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Man Wen Dang an Yu Xin Qin

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故宮學術季刊 第二十四卷第二期（民國九十五年冬季） 1 ႕͛ᑫ९ᄃາ୻Ϋ* ለϲᇇ ݣҢ̂ጯ րځᄬ֏ᄃֲ͛ڌ ೩āāࢋ ѣᙯ୻΃ॡഇጯఙࡁܕೀѐؕ΍ன۞ЩჍĂ׎ͅߍ୎ܕĶາ୻Ϋķ˘ෟĂ˜ߏ ઼࡚Ăҭд͟ώٕ׎΁г͞ྵາ۞ࡁտኢ඾̚ٺտ˯۞ࢭາّᔌ๕ĄѩЩෟᔵࢵ֍ ኜкࢋ৵Ă۞ڼຍဦ߽၅୻ഈ௚ٺజଳϡĄѩ˘ጯఙࡁտ۞͹ࢋপّĂ˜дھᇃ̏ ϲ֭ᅳጱ۞ొ̶Ąޙጐგιߏ˘઼࣎̚۞ͳഈĂҭݒߏϤ႕୉ٙٺ׎ߏ඾ࢦ͍ д఺࣎ు႙ԛј۞ጯఙࡁտߛၹ྆ĂΫጯछฟؕಶ઼̚።Ϋͽ̈́༊΃઼̚ϔ୉ ຍཌྷ˯೩΍າᛉᗟĄ˘ਠ҃֏Ăາ୻Ϋͽ߄ጼ႔୉͕̚ኢࢗćགྷ۞ڼ௡ј̚႕୉௚ ᆶෛ።ΫְІࠎ׎ϫᇾĄֽޘϤາ۞ቑёଣ৶࿅Ν)ּтതϔ͹ཌྷ*ć֭ͷϤᙝห֎ ԧࣇ۞።Ϋᄮۢ̚Ąҭߏٺ႔୉۞៍ᕇĂ֭ԯιፋЪܧᖎ֏̝Ăѩ˘ጯఙኝᗟ೬ϯ ߏۢᙊ˯۞ត̼ĂιТॡ˵Ӕனдᄬ֏˯Ăд఺͞ࢬ౵͹ࢋᇾᄫд่่ܧາ୻Ϋ֭ ଳϡ˞႔ᄬͽγ۞׎΁ᄬ֏੃ྶ̝͛ᚥĄϫ݈Ă႕ᄬ͛ᚥߏ׎̚౵ࢦ˯ڱࡁտ͞ٺ ࢋ۞Մफ़Ąдώኢ͛̚Ăԧ૟԰ࢋгᖎࢗ႕୉ᑫ९дາ୻Ϋ۞൴ण࿅඀̏̚གྷणன Ϗֽ̪૟޺ᜈԷႊ۞֎ҒĄٺͷ ᙯᔣෟĈ୻΃።Ϋྤफ़ă႕͛Ϋफ़ă୻΃ΫጯΫă୻΃ᑫ९ă୻΃።Ϋă႕୉።Ϋ * 本文初稿為「文獻足徵—第二屆清代檔案國際學術研討會」（臺北：國立故宮博物院，2005年11月 3~5日）之主題演講。感謝李仁淵先生在中文譯稿上的協助。 2 故宮學術季刊 第二十四卷第二期 ͛३ᑫ९˘ۡӛ͔඾̙Тˠࣇ۞۞عѺѐมĂ୻߆˘ܕҋଂ୻ഈඕՁҌ̫૟ ᄃᘹ͛ࠧˠۏˠڼෞኢ۰ă߆ົۤזᐡࣶăۏќᖟछă౾ۏĂଂ३થăΟڦᙯ ᏷঻˭ֽ۞ăজт໬ঔ۞͛ІĂ˵ѣ΁ࣇعćࠤҌߏౄ৽ຽ۰Ă၆఺ֱ݈୻߆̀ ҋ̎ຏᎸ኷۞ࣧЯĄ༊൒ឰౄ৽ຽ۰ຏᎸ኷۞ࣧЯĂᄃԧࣇᆅჸд఺ಞົᛉ۞ࣧ ЯБ൒̙ТĄ൒҃ԧ̙༰р؈Ăӈֹߏԧࣇ఺ֱ።Ϋጯ۰ĂΞ˵ߏࠎ˞Тᇹ۞ࣧ ఺྆ĉٕ۰఺ᇹᄲĂឰԧࣇᆅჸѩг۞ߏӎಶߏ࠹Т۞୻΃ᑫ९ĉЯࠎጐგזЯ ԧࣇ˘ᇹౌ၆୻ഈѣᎸ኷Ăԧࣇலౣᄃ఺ֱᑫ९ЧҋѣЧҋ۞ᙯాĄԧ่̙֭ߏ ѩ̙Тęᔵ൒఺˵ߏְكᄃҋ̎࠹ᙯ۞ᑫ९Ă҃఺ֱ࠹ᙯ۞ొ̶זᄲԧࣇΪ࠻ ၁Ąԧຐᄲ۞ߏĈԧࣇ่̙ߏֶೈ඾Чҋপؠ۞ྮश֕ˢ͵ࠧЧ፟ၹٙќᖟ۞୻ ԧࣇڍ΃͛३ᑫ९̚Ă҃Հࢦࢋ۞ߏĂԧࣇ˫ᐌ඾Чҋপؠ۞ྮश֕˞аֽĄт ୻ഈᑫ९âтЧ჌׎΁۞ᑫ९˘ᇹĂ่̙Ϊߏ͛३၁វ۞ᓁ׶Ğٕ۰఺ֱצତ ͛३ะវ۞х෬̝఍ğĂ҃Հߏ˘࣎хдԧࣇ͕̚ଣྙ࿅Ν۞఍ٙĂߏ˘࣎੃ጸ ၹ඾ҋ̎፾˘൑˟۞ᑫޙពгĂԧࣇЧҋځޝԛ๬ͷజࢦາԛ๬۞г͞Ă֤ᆃ ඾Ă՟ѣ׌Њᑫ९ົߏ࠹Т۞Ąק९Ą఺˵ຍ ᝘ֽ˵ధΟَĂ൒҃ԧᄮࠎĂଂԧࣇՏ࣎ˠౌߏͽЧҋ۞͞ёдڱ఺ᇹ۞ᄲ ።