2000: Bibliography: Gudiol (1919: 12); Gudiol at the beginning of the move to the later On certain occasions, this type of On the inside, a slight bend marks the were not placed directly onto the fire, made) and they were transferred to the It is glazed in white both inside and 18). The role of these pieces on the table (s. d.: 12); Duran (1932-1934: II, 47, lam. 81); characteristic tin-glazing. decoration in manganese has been cenbtral border. but supported on a hob or three iron Segarra i MALLA (1973: 65); Manote (1977: vestibule of the Palace of the Marquises outside and decorated with green and was to present the food to the diners. interpreted as a pseudo-heraldic motif feet. The S-shape profile of the pots has The size indicates that it was a small flat Regarding its use, it could have been for 37-42); Bastardes (1983: 24, làm. 152); of La Floresta. They remained there purple motifs. The decoration of the Similar fragments have been found in recurrent in 14th-century archaeological antecedents in the early medieval epoch, Dalmases i José (1984: 201); Minguell plate with a base differentiated from the drinking or for eating liquid or soft foods. until 2013 when they were moved to the handle is based on perpendicular lines the Urgell district, in the excavations in contexts, as in the cases documented without the handles so frequently found (1996: 117-134); Manote (1999: 57-61); Valls body. The outer edge and rounded lip are In an inventory from 1348, bowls of this Urgell District Museum (Segarra i in manganese or purple, very common Guimerà Castle during the 1990s, and in the cities and towns on the in archaeological contexts of this period. (2004: 13); Manote (2007: 140) differentiated by a marked inflection. The type were also interpreted as “cups” MALLA, 1973: 65; Manote, 1977: 37- in the Islamic world. The globular body the Molí del Codina (Tàrrega). There are Mediterranean coast of Catalonia. There are parallels from this same The Urgell District Museum has various barder was also slightly marked when it (OLIVAR, 1952: 8 and 10). 42; Bastardes, 1983: 24, sheet 152; is decorated in the following way: a first currently discrepancies about whether chronology in Nostra Senyora de Sales fragments of the town cross that was was being turned and this would be used Given its formal characteristics, it could Minguell, 1996: 121). set of twelve squares with double lines the late medieval pottery in green and Similar forms and with the same (Viladecans) (SOLIAS, 1983: fig. 66), the originally near the portal of El Carme in later for the tin-glazing and for colouring have been used to present small amounts Attributed to one of the leading sculptors that frame purple crosses; on the other purple was a luxury object. What we can chronology are frequent all over Santa Maria del Pi–Hospital de Barcelona Tàrrega. These correspond to the arms the green star. of food, as a kind of salt cellar or for non- of Catalan Gothic, Pere Joan (doc. side, a second variant of twelve squares state is that the archaeological results Catalonia, like the ones found in the (BOLÒS et al., 1985: nums. 11 and 12) of the cross and the capital, the latter As for its use, like pieces with similar food products. 1416-1458), this work is known from with double lines that frame the anagram of the excavations in Tàrrega and the doorway of La Magdalena in Lleida, and in the monastery of Sant Pere de les until recently part of the reconstruction characteristics, it would seem to imply th old by the specialists and with certain of “Ave Maria”, and a third decorative slight presence of this material in the Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito dated from the 15 century, and in Puelles, around 1322, and in the Catalan standing in the Plaça Major. Although it the use for taking food or products to historiographic fortune that begins with frame under the spout with double archaeological contexts of the town and Míriam Esqué Ballesta the city of Barcelona and its area of capital (BELTRÁN DE HEREDIA, 1999: is badly eroded and has suffered various the table. It would have been part of the Father Josep Gudiol (Gudiol, 1919: 12; rhombuses framing purple crosses. indicate that it would be a precious influence (CERDÀ, 1995; GARCÍA, 194). mutilations, certain details of the figures tablewear, and be used for products Gudiol, undated: 12). However, the These decorative elements are separated object. 2007). It must be mentioned that in the and original decoration can still be that were not liquid (in principle, for th Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito oldest valued opinion about the Tàrrega by with bands of copper oxide, which Bowl 14 century, given that the amount of seen. The restoration of the capital with Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito individual use) or to display food on the and Míriam Esqué Ballesta cross was by a Franciscan friar around gives it its the greenish colouring. Pottery decorated with monochrome manganese this type of material was considerably its move the Museum has uncovered and Míriam Esqué Ballesta table. turned on a wheel 1586, who passed through Tàrrega on a In the Islamic world, this is known as a low compared with other pieces, there evidence of earlier remedial work on it, First half of the 14th century journey round Catalan lands and left a redoma and is for holding liquids used Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito are authors who consider that wooden almost certainly by the sculptor Carles 5.6 x 14 cm Fat bowl eulogistic description. This news comes with a spout that has been lost. There are and Míriam Esqué Ballesta bowls supplanted the earthenware Anadón before it was erected in the Plaça Wide-rimmed plate From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish ones, as would be shown by the post Brown glazed earthenware made on a wheel from the manuscript the friar wrote similar forms in the Municipal Museum Blue Valencian pottery with th Major in 1955. One of these works is the quarter, Tàrrega) First half of the 14 century about his travels, conserved in the library in Manresa (CABESTANY i RIERA, a metallic trim made on a wheel mortem inventories. The organisation full reintegration of the head of Saint Paul MCUT 4477 9.2 x 22.2 x 21.3 cm of the Museum of Peralada and titled 1980: 179) and have also been found First half of the 14th century Plate of the producers of this type of pottery and the head of saint to the left of Saint Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) into guilds in the 14th century led to an From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish Peregrinació de la ida per Cathaluña in archaeological digs in the centre of 4 x 19.1 cm Pottery decorated with monochrome manganese Lucia. It is thus very possible that the left turned on a wheel increase in production thanks to the quarter of Tàrrega) (we thank Jaume Barrachina, curator of Barcelona, including the Courtyard From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 Monochrome manganese bowl. This type hand and the corresponding books of th MCUT 4484 the Museum of the Castle of Peralada, of the Oranges in the Palace of the (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) First half of the 14 century of utensil has typological resemblances regulation of the manufacturing and the both were also remade. Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) who is preparing a critical edition of the Generalitat de Catalunya (OLIVAR, 1952). MCUT 4478 3.1 x 11.5 cm chronologically with the pottery same configuration of the characteristics This is a fleur-de-lis type cross, profusely of the pieces. A pottery crock that fits the definition manuscript, for this information). Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish decorated in green and purple. It is a decorated with plants all over the arms, Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito quarter, Tàrrega) hemispherical bowl. It is decorated with of a fat bowl. It is circular, although The fact that a sculptor like Pere Joan did and íriam squé allesta Wide-rimmed plate with blue decoration Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito that were linked by an exterior moulding M E B MCUT 4481 the central motif of a pseudo-heraldic rectangular or oval pieces have also been a commission for the town of Tàrrega and a metallic trim from Valencia. It is and Míriam Esqué Ballesta (nowadays lost), as are the fretwork Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) found. It has a flat base and a handle can be explained, given that between made from a dense clay that has vacuoles shield with parallels in the pottery between this and outer parts of the on each side, although only one has 1424 and 1426 he is documented in the and a very fine texture. The clay takes on Medium-sized plate of the monochrome discovered in the church of El Carme in arms. The figures on the cross follow Serving dish Manresa (CABESTANY i RIERA, 1984; survived. It could also have had a third Lleida area (Manote, 2000: 61-88; Catalan ceramic in green and purple made on a beige hue that goes from yellowish to manganese type with a fine tin glaze Bowl the habitual models, with Christ on the handle to make it easier to use from the Fité, 2001: 384). Moreover, we know a wheel pink. The glaze is rich in tin and covers on the inside. The composition of the MONREAL i BARRACHINA, 1983) Pottery decorated with monochrome Cross on one of the faces and Our Lady opposite, in this case, from the narrow that around 1432 or 1433, he took on the First half of the 14th century the inside and outside of the plate, with compact beige clay shows is a mixture and Gelida Castle (MAURI, 1989). The manganese done on a wheel on the other. Both figures are nowadays triangular shield without a family name th spout. It would have been used to roast making of the high altarpiece in Verdú, 7 cm x 25.6 cm an opaque appearance that takes on a of separate particles and others visible First half of the 14 century partially conserved. Flanking Mary, is done with a double line that frames the poultry, meat and stews with fats. The although he gave it up in 1436 (Puig, From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish creamy hue. This type of pottery was in the mass. Traditionally, this type has 3.1 x 8.3 cm we find two angels, one of which is still th name it was given depended on the 1998: 87-88; Manote, 2007: 140). Still quarter, Tàrrega) produced in Valencia from the first half of been linked to the 13 -century tradition motif in a herringbone pattern. From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 playing its harp. th dimensions and food that was cooked in the Urgell, he is also attributed with MCUT 4479 the 14 century, replacing the production of archaic earthenware from the city of The use of these pieces has often been (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) The restoration mentioned above also in it, including quarters, shoulder, with the Our Lady of Mercy in the chapter Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) in green and purple. Its origin lie around Barcelona (BELTRÁN DE HEREDIA, linked to drinking or for liquid foods MCUT 4655 showed up some remains of polychrome the city of Valencia, but especially in the 2007). It is a small flat plate, with a slightly or sauces on the table. Regarding the beak, large, fifths and sixths (AINAUD, house in the monastery of Vallbona The piece is a type of material classified Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) work on the arms of the cross (blue, red workshops identified archaeologically upturned edge with a rounded lip. The type of ceramic material and bearing 1942: 81; PARERA, 1998: 116). de les Monges (Manote, 1981: 27- as “Catalan ceramic in green and purple”. We find the ceramic set called manganese and gold) and the capital (blue, green, in Manises and Paterna (MESQUIDA, piece, tin-glazed on the inside, has a in mind the various hypotheses about It is glazed in a brown on the inside 36). The cross in Tàrrega is not found These products are characterised by monochrome directly linked to the red and possibly white), especially on the 2002: 49). The palmette motifs are typical decoration on the central border central whether it was luxury item or not, we interior and the upper part of the outside, among the works listed for e Pere being made of coarse clay, with thick, production of green and purple pottery. lower part of the moulding that supports Joan’s career, although we know that of the workshops in Paterna. The main in manganese or purple. The central must emphasise the large number of This piece corresponds to a small bowl taking on a greenish hue. The rounded heavy walls and decorated in green and production centre in the early 14th the saints, in the spaces between the in 1444 it was in its place (Segarra i motif is only a pseudo-heraldic shield pieces found in the site in Carrer de la related with archaic pottery associated base shows clear signs that it could have purple over a thin layer of white glaze, century was Manises. This type of pottery heraldic shields of the commissioners MALLA, 1979: 9-10; Manote, 1999: made up of a half moon and a six-pointed Font, which can make us think about directly with the city of Barcelona and been used as a casserole. Although this which is sometimes yellowish and rough th th of the work. The fact that the town shield gradually disappeared in the 15 century star inside a triangular double outline. this type of bowl being used frequently th type of piece is recurrent in the 15 and 60). It was the stylistic similarities to to the touch on the inside, with presence its surroundings during the 13 century does not appear and that these are the due to the renaissance fashion from Italy. in the setting of the Jewish community. 16th centuries, it should be no surprise to the work of the Barcelona sculptor that of little tin. The varnish is applied to the It would have been part of the crockery (BELTRÁN DE HEREDIA, 2007). With an arms of families leads us to think that It is decorated with metallic trim, that That could suggest the use of higher find it among earlier household goods, as led Agustí Duran i Sanpere to attribute inside of the piece. This production used to serve semi-liquid foods, given its oxidising ochre hue, the tin-based glaze the cross was paid for by private citizens is partly damaged and missing, so the quality tablewear in this part of Tàrrega, in the case of the city of Barcelona, where it to him linking it to the altarpiece of began in the mid-13th century, influenced slight depth, although it could also have covers the inside. There is a central motif of the town. In these emblems, as well cobalt blue stands out. This is a radial although we lack enough elements to these have been found in 14th-century the cathedral in Tarragona, one of the by Andalusian pottery (CIRICI 1977: served for valuable products or for salt. of a six-pointed star in manganese on a as the anagram of Christ, we can see design with decoration made up of four compare or contrast the site in the Jewish contexts (BELTRÁN DE HEREDIA, 1999: sculptor’s masterpieces (Duran, 1928: 74), and its most important expansion There are parallels in the castle in Llinars tin-based white glaze. This utensil has a quadruped animal with ears but no leaves painted in blue that come from quarter with other archaeological finds 192-193). 5-6; Duran, 1932-1934: II, 47, sheet 81). took place in the 14th century, while del Vallès, Bullidor (Sant Just Desvern) a hemispheric bowl shape with a flat horns, surely a dog; a house with house the centre of the piece with nerves with from the same period. The acquisition There have also been some speculations production tailed off at the end of the 14th and Cotlliure. bottom. It could have been used to keep Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito with voussoired doorway and conical geometric elements and schematic leaf of these pieces was very common about the involvement of his workshop and then throughout the 15th century. liquids cold or hot, apart from other uses. and Míriam Esqué Ballesta roof and, finally, a saw. The back must designs in metal trim. The edge, is marked Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito in towns and cities on the coast. The (Dalmases i José, 1984: 201). References in documents to this type be associated with some member of the by a concentric blue line inside two lines and Míriam Esqué Ballesta difference in the frequency of finding Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito of pottery in the city of Barcelona in Serra family. The majority of the saints Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez in metal trim. It seems to be a piece of these utensils in the documentation and and Míriam Esqué Ballesta 1297 is evidence of its origins there as a th depicted, four males and four females, tablewear from the early 14 century, archaeological register from the interior centre of maritime trade. Other centres quite a luxury item, that would have been are difficult to identify due to loss of their of Catalonia would seem to indicate traditionally mentioned but never used to bring semi-liquid products to the features. The only easily recognisable coastal production linked to the area shown are Girona and Manresa. The table and for individual use. ones are Saint Michael, Saint Paul, Saint of the city of Barcelona, as would the Lucia and Saint Barbara. Among the pottery decorated in green and purple shows an influence of the most western Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito Romanesque, with a great importance and Míriam Esqué Ballesta

412 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 413 Casserole or fat bowl de llumenera, with a clearly Islamic Jewish quarter in 1348) is difficult to Buckle The scissors used to cut the wick of cand- the commitment between God and men Faraudo: “Didalera”). A document from Reductive earthenware made on a wheel origin-influence (ROSSELLÓ, 1991: 174; interpret. It could be linked to some type METAL AND BONE UTENSILS Copper alloy les are mentioned in a manuscript from (HERNANDO, 2008). 1365 describes “un portador de didaleres First half of the 14th century PARERA, 1998: 119). It has a cylindrical of ritual related with the victims of the 13th-14th centuries 1381: “una taylladora de bleses ab lo col- The inscription “US:PLAU” appears on de vori, ab una didalera de nacra [...] 13.3 x 30.9 x 27,8 cm body like an open bowl, with a low riot buried there. Knife with a ring handle 1.6 x 1.5 x 0.3 cm tell” (Coromines, 1980-1991: I, 836). the bottom of the sheet. This corresponds VI didaleres de corn negre [...] e una From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish edge and pinched mouth. As in the vast Wrought iron From the site at Carrer de la Font, Although we do not know their shape, to a fragment of the habitual “amor didalera de cuyr e de corn” (Rubió, 2000: Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito quarter, Tàrrega) majority of these recipients, the inside Mid 14th century it must be supposed that they were not I, 208, doc. CCXIII). and Míriam Esqué Ballesta 7-9 (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) mercè si us plau”. These mass-produced MCUT 4485 is glazed (in this case, honey coloured). 