Ϋ͛३֤჌זৌ၁ّߏΞͽቁؠ۞Ąଂវᄮ۞ڱ३ᆷ።Ϋ۞఺ᕇֽᄲĂ఺࣎ᄲ ൒̿੓Ą֤ڵ˧ˠ̙щ۞ăТॡߏ඄˫ߏ၌۞ᗕࢦّኳ༊̚â჌౹ౄّ۞ૺ΄ ߏଂ఺჌ૺ˧༊ܮᗔᓏă֤ҲӤă֤ૺ˧ώ֗͞ߏ౵ৌ၁۞ᑫ९Ă҃ԧࣇ۞።Ϋ ࠎҋ̎൴ᓏĄڱኚϠĄтТ̂छ҅ሢਕྎ۞Ă።Ϋ͛३ώ֗ߏజજ۞Ă൑̚ ϲ੓Ķ୻΃ᑫ९׍ѣкᇹّޙԧ̝ٙͽଂ఺྆ฟؕԧ۞ኢᕇĂߏЯࠎԧᄮࠎ гЇϤԧࣇٽണᐩĂΞͽᅅـࢦࢋĄᑫ९̙֭ߏ൑Ϡ׻۞࿅ޝهᄃϠ׻˧ķ۞ໄ ౷ă̶ᙷᄃೢᏴĄᑫ९ߏ߿۞Ăιᄃॡ҃ዏă՟ѣࠧቢͷត̼кბĄ༊ԧࣇዦ̷ ώѨົᛉ۞ኢ͛Ăٕ۰ࢼᒟፋ࣎˼ត༱̼˫·႕኏ࡎ۞Ϋጯኢ඾ॡĂ˯ࢗ఺ᕇᜓ Ăౌͽ୻ഈ۞ᑫ९͛३ઇ̶ొ˘̂ޝன۞Հࠎព඾Ą҃఺ֱ඾үБొĂٕ۰ᄲܑ ׎̚ăٕ۰ᄲԧࣇڦࠎૄᖂĄԧ̝ٙͽૻአᑫ९۞Ϡ׻˧ᄃкᇹّĂ఺ֱԧࣇԸ ޢߏາ۞።Ϋᆷү̙ᕝՀϠ۞ࡦܮώ֗ӈࠎ׎̚˘ొЊ۞পኳĂߏЯࠎ఺ֱপኳ Я৵Ąٕ۰ѣˠົซ˘ՎؼҩѩኢᕇĂᄮࠎՏ࣎າ።Ϋ۞΍னౌᅮࢋາ۞ᑫ९Ą д఺ቔኢ͛̚Ăԧٕధົͅ࿅ֽᄲĂ͹ૺՏ࣎າᑫ९ౌᅮࢋ˘࣎າ።ΫĄ҃д఺ ϲд୻ഈ۞႕͛ᑫ९̝˯Ąޙቔ͛ౢ̚ԧٙᄲ۞າᑫ९Ăӈ ᇹᄻĂι۞൴ण۞זдώ͛̚Ăԧ૟ೡᘱ఺࣎າᑫ९۞ᇹᄻĂٕ۰ߏԧٙ࠻ 滿文檔案與新清史 3 ᆃгՎĄԧ૟ࠎ̂छаᜪଂ఺ֱາᑫ९̚ᔞϠ۞າ።̦ז࿅඀Ăͽ̈́னд൴ण ΫĂ҃дඕኢ఍Ăԧχზᖎൺ۞੅ኢѩາ።Ϋಶԧࣇநྋ୻΃Ϋٕ˘ਠ҃֏۞̚ ΫֽᄲĂ׎ٙ׍ѣ۞ࢦࢋຍஉĄ઼ ˘ă႕͛ᑫ९ үഇมܲх˭ֽ۞ᑫ९༊̚Ăࡗѣ׌Ѻྻعࡔ୻߆͵˩˟ז˛˩д˯˼༱І ༱ІĂӈࡗѺ̶̝˟˩۞ּͧĂБొٕొ̶ͽ႕͛३ᆷĄ׎̚Βӣ˞ЧёЧᇹ۞ Ϋफ़ĂтݶၦăᏞўăࡔᐂă༫ᅛăΫቇăˠְ੃ᐂă૳ϫඈඈĄೀͼՏ࣎୻߆ ͛३ೀͼ۞ܝă̙ТॡഇĂѣֱొܝѣ႕̳͛͛३ćᐌ඾̙Тొౌܝ͹ࢋొ۞ع Бొͽ႕͛३ᆷĄ1 ચߏͽ႕͛఍ந۞ְ͞ء۞̶ొعͽֽிٙ࠰ۢĄ୻߆˳ܜ఺ֱΫफ़۞хд ˠ͌ޝĂ҃ͷޘ఺ְ࣎၁༊൒̙ߏ̦ᆃ৪૜Ąӈֹ՟ѣˠۢ྽տౣቁ̷۞ֹϡ඀ ᄬ֏̝˘Ăপ͞ءਕ᝝ᑖĂҭߏ̂छౌۢ྽႕͛͛३അజֹϡĄ႕͛ߏ୻ഈ׌჌ অ۞႕͛фϓд༊ॡ۞઼̚ᐌ఍Ξ֍ĂΒ߁дᅚ᏿఺჌౵૱ֹϡ۞ఱ။˯Ăౌ័ ѣ႕͛фϓĄҌ͌дፋ࣎˩ˣ͵ࡔĂ୻ԗͽ႕႔׌჌ᄬ֏࿴Ҷ͹ࢋ߆३Ăͷ̳ฟ ࣶౌజࢋՐࢋጯ௫႕͛Ăͷሢۢ୻ԗྻүءгૻአჯ޺႕͛ਕ˧۞ࢦࢋّĄ੼৺ ܝဈొءߏ૟̙ТܮಏҜདϡ۞ˠĂ΁ࣇ۞઱˘̍үĂعˠౌۢ྽Ăధкజ߆۞ ͛३ଂ႕͛ᖙᛌј႔͛Ăٕଂ႔͛ᖙᛌј႕͛Ąࠎ˞႕֖఺ֱˠࣶ۞ᅮ۞ֽـม