54.6 x 3.9 x 2.5 cm very different from the snuffers that are caskets usually had this inscription as a MCUT 4661 Lluïsa Amenós Martínez This type if material is very recurrent depicted in a copy of the painting Saint Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) From the site at Carrer de la Font, Bibliography: unpublished reference to amorous and gallant poetry, th Reductive earthenware piece, wider than in the formal repertory of the mid 14 7-9 (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) Jerome in his Study, by Joos van Cleve which corresponds to a plea that the century (AMIGÓ et al., 1986: 33 and 77). Lid Buckle made up of a slightly elliptic (doc. 1511-1540). The term esmocadores, it is higher, with the lip turned outwards Glazed pottery made on a wheel MCUT 4643 knight makes to the lady to win her love Principally, these forms were used for arc that holds a cylindrical head with however is not documented until the end Thimble and an oblique edge. It is ovoid in shape First half of the 14th century Bibliography: unpublished and favours (PASCUAL, 2005). Copper alloy dimpled and punched lighting homes (the traces of the smoked three concentric notches. These held of the 16th century (“Les esmocadores”, and has a spout. There are signs of its 3.6 x 9 cm This is a long knife or short sword. Caskets with a very similar typology 14th century mouth show its use). or supported the needle or moveable 2004). use on the fire and, although it has been From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes Despite being broken and badly rusted, prong, which has been lost. This was are found in the Episcopal Museum in 2.4 x 1.8 cm The proportion of lamps is much higher To avoid theft and losses, the accessories identified as a bowl for keeping fat, it is (Tàrrega). FS 162 and 166 it can be said to have a broad blade with a very common type in medieval Vic and the National Museum of Art of From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes than other types of pottery material in the for lighting (known since ancient times) also called cassola in a generic way. MCUT 4658 parallel sides, rectangular in section at Europe and appears in strata dated Catalonia (inventory number 005261- (Tàrrega). FS 164 archaeological levels in Carrer de la Font were fixed to the lamps with chains This bowl, made with the technique Bibliography: COLET et al. (2009: 103-123) the base but rapidly becomes triangular, between the 12th and 14th centuries 000). MCUT 4453 derived from the dumping of pieces and (Zozaya, 1995: 233) or they were hung of oxidative-reductive firing, has a A singular piece interpreted as a lid or sharpened edge along the outside and (Amenós i Loriente, 2013). It is Bibliography: unpublished objects in use up to the moment of being from the belt on rings. This second Roser Miarnau Pomés mainly calcareous structure and golden cover with white glaze on the outside. pointed tip. The centred tang has a hole often accompanied by a long articulated thrown there in the mid 14th century. option, used until the 19th century, Thimble in the shape of a pointed hood, particles visible on the surface, where the The clay is beige with visible reddish in the middle for fixing the handle to, metal plate that can have an embossed These deposits have been linked to the appears in other chronological and decorated with small circular designs outside walls have a yellowish grey slip. particles. The glazed coating is creamy and includes a thick ring-shaped knob decoration on one face. on practically all the outside. Thimbles assault on the Jewish quarter in 1348. parallel to the flat of the blade. This cultural contexts (Un altre Egipte..., 2011: Metal fitting Given its characteristics, this may have white. This model, with parallels in the Metal buckles were used to fasten leather Copper alloy sheet cut and embossed are designed to make it easier to push a latter characteristic indicates an oriental 96, cat. 68). been produced locally. It would have a Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito Islamic world, has been called casquet or fabric belts. Belts, pieces of clothing, First half of the 14th century needle through the fabric when sewing. influence that was a beginning to make The snuffers were used to keep the flame spout opposite the flat-section handle, and Míriam Esqué Ballesta amb visera (cap with visor) (BELTRÁN harnesses, footwear, books or chests This type of thimble has been linked to itself felt in some European countries in burning bright and to scrape off and 2.2 x 0.1 cm which would supposedly have gone DE HEREDIA, 1999: 187). There are were all on the list of objects that could working with leather or plant fibres, such that epoch (mid 14th century) (LAKING, clean the accumulated grease in the bowl From the site at Carrer de la Font, almost from the spout to the middle of the similar pieces to this from Islamic origin, be bound with belts with buckles. The 7-9 (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) as esparto or wicker. Many examples body. The bottom is flat, thicker round made of similar material, in the Lleida 1920: 13-16) and that later, during the of the lamps. The medieval typologies are Lamp th th leather or fabric of the belt was called MCUT 4652 have been found in Andalusia and the the edges and thinner in the middle. As Honey-coloured glazed pottery. 15 and 16 centuries, especially in the mainly in the shape of a punch (Eiroa, area (AMIGÓ et al., 1986: 26). It has a parxe iand had a buckle on one end and Bibliography: unpublished south-east of the Iberian Peninsula, th Iberian Peninsula, would lead to the so- decoration and marling the central body, First half of the 14 century slightly conical profile and inside, an often a clasp at the other. The platons 2006: 72, cat. 54) and hood finished in a mainly dating from the 11th to 13th called ear daggers (FERNÁNDEZ VEGA, , Metal insert in the shape of an open there is an engraved line. Remember that 2.9 x 7.5 x 6.6 cm annular peg to make it easy to fit. The decorative metal plates in various forms, little cutting notch (Martínez i Ponce, centuries (Eiroa, 2006: 74-76, cat. 59- 1935; RODRÍGUEZ, 1964), of which this is 2009: 411). Although these spoons cannot flower with eight petals. It has small in the range of domestic pottery prior From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish handle, a solid spherical knob in the were fixed to the parxe. All the metal 62). Not so many have been found in th a forerunner. The large size of the piece central hole with remains of the tack that to the 15 century most casseroles were quarter, Tàrrega) middle, is missing. It is decorated with elements, including the buckle, were be directly linked to the lamps, there is Catalonia. Examples are the ones in the is not very usual, but it is not strange to attached it to the original support. iron, not earthenware, which does not MCUT 4483 squares made by folding and cutting. gilded and/or enamelled to imitate the no reason to doubt that they could have Museum of History in Barcelona or the find oversized knives or daggers in that been used as snuffers for lamps and to These flower-shaped fittings were very preclude there having been casseroles Bibliography: unpublished It was designed to cover a recipient noble materials that decorated the more Archaeological Archive in Lleida, among epoch, with the idea of skirting the law put out lights, a tool well documented common in the medieval epoch and of the latter material in some places This ceramic piece generally called a for transporting or commercialising luxurious belts (Amenós i Loriente, 2013; which the one found at the old portal de against carrying swords in some places ethnographically that snuffed out the were part of the metal decoration of a (BELTRÁN DE HEREDIA, 1995: 51). llàntia (lamp) but also used as a pot for products. Normally, the products were Maranges, 1991: 72-74). It could be part of Magdalena (15th century) stands out. This or by certain classes of people. Bear in flame when pressed over the burning wide range of objects: chests and other lamp oil. By extension, it is of Islamic sealed with a wooden lid that would have a set with MCUT 4488. thimble has the typical decoration of Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito mind that Jews and Moors often had to wick. The purpose of the little ball on containers, belts, harnesses for horses or influence (ROSSELLÓ, 1991: 174; fit into the mouth of the piece. pairs of concentric circles at the base and and Míriam Esqué Ballesta suffer this type of restriction. Lluïsa Amenós Martínez the other end of the stem is less clear. bindings for books. PARERA, 1998: 119). It has a cylindrical Note that fragments of this piece were the top (RM 1380). The historiography associates rounded Flowers similar to this one in shape body, with a low edge and a pinched Marc Gener Moret found separately in the filling of two appendices with the application of The trade of thimble maker is among mouth. Most of these pieces from the first and size decorate the brass fittings of Lamp mass graves linked to the events of Lamp snuffers (?) creams and unguents. However, we those documented in the various Jewish half of the 14th century were glazed inside numerous love chests, like the one in the Glazed white pottery. Wheel/hand 1348. Similarly to the jar MCUT 4659, its Cast copper alloy must bear in mind other uses not related communities of medieval Catalonia th Colomer Munmany collection (Soler, (in this case, honey-coloured). Within the th (Planas i Forcano, 2009: 87). This First half of the 14 century presence in the necropolis is a unique. Plate First half of the 14 century to cosmetics or lighting, such as loading formal repertoire of pottery pieces, this Cut and engraved copper alloy plate 1994: 175-176, cat. 4). They were also 3.8 x: 10.2 x 8.9 cm 6.3 x 0.6 x 0.6 cm item appeared in a disturbed part of Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito th th the bronze cauldrons or perfumers used to decorate and strengthen the From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish is fairly common in the chronological 13 -14 century FS 164, but possibly would have been th and Míriam Esqué Ballesta From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish that decorated and perfumed medieval leather belts that both men and women quarter, Tàrrega) context of the mid 14 century (AMIGÓ 9.6 x: 1.3 x 0.25 cm among the clothes of a victim of the quarter, Tàrrega) Catalan homes (Amenós, 2013). wore round their waists (Amenós i MCUT 4482 et al., 1986: 33 and 77). Generally, this type From the site at Carrer de la Font, assault on the Jewry buried in this grave. MCUT 4489 Loriente, 2013). of utensil was used for lighting the home. 7-9 (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) Lluïsa Amenós Martínez Bibliography: ESQUÉ et al. (2012: 21-39) Bibliography: unpublished MCUT 4488 These copper-based metal fittings Lluïsa Amenós Martínez The piece of pottery known as a llàntia, The “beak” shows it use for illumination. A piece made up of a straight circular imitated both the designs and technical llumenera or gresol is singular for having Bibliography: unpublished Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito stem that turns into an oval bowl at one Fragment of a love casket solutions their equivalents in gold. That white glaze on the inside. Of clear Islamic and Míriam Esqué Ballesta Set of three overlapping sheets cut end and a small sphere at the other. Embossed brass is why most of them were gilded and/ Key influence, made from a cylindrical following the same rectangular profile Wrought iron The stem, decorated with a concentric Last quarter of the 14th century-first or coated with polychrome enamels to vessel, it has a low edge and a rounded with one end decorated with fleurs-de- th moulding in the middle, conserves half of the 15th century embellish them and protect them from First half of the 14 century lip, and a pinched spout or beak. There lis. The upper and lower plaques have Jar remains of a coiled chain. 