লሬᇄౌΞז३ĂឰЇңˠڱΞ៍ᇴณ۞ᙜ׏ă͘Ίᄃ͛˞ۍથ΍ۍՐĂΔִ΍ ዦᜓᏴᔉĄᔵ൒˩˝͵ࡔ۞઼͛̚ˠᄮࠎ႕͛۞ֹϡు႙਽ੜĂҭѩ͵ࡔ˭Ηཧ ࣶม۞Ϲঘ໛఼Ąءᄃ୻ഈٺҘ͞ˠĂ̪൒ᛇ଀ᑖ଀႕͛ѣӄ۞઼̚זֽ Ă఺ֱᖞͳഈ۞႕͛͛३ฟؕд̝݈̙അ΍ன࿅۞ޢඕՁ̝ڼߏ༊୻ഈ௚ٺ г͞΍னॡĂ՟ѣˠົᛇ଀؈َĄ࠹ͅ۞Ă఺ֱྤफ़ଂ1910ѐ΃ฟ̳ؕฟ߹็Ă 1920ᄃ30ѐ΃Ăౌព଀тѩநٙ༊൒Ą఺ߏЯࠎĂ౹ౄ఺ֱ͛३۞זͷ޺ᜈ߹็ ৩Ԕ̙̏ೇхдĂ఺ֱ͛३၆઼छ˜ҌЇңˠ̙̏ГѣϡĄপҾߏιࣇͽᙱڼ߆ ε߆Ăߏጱ࡭༊˭઼๕౗л۞͹Я۞عͽᏰᙊ۞ள୉͛фᆷјĂ҃༊఺࣎ள୉߆ ĄГۏॡĂᔘѣኡົ၆఺ֱ͛३ѣᎸ኷ĉ̂छҋ൒ߏຐᕚ௲఺ֱ൑ϡ۞݈ഈ᏷̝ 1 對這些資料更完整的回顧請參見Mark C. Elliott: “The Manchu-Language Archives of the Qing Dynasty and the Origins of the Palace Memorial System,” 1-70. 4 故宮學術季刊 第二十四卷第二期 ξ۞ූٺߏ఺ֱజୢٺϔ઼ॡഇૻ̂۞ϔ୉ຍᙊֹ଀ˠࣇ̙Гጯ႕͛Ăٺ۰ĂϤ ࠎγ઼ˠٙ෴ΝĄ2 ੵ˞͌ᇴּγĂд఺࣎ॡഇΪౌޢЊ౵ొ˘̂ޝ႕͛ྤफ़ѣ ѣ˘ֱ͟ώᄃለ߷ጯ۰၆ќะᄃࡁտ఺ֱ႕͛३ᚱᑫ९ѣ˘ֱᎸ኷Ąкᓪ΁ࣇĂ ଂд୻ԗ۞ࡠ᎘ົି̀ฟؕ۞႕͛ࡁտ็௚଀ͽᚶᜈĄ఺ֱ˟˩͵ࡔ̚ཧ̝݈۞ ።Ϋ֭՟۞ޢ႕୉ˢᙯ̝ٺጯ۰Ăጐგ΁ࣇ̝̚ѣధкˠ۞႕͛ౄྔࠤָĂҭ၆ ޺ᜈֹ̪ޢᎸ኷ĄЯ҃тТ଀˞εጸা˘ਠĂ၆႕͛അд˩˛͵ࡔ̚ཧ۞̂ޝѣ ϡ۞੃ጸΞᄲౌజ٠ΝĄ ෱Α͈ጯ௫႕͛Ꮈ኷৿৿Ąྫྷѩॡ܅୻Ϋጯ۰၆۞ܐ఺ᇹ۞ᒖဩឰ˟˩͵ࡔ ೀͼ̙хдĄז୻ഈ႔͛͛३ᑫ९ͧ੓ֽĂ႕͛ྤफ़Ξͽᄲ͌۞ۍഇ̂ณበᚷ΍ ˞଀۞႕͛ྤफ़Ă˵఼૱ߏүࠎ႔͛ᑫ९۞ઘώ΍னĂ҃఺Հጱ࡭פໂ͌ᇴΞͽ ჌೼࿆۞ј֍Ăӈᄮࠎੵ˞1644ѐ̝݈۞ѝഇΫफ़̝γĂٙѣ۞႕͛ྤफ़ౌТ˘ ώĄ҃Ω˘჌೼࿆۞ј֍Հΐૻ˞Ķጯ௫႕͛՟ѣυࢋķۍॡхд඾࠹၆ᑕ۞႔͛ Ăᐌ̝ᄃ႔ˠТ̼Ă֭ͷಉε˞ᄃ႔ˠ࠹̶ޢĄӈᄮࠎ༊႕߷ˢᙯ̝ڱ఺჌ຐ۞ ˘ёώኳ˯ౌྫྷ႔ˠ͞ڼຐᄃ௚ޥĂߊ൒႕߷ˠ۞ڱҾ۞ડ࿣ຍᙊĄֶፂ఺࣎࠻ िᄃ៍ੈ۞זΫछд႔͛ྤफ़̚Ա̙זΞਕԱ̙ܮᇹĂ֤ᆃଂ఺ֱ႕͛ྤफ़Ă ෱͕˧Νጯ௫႕܅Ă֤˫ңυܮᕇĂ҃ߊ൒႔͛̂छౌᑖ଀Ăͷֹϡ੓ֽтѩ͞ ၁ĄЯְ۞ځజᄮࠎߏ൑ืᙋౌ˵ڱ͛ĉӈֹ၆ᑖ଀႕͛۞ጯ۰ֽᄲĂ఺ֱຐ ѩĂଂЇң˘ࢬֽ࠻Ăд఺࣎ॡഇĂࡶฟؕຐࢋᒢྋ୻ഈăٕᆷֱѣᙯ୻ഈ۞ Ăዦ᝝႕͛۞ਕ˧ౌ̙జ༊үߏυ౯۞୧ІĄ3ְ ฟؕᖼតĄѣ኷۞ߏĂ఺࣎ᖼតೀͼТၙၙޘ൒҃ଂ1970ѐ΃ฟؕĂ఺჌ၗ ႕͛дࡁזຍڦॡдᄂ៉ă઼̂̚ౙᄃ͟ώ൴ϠĄдᄂ៉ĂౘଥАᄃఄР൴ࢵА ٙќᖟ۞୻ഈᑫ९֭ฟؕੰۏ።