10.3 x 8.7 x 0.5 cm corrosion. 5.1 x 2 x 0.9 cm are parallels to this type of archaic White glazed pottery made on a wheel incised decoration on one face. The first The purpose of this item is not sure, but it From the site at Carrer de la Font, From the Jewish necropolis pottery from the 13th century in the city First half of the 14th century has three geometric motifs on a lined Lluïsa Amenós Martínez has clear precedents in the Roman world 7-9 (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) of Les Roquetes (Tàrrega). FS 164 of Barcelona (BELTRÁN DE HEREDIA, 10.4 x 11 x 7.3 cm background, on the inside of the webs (a and parallels with other pieces found in MCUT 4648 MCUT 4653 2007: 152). Oil or another fuel was placed From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes central one, with alternate zigzag bands, other medieval sites (Azuar, 1989: 387- Bibliography: unpublished Bibliography: COLET et al. (2009: 103-123) inside with a wick that protruded from (Tàrrega). FS 162 flanked by two lateral rhombuses). 393). Some of these spoons have been Thimble Clau de lloba made up of a circular eye, the narrow spout. In this case, we can The lower sheet has another rhombus Fragment of brass sheet with a gallant Copper alloy cast with a mould and dotted MCUT 4659 found together with pegs and fixed to a solid shaft and a U-shaped blade. This see the blackening from the burning of engraved, divided into four quarters that scene stamped on it. In this embossed 14th century Bibliography: COLET et al. (2009: 103-123) a ring, like the ones from Marchena was a frequent typology in medieval the wick. Also found honey-coloured, quarters alternate an empty field and a scene, there is a lady standing with a 2.5 x 1.75 cm Earthenware recipient with a wide mouth near Seville, dated from the 2nd century times used to lock chests (Monreal this type of pottery, used for domestic lined one. bow and arrow in her hands. The lady, and cylindrical neck over a globular AD. Given this and other reasons, it From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 and Barrachina, 1983: 245, fig. 97). lighting, has been classified generally This type of sheet that, without being with long flowing locks, is in front of a (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) body and a flat ring for the base. It was has traditionally been associated with around the 14th century. strange in furniture and bookbinding, kneeling knight, in attitude of vassalage, MCUT 4647 It was found with an adult individual designed to hold a range of products, surgical, cosmetic and hygienic uses, who is giving her the bow and arrow. buried in FS 164 and very close to a Although this one is broken, we have has many similarities with the heads of Bibliography: COLET et al (2012: 9-19) both domestic and commercial. It is not although other researchers suggest that The scene is framed between curtains, pile of coins, which indicates that they almost all the fragments. This, also seen belts, especially those that are articulated Conical sewing thimble decorated with whole, but conserves all its profile and they were lamp snuffers (Rosselló, in a private setting, and is inserted must have been kept in a pouch the in other pieces in the levels on this site with cylindrical head buckles. However, dotted motifs in alternating triangular evidence of two handles. The mouth 2002). inside a closed frame below which there dead person was wearing hanging from the mid 14th century, shows the the sheet from Tàrrega does not have the segments. There is a hole (broken) on could have had a spout (not documented) Tweezers were used for both hygiene and is a fragment of an inscription. The from his belt. Coins and small objects sudden breakage of pottery pieces and typical U-shaped notch to facilitate the the top. This was a common object of between the two handles. The jar is lighting. Regarding this second use, it iconography refers to the allegories of were carried in bags attached to the other elements when they were still in movement of the pin, nor the orifices for the times with precedents in the classic glazed on the outside except for the should be remembered that the written courtly love from medieval chivalrous belts (almoiners, purses or carners) everyday use. the parxe (Amenós i Loriente, 2013). world (Oliva, 1964: 437-440) and that co- base. This guaranteed that it would sources from medieval times mention literature (PASCUAL, 2008). (Aymerich, 2011: 77-78 i 205-206). The be impermeable and conserved the It is worth mentioning that the notch is existed with another model in the same Jordi Ramos Ruiz, Iñaki Moreno Expósito two types of accessories: tweezers and written sources also mention percints, contents better. The type of recipient and absent form other similar plaques, like The fragment of brass would have been shape, but with an open top (Démians, and Míriam Esqué Ballesta scissors. The former were used to pull the a type of bag whose shape is unknown the one found in Far Castle (BolÒs part of a medieval love boxes. These 1980: 464). Conical thimbles almost its small size indicate that it could have wick in the lamp to stop the flame from that was used to carry coins. Another et al., 1981: 119-120, fig. 5). The lack of caskets were made of wood and covered the same as this one have been found been used to store precious products, going out. There are many examples as- document from 1459 mentions a leather these elements leads us to think that it with brass sheets stamped with gallant in various sites of similar chronology Lamp although, logically, it could have had sociated with iron oil lamps, a frequent pouch used for the same purpose. A various uses. Apart from holding both could be a partially broken or unfinished scenes. It was part of a Catalan mass (González, 2011: 273-275). A pair was Honey-coloured glazed pottery. typology in medieval Catalan homes and th scene from the altarpiece of Sant Esteve liquids and solids, it has been linked to piece. It could be a set with the buckle production from the mid 14 century found in Voltrera Castle decorated with Made on a wheel and by hand well known through the historical-eth- with an Andalusian formal influence in Granollers, painted by the Vergós’ th MCUT 4661, found in the same context simple floral motifs that still had remains First half of the 14 century the act of “donar aiguamans” (ritual hand nographic studies (Amenós, 2008: 154). (1491-1494), depicts a lady with a bunch of materials dumped as a consequence of formal (PASCUAL, 2005). These boxes of gilding (BolÒs et al., 1981: 182, num. 2.8 x 7.3 x 6.5 cm washing) (BELTRÁN DE HEREDIA, The tweezers were also used to remove of keys and a little bag hanging from her the riot of 1348. were engagement presents for women 121-122, fig. 30). Another decorated one From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish 1999: 197). In many inventories on the burnt wick from the candles. In the belt (Amenós, 2008: 148). Catalan territory, this type of pottery is (DURAN, 1925) or even wedding gifts was found in Cappont (Lleida) (Arxiu quarter, Tàrrega) Lluïsa Amenós Martínez inventory of the assets of Joan de Bor- as a kind of souvenir. Other present, called pitxer or pitxell de terra blanc. th Arqueològic, RM 1418). Lluïsa Amenós Martínez MCUT 4660 ja, Duke of Gandia, drawn up in the 15 such a s jewels, were often kept in these Thimbles were kept in little boxes or Bibliography: unpublished The presence of this item in a funerary century, there is mention of “unes mor- boxes. The love box became a symbol didaleres, a kind of cannon-shaped pouch Pottery piece traditionally called llàntia context (more specifically, one of the dacetes de mocar candele” (Vocabulari of engagement of the couple, like the made of noble materials (Vocabulari (lamp), although also known as gresol mass graves from the attack on the Faraudo: “Mordacetes” and “Mocar”). Biblical Arc of the Covenant symbolises

414 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 415 Key Teruel (CASANOVAS i RIPOLL, 1983: 72 and 75). This piece is the sumptuous at that time. Ornaments made of jet end, or bipolar, from the two ends. They MCUT 4467 The pendant 4467.8 is made up of a Wrought iron PERSONAL AND RITUAL nums. 568 and 570). version of a model that lasted (with with geometric patterns have been are in bad conditions and in a state of Bibliography: COLET et al. (2009: 103-123); silver holder and a very worn stalk of th First half of the 14th century OBJECTS AND CLOTHING The letters, written in a very precise changes) until the 19 century, as shown in Aragonese cemeteries (Hebraica decalcification. Colet et al. (2011: 1021-1024) coral possibly pink or red, in a lozenge 4.8 x 1.7 x 1 cm ELEMENTS hand, are easily read thanks to the by the Judeo-Berber example in the Aragonalia, 2004). The use of coral for There are also four fragments of a The bead 4467.1 is made of vitreous paste shape with four appendices or edges. It From the Jewish necropolis cleaning done to remove the crusts that Sephardic Museum in Toledo (inventory ornaments and amulets at this time is globular bone bead on the necklace. in the shape of a barrel or perforated is severely eroded. It has a small natural of Les Roquetes (Tàrrega). FS 164 had built up on it. However, we are num. 1104/001). widely documented and, in fact there Despite the pieces being broken, the olive. We can see traces of the processes perforation made by an insect or similar. MCUT 4646 unable to identify the name that appears. was an important export trade from polishing technique can be appreciated of casting and slag. Polished all over. It It could symbolise a horn or the shofar Lluïsa Amenós Martínez that the markets of Barcelona in textile on the outside of all of them and the has a transversal hole through it. (horn of sacrifice) of Isaac, that is a call ,(אגרנמ) This is made up of the mnrga (בוניטה) Bibliography: unpublished Ring with the name Boneta Cast and chiselled copper alloy Key made up of a circular eye, a tubular we have not found on any lists. and silk, documented all around the circular grooves left by the drill inside the The pendant 4467.2 is made up of a for repentance or redemption. It depicts 14th-15th centuries barrel and ansd abroken blade. This type Mediterranean, even in the form of balls hole for hanging them with. silver holder and a circular fragment a Hebrew musical instrument that was 1 cm (at the head) x 2.1 cm Jordi Casanovas Miró Earring or headband or globular beads (SALICRÚ, 2005: 309- made from a horn of an antelope or of key was very common in medieval Copper alloy and strung The necklace was found in the individual with a piece of jet decorated with eight From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes 362; FERRER, 2012: 159-193). Most of kid with one of the ends flattened and times for locking furniture (boxes, chests 14th century grave of an adult female. homogenous circles with a central point. (Tàrrega). Funerary structure 2 the traders were Jews or converts who that makes two notes that were used in and coffers). Similar ones have been 3.2 x 2.6 x 0.35 cm The circles are placed concentrically with MCUT 4457 Ring made and exported coral, bound books Mònica Oliva Poveda one in the centre. This type of circular religious ceremonies. It has also been found in other arcaheological sites, such Cast and chiselled copper alloy From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes Bibliography: PIERA (2008) in leather, etc. (TONIOLO, 1997). decorations in has also been found interpreted as a prophylactic amulet as the ones in Esquerda (Desperta ferro!, First half of the 14th century (Tàrrega). Funerary structure 10 This ring, with the name Boneta The necklace was found around the neck in Aragonese graveyards (Hebraica (ESPAÑOL, 2011b). 