Ϋ۞ࢦࢋّĄ΁ࣇд൴ଧ߇झ౾̝ޢտ႕୻ˢᙯ ۍٙѣ႕͛ᑫ९ౌѣ႔͛ܧğ۞ॡ࣏Ă൴ன֭ۍĞ఼૱ᄃᇆώ˘੓΍ۍ૟̝΍ Įझ̚ᑫ૵Ⴇഈݶ۞ۍБ൒൑ϡĄ1977ѐ߇झ΍ܧώĂ҃ᑖ଀႕͛၆Ϋछֽᄲ֭ ͵੒ᚥĄᔵ൒఺Բᑫ९̙ߏௐ˘Բય̂ޝѣڱၦįௐˣăௐ˝ᏭĂ၆Լត఺࣎࠻ 2 對這個主題參考：Mark C. Elliott and James Bosson, “Highlights of the Manchu-Mongolian Collection,” 80. 3 「即使是清朝初期，幾乎所有的滿文資料不是由漢文翻譯而來，便是已翻譯成漢文。對研究清朝 中晚期的歷史學者來說，滿文史料或許有用，但非必要。」Joseph F. Fletcher, “Manchu Sources,” 145. 滿文檔案與新清史 5 ႕͛ᑫ९ߏ1971ѐ׌ѺዶІ۞ޢഈ̝ڼึ۞ۍ႕͛ᑫ९Ğௐ˘Բ΍۞ޢ̝ڼึ۞ ࿥ϒ័۞ۍ߶͛ऱ1972ѐ΍ڌѐᘵಜ႕͛ݶၦğĂ4 ҭ̙ߏѐᘵಜݶၦĂ˵̙ߏ۞ ຍĄ่̙ఄР൴ͽ׎̚ڦ۞ھࡓၮᑫĂ5 ҃ߏ఺˘Բᑫ९Ăௐ˘Ѩ͔੓Ϋጯࠧᇃ በįĂ6 ҃ќᐂдĮझ̚ᑫ૵ܐ౵ѣ኷۞˘ֱᑫ९ĂᖼԨᖙᛌࠎĮ୻΃໤ጧႬΫफ़ ІᇆώĂ˵ᇆᜩ˞͟ώΫछܫ੅ጧႬ̜ॡ۞႕͛فႧഈݶၦįௐˣă˝Ꮽ̚૵Ⴇ ĂڍϑįĄ7 ଂዦ᝝఺ֱјܫ۞ޓགྷ׏඾үĮ૵Ⴇ࠱ۍϣࡻσĂឰ׎д1979ѐ΍ت ͽ̈́ଂౘଥА۞Į႕͛୻၁ᐂࡁտįă8Į႕͛୻ώࡔࡁտį9 ̚Ăጯ۰ࣇฟؕΞͽ ።Ϋ˵࠹༊ѣϡĄ۞ޢĂ႕͛Մफ़၆ࡁտ႕୻ˢᙯ̝ז୻຾۞ᒢྋ ٢๒˞˘̈ཏѐᅅă҃གྷ࿅˵ࡗдТॡĂд઼̂̚ౙ۞Δִௐ˘።Ϋᑫ९ᐡ পҾ੊ቚ۞૞छጯ۰Ă඾͘ፋந˘Ϋᐡ۞႕͛ќᖟć఺ֱќᖟ̚Ăѣֱొ̶Ξᄲ ׌ˬѺѐֽౌ՟ѣˠତᛈ࿅Ąд1980ѐ΃ѝഇĂ༊ௐ˘።Ϋᑫ९ᐡฟؕШጯఙࠧ ࢋᕩΑ̶ొ̂ޝĂ႕͛ᑫ९۞ࢦࢋّд઼̚˵ు႙జវᄮĄ఺ޢ׎ొ̶ᐡᖟٸฟ ٺ1981ѐ౹Ώ̝າഇΏĮ።Ϋᑫ९į˯Ώྶ۞႕͛Ϋफ़ᖙᛌĂͽ̈́׎΁тฟؕٺ ݡĄдፋ࣎ˣŒѐ΃Ă൑ኢдᄂۍ1978ѐ۞Į୻΃ᑫ९Ϋफ़ᕍበįඈপҾ۞΍ ႕͛үࠎ୻Ϋࡁտ̝ጯఙᄬ֏۞ࢦࢋّĂฟؕѣ෸ֽٺă઼̂̚ౙٕ͟ώĂᙯ៉ ΍னĄځ෸кᙋ ႕͛Մफ़ࢦࢋّ۞ВТЯ৵Ă͹זт˯ٙࢗĂᄂ៉ᄃ઼̂̚ౙጯࠧు႙វᄮ ԣгᖼត˞Чгጯ۰ࡁտ୻ޝѐֽĶаᕩᑫ९ķ۞ᔌ๕Ă҃఺࣎ᔌ๕ܕࢋߏЯࠎ Ϋ۞͞ёĄԧ˵ԓ୕ΞͽᄲĂ݈ࢗϤѩĶаᕩᑫ९ķᔌ๕ጱ͔΍ֽ۞ăࢦາវᄮ Ăౄј۞ࢦ̂ᖼតĂΞឰధк఺࣎ᅳા۞ጯϠฟؕጯ௫႕ه႕͛ࢦࢋّ۞າໄ тѩĄੵ˞д͟ώೀ࣎ࢦࢋጯܧ͛ĂͽഇΞͽྻϡд΁ࣇ۞ࡁտ˯Ą൒ְ҃၁֭ ఙ͕̚۞ࡁտϠࢋጯ௫˘ѐͽ˯۞႕̝͛γĂ൑ኢдᄂ៉઼ٕ̂̚ౙĂౌϏഅॲ ώгෞҤ࿅૟ጯ௫႕͛ৼˢ౾̀঱੊ቚ˘ొЊ۞υࢋّĄጐგд׌гౌѣֱ׍ѣ ᐍჟৠ۞ˠĞΒ߁Δִ̚δϔ୉ጯੰͳᔨᎰ۞˘ֱጯϠğՙؠጯ௫႕͛Ă൒݂҃ 4 國立故宮博物院故宮文獻編輯委員會編，《年羹堯奏摺專輯》三冊。 5 神田信夫等編，《鑲紅旗．雍正朝》。 6 莊吉發譯注，《清代準噶爾史料初編》。 7 岡田英弘，《康熙帝の手紙》。 8 陳捷先，《滿文清實錄研究》。 9 陳捷先，《滿文清本紀研究》。 6 故宮學術季刊 第二十四卷第二期 Ұࢍ൪ࢋࡁտ˩˛͵ࡔ݈ΗഇνΠ۞୻ܧវ˯ᄃ̝݈࠹ТĈੵ̂ޘ၆႕͛۞ၗ ΫĂҰ̙ϡፉ͕႕͛۞યᗟć҃ጐგѣᄃҰ͹ᗟ࠹ᙯ۞ࢦࢋՄफ़ͽ႕͛ᆷјĂҰ ώಶΞͽ˞Ąᖙᛌд႕͛ᑫ९ٙ̚Էႊ۞֎ҒߏΩۍϡፉ͕ĂЯࠎҰϡ႔ᛌ̙˵ ˘࣎ኝᗟĂൾޢԧ૟Гаᐝ੅ኢĄ Ąд1970ѐ΃Ă೼࿆ၙޝԼត۞˵ޘд઼࡚ĂтТд઼̚˘ᇹĂ၆႕͛۞ၗ ˞זߏᄮࠎĂੵ˞ࡁտ࠹༊ѝഇ۞୻ΫͽγĂ՟ѣυࢋጯ௫႕͛Ą൒̪҃ڱ࠻۞ ႕͛ࢦࢋّ۞ੈिฟؕࠎጯࠧٙۢĄͽ׎ࡁտ࢕፟఍۞үݡٺഇĂᙯܐ1980ѐ΃ Ąдсۏ઼࡚ጯࠧ۞ࢦࢋˠזჷЩ۞Ϩ૽ළĞBeatrice Bartlettğߏ૟ѩੈि็྿ ߏ႔͛ᑫ९۞่ܧซҖ۞ࡁտ࿅඀̚Ăс൴ன˞႕͛ᑫ९඗ੰۏ߇झ౾ٺ̶ొ̂ сᄃఄР൴޺ᜈ۞Ϲೱຍ֍Ąд1985ѐΏ΍۞˘ቔ͛ౢٺઘώĂ҃఺ొ̶ࢋᕩΑ ༊̚Ăсۡତౘࢗ఺࣎ኢᕇĈ 關於清朝滿文檔案廣為接受的認識是：以研究歷史課題來說，清史學者 幾乎沒有必要去學習滿文、或者使用滿文史料。……然而與現今的看法 相反……許多清朝中葉甚至晚期的滿文檔案，從未被翻譯成漢文。未來 的清史學者應該會清楚地發現學習滿文相當值得。10 ఺࣎າੈिᙋ၁˞Joseph FletcherĞᄃϨ૽ළܲ޺ᓑᘭğೀѐ݈̖ᄲ۞Ĉ ࢋઇௐ˘߹۞ᑫ९̍үĂυืࢋጯ௫႕͛Ă֭ڍĶଂனдฟؕâ࣎୻Ϋጯ۰т ͷགྷ૱ͧྵᄃ׎ࡁտ͹ᗟ࠹ᙯ۞႕႔Ϋफ़Ąķ11 ᑫ९̝ĶዩፁିצϨ૽ළ۞͛ౢ൴ܑ࡚̚ᙯܼ̏ϒ૱̼̝ᅫĂ఺ឰࡁտϠତ ֈķ۞఺Іְ่̙ΪߏΞਕĂ҃ՀߏυࢋͷΞҖĄྤஎጯ۰ࠤҌՀѣ፟ົଂ఺າ ႕͛ᑫ९࠹၆ֽᄲᇴณࠤ຋Ă఺ֱᑫ۞ۍฟ൴۞ࡁտݵ፟̚ᒔৈĄЯࠎӈֹ̏΍ ዦĄҭߏĂтТдᄂ៉ᜓٽ९னдౌΞдᄂ៉ăΔִᄃᕬว۞ೀ࣎͹ࢋќᖟ఍ᅅ ᇹĂд઼࡚ࡁտ୻Ϋ۞ጯϠ֭՟ѣଷ੓ጯ௫႕͛۞ࢲሗĂЯ˘ڶᄃ઼̂̚ౙ۞ଐ Ӏϡќᖟд఺ֱг͞۞႕͛ᑫ९ĄҬͼߏ̂छౌд៍୕Ăຐ࠻࠻ᑖڱѩ΁ࣇ˵൑ ଀႕͛ߏӎৌ଀ΞͽԼត΁ࣇ၆୻ഈ۞៍ᕇĂឰ΁ࣇ۞୻Ϋࡁտѣ̙ٙТĄ 10 Beatrice S. Bartlett, “Books of Revelations: The Importance of the Manchu Language Archival Record Books for Research on Ch’ing History,” 33. 