2006: 121, cat. 20-21). 0.9 cm (at the head) x 2.2 cm MCUT 4645 inscribed in Hebrew ( ), was found in of a child’s body (UE 2222), of unknown Necklace (?) Aragonalia, 2004). On the technical side, The pendant 4467.9 is made up of a Bibliography: unpublished בוניטה The medieval inventories contain various a simple, oval-shaped grave (funerary From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes sex and around seven years old, in grave Vitreous and mineral paste or white stone ND. it shows abrasive grinding or polishing silver holder in the shape of a decorated types of funiture “tancats amb son pany (Tàrrega). FS 164 Earring or hair clasp made up of a Stretched or modelled with a rod structure 2), corresponding to the burial 24. of the surface that has left scratches in all rectangular sheet where a polished e clau”. The keys were kept on rings, MCUT 4455 circle of metal wire, strung with nine 14th-15th centuries of a female aged between forty and forty- directions, from before the decorations, fragment of jet is inserted. This is also on chains with a key at each end or on Bibliography: unpublished little balls, with a hook at one end. It Mònica Oliva Poveda diameter 0.5 cm (vitreous paste beads); nine. The ring was on one of the fingers of done with a pressure mould and finished rectangular with rounded corners. The key rings made from rich solk fabrics was found among the fragments of 0.35 cm (mineral beads) the right hand (PIERA, 2008: 12 and 36- Ring made up of a small circle and a with incisions with a metal tool or punch. silver sheet is decorated with raised dots (Amenós, 2008: 148): a document from round flat head, decorated with a simple the cloth (UE 2154) of individual 2152 From the Jewish necropolis 37). The pendant 4467.3, with the symbol of in lines that interweave and lineal with 1412 mentions “un clauer de seda blava open flower with eight pointed petals. in the funerary structure 10. This cloth Necklace of Les Roquetes (Tàrrega). ENT 65 The ring, together with others in the the hamsa, is made up of a silver holder motifs. The fragment of jet is intensely clara” (Alcover i Moll, 1950-1962). Similar pieces have been found in wrapped the cranium of an adolescent Jet, glass, amber, vitreous paste, MCUT 4461 museums in Teruel and San Juan de silver, coral and bone. Polished/cast and a fragment (possibly of horn) cut polished. This action has left traces all The iconographic sources show keys of archaeological settings from the 13th and of unknown gender, near the remains Bibliography: unpublished Duero, in the city of Soria (the latter, th th and polished. It is decorated with two over the surface in the form of parallel this type strung on cords or decorative 14th centuries, but decorated with other of the collarbone and vertebrae. That 14 -15 centuries This set is made up of circular, disc- from Deza), all found in graves, area eccentric and equidistant circles with a lines that go in all directions. tassels trimmings that hung from the motifs (Eiroa, 2006: 117, cat. 160). is why it was identified as an earring. A Large jet bead. 1.3 x 1.5 cm shaped beads made of vitreous paste a very representative sample of the pint cut in the centre. From the technical The bead 4467.10 is made of rock crystal strap or belt of the preson carrying them similar piece was found among the braid Glass bead. 1.2 cm x 1.1 cm (glass) made from a mixture of minerals rings used by medieval Jews, that were The rings made from copper-based point of view, it has been sanded done and is a squared trapezoidal shape. It (Amenós, 2006: 277, sheet. 17, B and that covered the skull of the body found Large amber bead. 0.85 x 0.7 cm like silicate, sodium and calcium, with made of noble materials in some cases, metals imitated the similar pieces in and has fine grooves from abrasion and has fifteen faces faceted by abrasion and C). The written sources also mention in grave 60 in the Jewish cemetery of Large silver bead. 0.3 x 0.1 cm small quantities of other minerals and like the gold rings found in Barcelona jewellery and often followed their cuts. Les decorations would have been one can see the route taken by the drill metal key rings: a document dated 1331 Montjuïc (Barcelona). The braid, with Large coral bead. 0.65 x 05 cm then heated to a very high temperature. (DURAN i MILLÀS, 1947: 257) and Lleida designs. For this reason, it was frequent done with a pressure mould and then, through the piece. Plans of preparation describes “un corregot de dona ab un silk and gold, was linked to a wimple Bone bead. d: 0.5 cm (restitutible) The colour depends on the percentage of (ROMANO, 1960: 62-63). to apply rhinestones and decorations with cuts done with a metal tool or punch. before doing this perforation, done from clauer de lautó” (Alcover i Moll, (Duran, 1973: I, 645). From the Jewish necropolis silicates and colloidal metals, oxides and of polychrome enamels (Martínez The solver holder is also decorated with both ends, have also been seen. 1950-1962). The design of this ring is similar to MCUT Although this piece has similarities with of Les Roquetes (Tàrrega). ENT 172 salts in the glass and that give it different i Ponce, 2009: 406-407). The metal engraved lines and a circle. 4458, with a widening on the outer face, MCUT 4465 The necklace appeared on a child of Lluïsa Amenós Martínez structure was gilded with techniques other earrings found in Jewish contexts, hues, although its natural colour is bluish also rhomboidal (1 x 1.5 cm), but without The hamsa is a symbol used by many indeterminate gender aged between that ranged from the application of gold there is the possibility that it could be Bibliography: Colet et al. (2011: 1021-1024) green. These pieces are probably made the wavy edges and with decoration cultures and religions from ancient three and four, victim of the 1348 riot dust with mercury, for the higher quality from an ornament applied to clothing, Necklace with beads made of various by stretching or modelling the glass with above and below the inscription that times. It is known from Phoenician-Punic and buried in grave FS 163. The slight pieces, to dyes and fake gold colourings such as a headband (Maranges, 1991: materials. The two globular jet beads are a rod. This technique involves winding Craftwork offcuts resembles a schematised fleur-de-lis. As times in the north of Africa, linked to malformation of the bones on the lower Cut and polished bone (Amenós i Loriente, 2013). 127). The headband is a string of precious made with intense abrasive polishing. molten glass round a metal rod and is usual in this type of ring, there is the the goddess Tanit and surely from older limbs could explain the notable number First half of the 14th century stones and pearls, but, there must There are two types of perforations, done putting in the kiln. All these beads have name without anything else. Jewellery made with copper-based beliefs. It is depicted as a hand with five of amulets on the necklace. Round piece (MCUT 4650). d: 2.6 cm; e: 0.36 cm undoubtedly have been equivalents with with a metal tool. For the half decorated a uniform monopolar transversal hole metals was given the name quincalleria fingers and with the middle finger the The fact that the body was buried with trinkets (Vocabulari Faraudo: “Xapellet”). bead it is bipolar, done from the two ends from this support rod. Mònica Oliva Poveda Long fragments of bone (MCUT 4651). 4.5 x 0.85 (trinkets), a term described in the Spill by longest. Jewish culture calls this the x 0.7 cm; 2.6 x 0.8 x 0.7; 2.2 x 0.8 x 0.8 cm; and 0.7 the ring with the name on it could be a In some illustrations in the Haggadahs of the perforation, and for the whole Note also a circular mineral or white Jaume Roig (1456-1460) (Coromines, Hand of Miriam, referring to the sister x 0.7 x 0.6 cm reminiscence of the old custom of leaving from Barcelona and Sarajevo there are bead, it is unipolar. The large bead is stone ND (marble, alabaster?) bead 1980-1991: VI, 963; Maranges, 1991: of Moses and Aaron, or the fifth hand From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 (Jewish some evidence of the dead person’s name pearly strings that decorate the wimple decorated with four concentric circular made from grinding a fragment down. 127). Trinkets or quincalla (a word or hand of Hamsesh, that links the five Bracelets quarter, Tàrrega) inside the tomb. or even the roll that Jewish women had bands done by pressure and reiterated The hole for hanging it from is 1.5 mm Vitreous paste. Glass stretched and modelled documented in French from the year fingers to the five books of the Pentateuch MCUT 4650 and 4651 to wear on their dresses and chaperons hard polishing. On being fractured, in diameter and was made with a drill 14th century Jordi Casanovas Miró 1268) were produced by local craftsmen (the books of the Torah). In Islamic Bibliography: VALENZUELA and VALENZUELA or imported from other places by the (Mora, 1999: 152). the fossil coal of the old lignite antic (possibly metal). There are parallel lines 4 x 0.5 cm (2012: 51-67) culture, each symbolises one of the is visible. It has been worn and surfed from the polishing all over it and the at From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes trinket merchants or quinquillers. Lluïsa Amenós Martínez fundamental commandments of Islam: impacts, and marks of use are visible on the two ends. (Tàrrega). ENT 66 Round piece: Ring with a name engraved on it It is from a disturbed sector of FS 164, so belief in Allah, the angels, the prophet, the surface and the surroundings of the MCUT 4450 and 4451 Cast and chiselled copper alloy. Bronze we don not know the gender of the body This possible necklace was found in the Quran and the Final Judgement; the Fragment of diaphysis of a long bone th hole it was hung from. The smaller piece First half of the 14 century to which it corresponds. Necklace the tomb of a newly-born child, with five daily prayers; alimony to the poor; Bibliography: Colet et al. (2011: 1021-1024) from a large mammal (bovine or similar) also has marks from use from rubbing 0.9 (at the head) x 2 cm Jet with gold leaf and coral the remains of the bones in a very poor fasting for Ramadan, and pilgrimage to Pair of bracelets in black vitreous paste cut transversally and all surfaces Lluïsa Amenós Martínez in all directions and a shiny patina from From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes incrustations. Polished state, which means we were unable to Mecca. It was used as a personal amulet that take the shape of a twisted cord. polished. The round form was achieved th th reiterated rubbing around the hole. (Tàrrega). FS 164 14 -15 centuries identify its sex or where the piece was in in the form of an ornament and on the Vitreous paste is made from a mixture of with some kind of revolving tool that MCUT 4458 jet beads. d: 1.6 cm The glass bead has twelve faces relation to the body. The number of beads doors of houses as a protective talisman. different minerals. The main component has left circular lines on the surface of Bibliography: unpublished Pair of earrings coral beads. d: 1 cm differentiated by intensive polishing seems to suggest a necklace more than a is silica, which works as a vitrificant. the piece. The surface inside the hole is Copper alloy, cast, threaded The pendant 4467.4 is made up of a From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes that have given it its trapezoidal shape. bracelet. Cast copper alloy ring (possibly bronze) and soldered (with tin?) silver holder and a fragment of red coral Then there is sodium or potassium polished with a maximum diameter of (Tàrrega). Funerary structure 24 There is a hole through it and there are from UE 1141, the result of moving and th Ornaments made of vitreous paste have ground and polished that only retains the carbonate, that act as fluxes, and finally, 1.4 cm, which suggests it may have been 14 century marks from the perforation with a metal mixing of part of FS 164. Accordingly, it MCUT 4460 been documented in burials in Jewish original colour on the part in the holder. other minor components, like calcium, part of a pendant or some other object, 2 x 1.7 x 0.4 cm or stone drill and its route through the cannot be linked to any of the bodies in Bibliography: PIERA (2008); Colet et al. cemeteries all over the Iberian Peninsula. It is shaped like two long protuberances, aluminium, arsenic and magnesium. The more than being a broken button. From the Jewish necropolis of (2011: 1021-1024) piece. There are areas of the surface with Some of the most outstanding ones are the grave, which would have helped us to Les Roquetes (Tàrrega). ENT 131 one more so than the other, from one colour is given by adding metal oxides to interpret the engraved name more easily. Necklace made up of two types of beads. repeated use. also linked to ornaments made of gold, the mixture. At high temperatures, these Fragments of bone: MCUT 4459 branch. There are concretions of the This ring and MCUT 4457, also On one hand, the piece has a set of eight The four globular amber beads are jet, silver and coral in the communities original layer and a resin stuck to the react with the silica producing silicates Fragments of diaphysis of a long bone Bibliography: unpublished described in this catalogue, are definitive beads spherical jet beads, with reticular made from fossil resin. The surfaces of on the Mediterranean coast (HINOJOSA, silver. Technically, it was made by in colours. In the case of the black, from a large mammal (bovine or similar) A pair of earrings made up of a metal confirmation that this was a Jewish decorative motifs. These beads were the beads tend to be rounded, although 2006-2008: 7-45). intensive grinding of the surface of the these could be oxides of iron, cobalt, cut longitudinally and transversally. hoop that ends in a large hooked clip at made by intensive abrasive polishing some have some faces that have been copper or manganese. All this mixture burial ground, although the documents Mònica Oliva Poveda fragment of coral. These fragments are pieces of waste from one end and that hols three small spheres of the fragments against a fine-grained abraded and are irregular. They have is heated to 1000-1300 ºC (melting point) already implied this. The pendant 4467.5 comprises a plain working the bone. They were cut with placed equidistantly. This piece is similar passive support to make them round. bipolar perforations and the grooves left to change from a solid state to a liquid The central part of the ring is in the shape bronze holder bronze and a hamsa made saws and chisels tools. Furthermore, to ones found in the Jewish cemetery of Traces have been seen of the making by the drill can be seen inside the holes. and, later is allowed to cool. The process of a rhombus with wavy edges (0.9 x Necklace OF AMULETS from a flat sheet of silver. the outside face of the bones has been Montjuïc, Barcelona (Duran i MillÀs, of the decorative pattern by cutting There are small fractures or impacts from of solidification is done very slowly and, polished with an abrasive surface. The 1.4 cm). There is a text in Hebrew in the 1947: 231-259; Duran, 1973: I, 644-645). Vitreous paste, jet, horn, coral, silver, bronze, The pendant 4467.6 is made of jet and is with a tool (a flat rod or metal punch). use on the surface. glass and rock crystal when it reaches 500 ºC, and is still soft, similar thicknesses and widths lead us centre along the main axis that seems to However, the earrings from Barcelona triangular in shape with angled corners. Later, each mark was refilled with gold The necklace also has very small, almost Polished/cast/embossed the craftsman starts working it. to think that they could be elements used be a name inscribed in a kind of cartridge. are made from silver alloy and have some It is decorated circles with circles points leaf. On the other hand, the necklace circular solver baubles, done by molten th The bracelets were probably made The triangular part over and under the morphological differences from these, First half of the 14 century cut in the centre. Technologically, in the decoration or fixing of objects has ten spherical coral beads without silver. Its irregularity means the hole for with the technique of stretching and text is decorated with two opposing such as the type of threading with one Bead 4467.1. 2 x 1.2 cm it shows heavy polishing of all the manufactured in a craft workshop. decoration. The technique used to make hanging it is not centred and the surfaces modelling the glass: while still soft, the scrolls that start from the lines of the text, or four balls without soldering (Mora, Pendant 4467.2. 2.4 x 1.8 x 0.5 cm surface which has left traces lines in all them was an intensive polishing of the have little ondulations. There is also a glass is wound round a mould or metal Sílvia Valenzuela Lamas similar to other rings and seals. 1999: 152). A typologically similar Pendant 4467.3. 2.7 x 1.5 x 0.5 cm directions. It is perforated on the upper fragment of coral to give it its final form. damaged elongated piece that could bar of the desired diameter and is then The structure of the band (narrower to earring, but with a single ball, can be Pendant 4467.4. 3.6 x 1.9 x 0.8 cm part transversal lateral and from the All the beads have a central hole to hang have been a tubular bead. left to cool very slowly until it solidifies the sides of the text and then widening to seen in the ear of a lady depicted in the Pendant 4467.5. 2.35 x 1 x 0.5 cm two ends, with a metal tool or drill. The them by, 3 mm in diameter in the case The three circular and globular beads completely. both sides and decorated with incisions) scene of Aaron and the magicians in the of the jet and 2.5 mm in the coral, made Pendant 4467.6. 2.1 x 1.38 x 0.56 cm decorations are made with a mould of pink or red coral are heavily worn Vitreous paste bracelets have been is a very characteristic model from a very Sarajevo Haggadah (Catalonia, c. 1350). with a smooth circular metal drill. La Bead 4467.7. 1.1 x 1.3 cm under pressure or with incisions made and show remains of concretions on documented in the Iberian Peninsula long period of time. Altogether, a very Silver earrings very similar in design to perforation was done from the two sides. Pendant 4467.8. 5.6 x 1.3 x 1 cm with metal punch or tool. the original surface. We have been from the first century AD in Astorga common design, with variants, of which those found in Tàrrega were discovered Pendant 4467.9. 3.5 x 2.1 x 0.6 cm The bead 4467.7 is spherical in shape and The use of jet to make ornaments able to distinguish growth rings of the (Leon) to the 14th. The use of vitreous there are other examples from funerary in the old Jewish cemetery in Girona. Bead 4467.10. 0.7 x 0.6 cm made from white smoked glass. It ha a or amulets is significant among the coral skeleton of the pieces. The central paste to make bracelets was not contexts, like the case of Deza (Soria) and One of these has three balls decorated central hole that was done from the two Jewish communities in the Peninsula perforation is unipolar, done from one From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes restricted to the Iberian Peninsula, as with filigree (La Catalunya jueva, 2002: (Tàrrega). FS 163 ends.