11 Joseph F. Fletcher, “Review of Walter Simon and Howard G.H. Nelson, Manchu Books in London: A Union Catalogue,” 653. 滿文檔案與新清史 7 ăາ୻Ϋ۞ទᏭ˟ ଂ൴ன႕͛ᑫ९่̙Ϊߏ႔͛ઘώĂ҃ώ֗ӈၹј˞ࡁտ୻Ϋ۞፾ϲՄफ़۞ ព҃ࢦࢋ۞યᗟ͔ҩ˞΍ֽĈ఺ֱᑫ९ᄲ˞̦ᆃĉՀࢦࢋ۞ߏĂιځкޝ఺ᕇĂ ࣇᄲ˞̦ᆃ႔͛ᑫ९՟ᄲ۞ְĉࠤٕĂߊ൒႕͛ߏтѩᄃ႔̙͛ТĂӈֹдܑࢬ д႔͛̚൴ڱ࠹၆ᑕ۞͛І̚Ăιࣇࢋтңࢗᄲ࠹Т۞ְĉѣңᔳ຋̝ள൑˯ ԧࣇฟؕዦ᝝΁ࣇͽҋ̎۞ᄬ֏३ᆷ۞͛ІăଂҌ̫Քᐵ൑ᓏ۞႕߷֤ڍனĉт ҋ࿅Ν۞ֽז൒ॏ॓نࢬ೩યĂԧࣇ၆୻ഈ۞៍ᕇົтңԼតĉ఺ಶтТԧࣇ˘ ٺາᐛதă൴ன࿅Ν۞Ω˘჌ᓏࢰĂ҃఺ֽ࣎ҋ࿅Ν۞າᓏࢰΞͽۡତ၆Ч჌ᙯ ߏၹј˞ன̫ٙᏜĶາ୻Ϋķ۞ૄܮ႕߷ᄃ୻ഈ۞າયᗟ೩΍аᑕĄ఺ֱયᗟĂ ᖂĄ൒҃Ă఺ֱາ۞યᗟߏ̦ᆃĉଂңֽ҃ĉ҃Ķາ୻Ϋķ۞ຍཌྷ˫дࣹ྆ĉ ˘۞˭ᖎಏ۞ᄲĂԧᄮࠎາ୻Ϋ۞͹ࢋপᕇߏĂ̂छౌᄮৌгࢦҤ̂୻߆௚ ৩ԔߏᄃĶ୻ഈߏ˘઼࣎̚۞ͳഈĂҭТॡϺߏڼࢋ৵Ă҃পҾߏ඾ࢦ఺࣎߆ֱ ķ۞ְ၁࠹ᙯాĄາ୻Ϋ̙ᙒј૟୻ഈ่ෛࠎߏ˫˘࣎ڼϲăٙ௚ޙϤ႕߷ˠٙ ഈ࠹ϼĂ่ߏдܑࢬ˯ѣ˘ֱԼតĄ൒҃າ୻Ϋ۞ځͳഈĂٕ۰ᄮࠎ୻ഈᄃ઼̚ ።Ϋ඾ү۞˘ֱૄώ̝ק߄ጼ˞઼̚ϔ୉͹ཌྷăͽ̈́૲ѣϔ୉͹ཌྷຍ̏ڱ఺჌࠻ ֱ˘˞ѩ೩΍ٺ໤݋âֱкᇴ˟˩͵ࡔன΃઼̚Ϋ඾үٙᏲೈ۞໤݋Ąາ୻Ϋ д઼̚።Ϋ˯۞ຍཌྷĂТॡ˵ᄃ઼̚ன΃ϔڼયᗟĂ఺ֱયᗟ่̙੅ኢ˞႕߷௚ Ă႕˭ڶ୉઼छ۞ԛј࠹ᙯĄ҃׎׌࣎͹ࢋયᗟߏĈௐ˘Ăдˠᇴтѩං͌۞ଐ ႔ˠ௚ܧĉௐ˟Ă୻ഈࠎ႕߷ˠ҃ڼ߷ˠтң၆тѩኑᗔ۞߆វჯ޺఺ᆃ˳۞௚ ఺ᕇĂ၆઼̚ă઼̚ˠϔͽ઼̈́̚።Ϋୃֽࢗᄲѣ̦ᆃमள̝఍ĉ఺ֱૄώયڼ ᗟౌ̙ߏາ۞ĂࠤҌΞᄲ၆Տ࣎୻Ϋጯछֽᄲౌ̏ߏགྷ׏યᗟĂҭ၆Ķ႕߷ˠߏ Ą఺ֱϒߏ͔ጱ΍Ķາֽז̏ג҂఺ֱયᗟ۞ॡޥኡķ۞ࢦາវᄮĂϒពϯࢦາ ୻Ϋķ۞ૄώኝᗟĄ ధѣֱˠົ̙Тຍ˯ࢗ၆Ķາ୻Ϋķّኳ۞ೡࢗĂ҃ᄮࠎ఺ᇹ۞ؠཌྷ͉࿅˵ ĞԧҬͼдّ̣ٸฟ۞ޘব৫Ąቁ၁Ă఺࣎࠹၆҃֏ྵາ᎖۞ෟຉ̪ܲ঻ߙ჌඀ ιğĄ൒҃˯ࢬזݡ˯࠻ۍѐ݈ௐ˘Ѩֹϡ఺࣎ෟຉĂ҃׌ˬѐ݈ฟؕдϒё΍ ٙᄲ۞ߏ̫͟ԧຐࢋ੅ኢ۞ؠཌྷĄ 1980ѐזຐ੓໚Ăԧຐ޽΍׌࣎͹ࢋሗ߹Ă׌۰ౌΞͽ੠໖ޥາ୻Ϋ۞ٺᙯ ഽ̷Ąд઼̚ࡁտ۞ᅳ۞ڱ΃Ą׎˘ֽҋధкѐᅅጯ۰၆Լតࡁտ઼̝̚ૄώ͞ 8 故宮學術季刊 第二十四卷第二期 ા̚Ăѣֱጯ۰˘͞ࢬᛇ଀็௚႔ጯछ͉࿅Ք໡дᄬ֏͛ф۞൑቎҂ፂ̝̚Ăҭ ႕Ą౵ѣ̙זĶડાࡁտķሀёጯ۰۞ĶҘ͕̚͞ķઐ֍ຏٺΩ͞ࢬ˫၆кΗ΍ 1984ѐٙ೩΍۞ԲෞĄ΁೩࣍˘࣎Ķͽ઼̚ٺЩ۞ּ̄ߏߟܲщĞPaul Cohenğ ˟ࠎ͕̚ķ۞઼̚ΫࡁտĂͽྯ௲૟઼̚۞ԼតౌෛࠎߏаᑕҘ͞۞៍ᕇĄ12 ௐ ன΃͹ཌྷ၆ྃϒ઼̚Ϋ఺࣎д።