416 ENGLISH VERSION ENGLISH VERSION 417 these were also found in the north of Personal seal with the name written James II’s daughter, there were tin pins documented since 1296, “... ni daurarà must also be made of the finding of Africa in the medieval epoch. Owner: unidentified to fasten her veil: “acubus de lautone alcuna obra de coyre ni de laton, sinó COINS another òbol from the reign of Peter III Findings of glass bracelets from the Copper alloy and chiselled pro firmandis velis” (Martínez, 1953- tant solament botons plans ab baga” in similar circumstances to those of FS Middle Ages are concentrated in 14th-15th centuries 1954: 60). Hairpins were kept in agullers (Coromines, 1980-1991: II, 179). The Coins: diners (three) and òbol (four) 164 (Clua, 2009). Individual findings of funerary contexts, especially belonging 1.8 x 1.85 cm (upper face)/ 1.4 cm (lower face) a kind of cylindrical case that was hung relief of the Appearance of Saint Andrew Billó (alloy of copper and silver). Minted billó coins from the late medieval epoch th th to the religious minorities who lived in Emblem: castle with three towers from the belt and that is cited, among before the Bishop tempted by the Devil, From the mid 13 century to the mid 14 century are fairly common, but being able to the Iberian Peninsula until 1492: the Jews Legend: text in Hebrew around the main emblem other works, in the Spill by Jaume Roig sculpted by Bartomeu de Robió in the Diameter 1.7 cm (diners) x 1.2 cm (òbols) identify sets with such an exact date of (Vocabulari Faraudo: “Aguller”). second half of the 14th century shows “occultation” (involuntary) (around 1348) and Muslims. Unknown origin (Agramunt?). From a private From the site at Carrer de la Font, 7-9 clothes with spherical buttons. (Jewish quarter, Tàrrega) is a new source of information regarding The black bracelets from Les Roquetes collection Lluïsa Amenós Martínez MCUT 4663 the movement of coins in the Lleida area, imitate the colour of jet. Historically, jet MCUT 4425 Lluïsa Amenós Martínez as well as being direct evidence of the has been believed to protect against the Bibliography: unpublished Bibliography: Clua (2011: 1411-1417); Clua evil eye. This quality, together with shape (2012: 41-49) violent events in the town of Tàrrega in Copper alloy seal (possibly bronze), with Pin the summer of 1348. (an endless circle that traps the evil), two circular faces of different diameters Cast copper alloy Fragments of metal braid The stratigraphic finding of coins th supplies first-hand data about the mean that these bracelets have a double joined by central piece with a handhold. 14 century Silver and silk. Metal braid possibly made on a Maria Clua Mercadal loom de tauletes o cartrons circulation of money in everyday life. function: as prophylactic objects and as a This is a seal with main emblem with 2.3 cm x 0.9 cm. 0.1 cm thick (0.25 cm head) th The town of Tàrrega is a good reference, semi-precious object or jewellery. the shield of Castile, which represents a From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes 14 century (Tàrrega). ENT 103 19 cm (the sum of the eight fragments) x 0.8 cm with the systematic study of all the Anna Colet Marcé and Inés Banegas castle with three towers, the middle one, Coins: diners (six) and òbols (two) MCUT 4446 From the Jewish necropolis numismatic material found in the subsoil, Billó (alloy of copper and silver). Minted de Juan higher with stylised windows. As in oth- Bibliography: Colet et al. (2009: 103-137) of Les Roquetes (Tàrrega). ENT 88 such as the materials from Carrer de la From the mid 13th century to the mid 14th century er examples, an inscription, framed by Font (Clua, 2012). some lines, surrounds the emblem. This A pin bent to hold a shroud, its MCUT 4662 Diameter 1.8 cm (diners), 1.3 cm (òbols) Personal seal with type very clearly exemplifies the use of morphology is the same as the one Bibliography: XIRAU (2012: 93-102) Thus, the pieces found in the stratum From the Jewish necropolis the name inscribed common elements among Christians and catalogued in ENT 75. This is a very During the excavation of the individual 2089 from the site at Carrer de la Font, of Les Roquetes (Tàrrega). FS 164 Owner: Isaac Abismel Jews. The latter, in many cases, it only common typology in the medieval epoch ENT 88 in the necropolis of Les Roquetes, -one James I diner from Valencia (1) , two MCUT 4664 James II diners from Barcelona (5 and 7) Cast and chiselled copper alloy differs from the others by the presence that comes from the ancient world, textile remains were identified on Bibliography: Clua (2009: 138-153); COLET et al. and four Peter III òbols from Barcelona (2009: 103-123) 14th century of a Hebrew inscription, as, like in this where it coexisted with the one with a the sternum and ribs of one body, (2, 3, 4 and 6)-, show the prolonged 2 x 0.9 cm thick (with the ring) case, the use of the symbol of the castle is faceted head (Beltrán de Heredia, of indeterminate sex, these being Twenty-two coins were found in different circulation of coins minted in Valencia Emblem: a horned quadruped frequent on a good number of Christian 2001: 226, cat. 281-282). It has remained fragments of a metallic braid. Eight strata During the archaeological work in seals in which the model used can even morphologically the same until the fragments were recovered fragments, during James I’s long reign, as well as the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes. that add up to a length of 19 cm, but the their penetration into the interior of These were diners and half of these, the (יצחק אביסמעל י״א) Inscription: text in Hebrew around the emblem and framed with lines be very similar (FRIEDENBERG, 1992: present. Pins similar to this one, of 107). varying sizes, have been found in diverse total length is unknown as the braid is Catalonia. Together with this diner, òbols, the smallest coins in the monetary Unknown origin (area of Tàrrega). From a the two from the mint in Barcelona in private collection As a very significant aspect of this piece, archaeological sites. Among those very fragmented and part may have system, all minted in the Crown of deteriorated. the name of James II, are notable and Aragon between the early 13th century MCUT 2891 there is a second depiction of the castle, published, the notable ones are from can be linked to the acknowledged and the mid 14th. The pieces found in Bibliography: CASANOVAS (1999: 191-200) without inscription and slightly smaller, Mur Castle (Pallars Jussà) (Lafuente The study of the metal threads shows that i Revilla, 2009: 264, sheet. IV), the the metal sheet is golden on the outside economic progress of the town during FS 164 are outstanding as they could Circular personal seal made of copper at the other end from the handle. The graveyard in the castle of Valencia de but silver on the inside. Although it is full this reign. Mention must also be made be linked top their owner, a male adult alloy (possibly bronze) with an emblem presence of the same motif at both ends Don Juan or the monastery of San Miguel of the presence of four òbols from the (Colet et al., 2009). The small quantity made up of a horned quadruped that seems to responds basically to an aes- of sulphurs and totally blackened, we de Escalada, Leon (González, 2011: royal mint in Barcelona under Peter III, of coins he carried in his pockets or in faces left in the middle surrounded by thetic reason, as it is difficult that this believe that it is silver gilt. Járó (1990) 381). In a Jewish funerary context, there states that no metal thread from the 13th- that place the stratum chronologically a purse that he would have hung from a caption framed with lines. There is a could be interpreted as representing a th are parallels in the Jewish graveyards th in the mid-14 century, which perhaps a key ring, as has been shown by the ring on the back that can have two uses: duality of functions by the owner. 15 centuries is known which has the in Seville (Santana, 2006: 317-330), metal sheet made of pure gold or alloys of confirms the need for denominations finding of a key close to the coins, would to hang it from and to enable the user to th The text of the inscription is damaged in of half a diner due to the so-called 14 - be to cover his everyday expenses in press harder when using it. some points. Not very carefully done, it Valladolid (Moreda i Serrano, 2009) gold. Normally, these were silver gilt. The and Teruel (Floriano, 1926). technical analysis of the fragments has century crisis. The coins from Carrer de 1348. These were four diners struck in Although the la collection of Hispano- starts, as in other cases, with a six-point- la Font, found in sediment with materials There are documents that show a large established a width of the braid of 8 mm the royal mint in Barcelona (1, 4, 5 and 7) Hebrew seals is numerically small, ed star. Various concretions hinder the from a dumping very possibly linked number of pins and needles were and used eleven warp threads de voraviu and the other from the Valencia (2) mint, this personal seal belongs to the most reading and identification of other ele- to the assault on the Jewry in 1348, imported through Barcelona in the mid a voraviu. According to the analyses, la in the name of James I, and the two òbols numerous group. Although not one of ments which we have been unable to in- are evidence of the rise in the findings 15th century, especially for sewing, to metal part contains traces of silver. Of the were minted in Barcelona (3 and 6) under the smallest, it is still not very big. These terpret and that has at times led us to ask of òbols compared with diners in this cover the needs of the local market and three tests performed, only one shows a the authority of Peter III (Clua, 2009). seals were used to validate documents whether this is a bilingual text. What period. The geographic area of Lleida its area of influence, which included the very marginal presence of copper. The Among these coins from FS 164, it is to guarantee their authenticity or to seems most clear is that the end of name is the place with the largest number present-day provinces of Lleida and warp is a silver thread de quatre caps en notable that there are 13th-century indicate ownership of something. Thus, can be seen and that it can be interpreted (Clua, 2011: 1415). th Joshua), followed by “son of”. In Saragossa (Salicrú, 1995: 139). torsion. coins together with others from the 14) יהושע its owner can be considered a person as with a certain weight in the community. the current state of the piece, the rest The braids are trimmings, a group that Maria Clua Mercadal century. This was very frequent given Lluïsa Amenós Martínez the scale of production during James I’s The inscription begins after a six-pointed cannot be read. includes all kinds of ornaments (braids, ribbons, tresses, laces, tassels, fringes, reign I. The presence of the two Peter III star, as was frequent in the epigraphic It belongs to the group of occasional òbols is notable, as it is less common to bands of seals, with the text: “Isaac finds in not very defined circumstances, etc.), made of gold, silver, silk, cotton Coins: diners (nine) and òbol (one) Set of five buttons and wool, which were used to decorate Billó (alloy of copper and silver). Minted find these fractions of diners and these always depending on reports, not always Copper alloy sheet stamped on a mould and יצחק אביסמעל) ”Abismel, que Déu el guardi From the mid 13th century to the mid 14th century examples mark the chronology of the The words that appear after the reliable, of the people who found them. welded. Remains of tin or vermeil (?) clothing and household fittings and .(י״א Diameter 1.8 cm (diners), 1.3 cm (òbols) stratum. Thus, the pieces catalogued name are not very common in these First half of the 14th century furniture, etc. Jordi Casanovas Miró From the Jewish necropolis of Les Roquetes from the graveyard are further evidence inscriptions, although curiously this also 1.1 x 0.8 cm (sphere) These fragments of metal braid have (Tàrrega). FS 166 of the everyday use in the town of appears on the seal of n’Astruc Isaac From the Jewish necropolis been interpreted by the archaeologists MCUT 4665 Tàrrega of the smallest coins struck in the Rosell found near Tarragona (MILLÀS, of Les Roquetes (Tàrrega). FS 161 as possible remains of a tallit or prayer Bibliography: Clua (2009: 138-153) name of Peter III. 1966: 103). On the other hand, Pin MCUT 4449 shawl, a habitual piece of clothing for Cast copper alloy Friedenberg (1987: 30) proposes men, which, over time, became limited Numismatic material was also identified aria lua ercadal th Bibliography: Colet et al. (2009: 103-137) M C M interpreting it in the sense of “long life!”, 14 century to liturgical use. The tallit can be made of in FS 166 in the Jewish cemetery in 5.6 cm long. Diameter 2.5 cm (head), 0.1 cm (pin) Spherical buttons, made of two half- that was then placed after the name of the spheres welded and with a small ring to wool, linen, cotton or silk and it is usually Tàrrega, although this could not be father to indicate that he was still alive. From the Jewish necropolis white with blue or black stripes and the linked to any specific individual, as in of Les Roquetes (Tàrrega). ENT 75 sew them onto the clothes. They were It has not been possible to identify the corners are finished with tsitsit (fringes the case of FS 164. The arrangement MCUT 4448 found under the right collarbone of the owner of this seal among the names of on the four corners of the shawl). The of the coins, forming a cylinder, shows Bibliography: Colet et al. (2009: 103-137) skeleton of a girl, which is why they could the Jews in the Lleida area. One Abraham be from the fastening of the collar of a upper part around the neck and over the that they belonged to a single victim Thin cylindrical metal pin crowned with Avizmel documented in 1356 in Cervera shirt or dress. In that sense, the inventory shoulders, was perhaps made of a piece of the attack on the Jewish quarter in a small ball on the end. It was found next is probably from the same family of King Alfonss V describes “una camisa of cloth sewed to the shawl with silver 1348. Thus, it must be mentioned that to the ribs of the body in ENT 75. This (SECALL, 1985: 287). Muntané (2007: morisca de drap de lin Blanch, ab lo thread, that cpuld have been adorned this finding has no relation with any pre- position, together with the fact that it is with rhinestones (ROMERO, 1998: 122). established funeral rites (like Charon’s 105, note 6) suggests that the names collar obrat [...] ab v botons” (González Abinçamel and Abnasmel, that appear slightly bent in the middle, led us to think Obol), but rather responds to the urgent HURTEBISE, 1907: 188, num. 418). Elisabet Cerdà Durà and Rosa Flor in the documentation and correspond that it could have closed the shroud the need to bury the bodies, still clothed and Although buttons are known from Rodríguez to Jews from Tàrrega (and thus, closer), body was wrapped in (Colet et al., 2009: carrying personal items associated with ancient times, they did no become could be from the same family. 108, fig. 4). the clothing. popular as a decorative element applied More or less decorative pins have The choice of the symbolic element to male and female clothing until In this case, this was a set made up of been one of the most frequent ways responds to the desire to illustrate the the early decades of the 14th century two diners minted in the royal mint used to hold pieces of cloth together, name. In this case, the figure in the (Aymerich, 2011: I, 61, 103 and 159). in Valencia (8 and 10) and three made emblem looks like a ram and would refer wrap up bundles and fasten clothes in Barcelona (2, 3 and 9) in the name of to the sacrifice of Isaac, the owner’s name or accesories (Aymerich, 2011: 491). The simple clothing was fastened with James I; four diners of Barcelona under del titular. Iconographically, it is very Many iconographic and manuscript spherical, semi-spherical or circular the name of James II (4, 5, 6 and 7), and similar to the one that appears on the sources describe their use to fix the metal buttons, often decorated with one Peter III (1) òbol also from Barcelona. seal of Isaac bar Jacob (BEDOS, 1980, bags and other accessories that are geometric or floral patterns, like the ones From this grave, we must highlight the cat. 2,23, 14; p. 224, fig. 23), dated from the hung from belts, or to fasten the veil that found in Voltrera Castle (BolÒs et al., coin with the name of James II, diners early 14th century. women wore on their heads. Among the 1981: 181, num. 118 and 119). Moreover, from Barcelona similar en llei and size possessions of the Princess Constança, some were enamelled or gilded, a custom to the emissions under James I. Mention Jordi Casanovas Miró

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