Ϋࡁտޢ۵ሗ߹ߏֽҋ˘ཏѐᅅጯ۰Ă΁ࣇᄮࠎ ˧ѣϡ఍ĄּтĂӈֹည౮ࡊ఺ᇹ˘࣎ѣᇆᜩޝநኢّ࠹၆҃֏ྵళͻ۞ᅳા̚ ຐछĂ઼̪̚Ϊਕߏ˘࣎ϡֽ΃ܑٙѣҘ͞ͽγ̝Οَࠍ؈۞௑ཱིĂ఺ѣ̦ޥ۞ ॲஎའ׽̚טޙ઼࡚႔ጯޞᆃ۞Я৵ăѣ̦ᆃᇹ۞ຍཌྷĉ13 ˫тĂԧࣇтңֽ࠻ Ķᐖၗ̼͛͹ཌྷ۞͕ၗķĞstatic culturalist mentalityğĉ14 Ωγ˘ཏጯ۰˵ฟؕ۞ ઼̚ٺኳႷĂߏӎΪѣҘ͞۞઼̚Ϋछ૟׎̼͛ઐ֍૲ˢࡁտ༊̚Ă҃˘ֱஎങ ጯࠧ̚۞ྚᛖ׏ቑ̙ᅮࢋజोֽࢦາᑭរĉ఺࣎ኳႷдࡁտ઼̚็௚ۤົᙝቡཏ ႔ኜ୉ę۞ጯ۰ࣇ༊̚পҾૻধĄ15 ၆΁ࣇֽᄲĂĶͽ઼̚ܧវęΒ߁ّ̃ᄃ ͹ཌྷ۞ࡁտ͞ڌϲ˘࣎ྯ௲ޙࠎ͕̚ķ۞઼̚Ϋ̏གྷ̙ૉ˞ĄтТለ࡚ጯ۰୬ ႔΁۰ܧĂĶາ୻Ϋķ۞ࡁտ˵ವՐྯ௲Ķ̂႔୉͕̚͹ཌྷķ۞݀ࢨĂ൴னڱ Ğnon-Han otherğ۞៍ᕇĂ֭૟̝ፋЪซ၆ፋវ઼छᄃۤົ͟ৈᆧΐ۞ᒢྋ༊ ࡁտ۞઼ޓˢ˘࣎ͧྵّ۞ෛࠧĂ૟၆̂୻ٸڼĄѩࡁտТॡ˵ဘྏ૟႕୉௚̚ ϲޙࡁտ֭ཉę̙Ϊߏ઼̚׎΁ͳഈĂ҃Հߏ͵ࠧ׎΁г͞ęͽ۞઼ޓᄃ׎΁ ĂТॡ˵ΒӣڌܕΒӣֲ߷۞׎΁гડᄃ઼่̙ޓ࣎ͧྵΫጯ۞ૄᖂĂͧྵ۞˘ ለ߷Ą ჌̷࢝˘זຐሗ߹۞኏ᑝឰາ୻Ϋጯ۰׶׎΁˘ֱጯ۰˘ᇹĂౌវົޥ఺ֱ ᅮࢋĂӈᅮࢋ૟઼̚ࡁտᄃ၆።Ϋ۞ࡁտăͽ̈́၆Бវˠᙷགྷរ۞ࡁտĂ൑ኢ۞ ኢ˯ĂౌՀѣ፟гăՀღ૜гඕЪд˘੓Ąд˯࣎͵΃Ă఺ֱሗڱдநኢ˯ᄃ͞ Ăౄјڱ߹̏၆็௚˯ࠎ઼̚Ϋछăٕ˘ਠ҃֏۞઼̚૞छೠ೪۞ࡁտᛉᗟᄃ͞ ఺ᇹ۞ត̼ĂՀҾᄲ̙ߏٙѣˠౌྫྷז֍ٺٙѣˠౌሄܧዩજĄ൒֭҃۞̂ޝ˞ 12 Paul Cohen, Discovering History in China. 13 如Haun Saussy的討論：Haun Saussy, Great Walls of Discourse, 146 ff. 14 Judith Farquhar and James Hevia, “Culture and Post-war American Historiography of China,” 486- 525. 15 例如高彥頤（Dorothy Ko）在其書前言中批評婦女史中的五四敘述。見Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers，以及米華健在其書前言中呼籲一個「以清朝為中心」的清史。James Millward, Beyond the Pass. 滿文檔案與新清史 9 ᐌ඾఺࣎ត̼ĄጐგтѩĂԧࣇ఺࣎ᅳા̏གྷдధк̙Т͞ࢬ˯ౌ̏ᖼត˞Ąາ ć΍ି؟д̙Т͹ᗟ৾৾΍னĈّ̃Ϋćᗁᒚăઉ૵ᄃ֗វćᆇёᄃڍࡁտј۞ ᄃ३ᚱΫćˠ˾௚ࢍćགྷᑻҖࠎඈĄၙၙ۞Ăጯఙෟຉ̙ᕝត̼ă҃ጯఙ੅ኢۍ ޓາᅳા྆Ăԯ઼̚୎ഇ۞̚ܜՀࠎБࢬĄтѣ˘ొ̶ጯ۰ฟؕд͵ࠧΫ఺࣎ј ᔌШ̝˭۞யݡĂኳႷઐШҘڼΫৼˢ҂ณĄ͵ࠧΫώ֗ಶߏ˘࣎ጯఙᄃ߆઼ Ϋ۞ۢᙊវրĄ༊Б࡚۞̂ጯϠ׎࣒ٙ௫۞ૄᖂ።ځăᄮࠎҘ͞ಶ΃ܑ͵ࠧ͛͞ Ϋķ҃ߏĶ͵ࠧΫķĂ҃༊Б࡚ౌѣିࣶࢋି଱఺࣎ኝ඀ځΫኝ඀̙ߏĶҘ͛͞ ൒ត଀ࢦࢋ੓ֽĂ҃఺ߏ݈ٙϏѣ۞ְĄ୻ഈߏنΫֲڌॡĂ઼ٕ̚˘ਠٙᄲ۞ ณາ᎖۞ă׍̂ٺព̙࿅۞г̝͞˘Ă൒҃ᕩΑځࠧΫᄃ઼̚Ϋ۞Ϲົ༊̚౵͵ ѣԲҿّ۞ጯఙࡁտĂឰтңӔன୻ഈΫјࠎ˘Њтѩჟ૾ѣ኷ă׍ѣ߄ጼّ۞ ̍үĄ ĄтТ݈ࢬٙᄲ۞Ă׎׍ѣ۞፾পۏາ୻ΫΞͽߏᄲ఺჌ዩજ̝˭۞ࢦࢋய ͹ཌྷ׶തϔ͹ཌྷğΝ઼ޓЇચߏ߄ጼ̂႔୉͕̚͹ཌྷ۞ୃࢗăͽ׎΁۞ቑёĞт ڍଣ৶࿅ΝĂͽ̈́ଂᙝቡ۞៍ᕇᆶෛ።Ϋ൴णĄٕధΞͽᄲາ୻Ϋ۞ࣰጯęт ጨijĈĶ̙ᙊᘁ̋ৌࢬϫĂΪቡڒ඾ЩྐήIJᗟҘ۞؂ڌѣ۞ྖęк͌тТᛂ дѩ̋̚Ąķүࠎ˘࣎Ν͕̚۞ࢍ൪Ă׎̏ခજ˞Հᆵᇃ۞ጯఙ੅ኢĂΒ߁ᄮ֗ ຍ۞ᗟՄĄ҃тĶຐည۞ВڦѐֽԧࣇВТٙܕඈඈĂ఺઼ֱޓТăϔ୉͹ཌྷă ௚ķăĶгቡ၁វķĞgeo-bodiesğᄃ઼୉ϫ۞ኢඈĂٙѣኳ็۞ځТវķăĶజ൴ צĂౌᄃາ୻Ϋ۞ᙯᘃ࠹ᙯĄѩγĂາ୻Ϋ˵ତهႷϔ୉઼छ̝ҋ൒ّኳ۞ໄ Ă૟ᄮТ۞Ķְ၁ķొ̶યᗟهĶ୉ཏķĞethnicityğᄃĶள̎ķĞalterityğ۞າໄ Ą఺࣎நኢ้ШĂឰາ୻Ϋ၆઼̚఺࣎Ķ઼छķ҃֏Ă׍ѣሕд۞ᙹᖬّĂଂ̼ ̚ฟୁ˞Ķ̦ᆃߏĺ઼̚ĻĉķăĶјࠎĺ઼̚ˠĻߏ̦ᆃຍޥĉķඈયᗟĄҭ ಶߏᖣ඾೩΍఺ֱયᗟĂາ୻ΫЯ҃Ξͽ෹෸ౘᖞ۞႔̼ྋᛖĂՀஎˢ႕߷௚˵ ࢦࢋયᗟĄ۞̚ڼ ൒҃Ăາ୻Ϋ่̙֭ߏ˯ࢗᄮᙊኢ۞ᖼШĂ҃Тॡ˵ߏ˘჌ᄬ֏ጯ۞ᖼШĄ ຐሗ߹Ăͽ̈́႕͛үࠎ˘჌ጯఙᄬ֏ޥೱήྖᄲĂߏ˯ࢗ۞ᖼொጯఙᔌШ۞׌۵ ࢦາ൴னĂВТጱ͔΍າ୻Ϋ۞ࡁտĄԧຐкᇴˠౌົТຍĂາ୻Ϋࡁտд͞۞ ኢ˯۞͹ࢋপҒߏֹϡ႔ᄬ̝γ۞ᄬ֏ᆷј۞ྤफ़Ă่̙ߏΒ߁႕ᄬĂ˵Βӣڱ ᄬٕࡻᄬĄ൒҃ڱᄋᄬăᖟᄬăჯӍႬᄬăᔹᄬă͟ᄬăᕓᄬĂࠤҌߏܻᄬă˞ ϫ݈ࠎͤ႕͛Ϋफ़̪౵ࠎࢦࢋĂЯѩд఺྆ԧ۞ෞኢ˵Ϊ੫၆႕͛ొ̶Ąԧٙࢋ 10 故宮學術季刊 第二十四卷第二期 ۍ೩΍ֽ۞ѣ׌࣎ࢬШĄ׎˘ߏ႕͛ᑫ९âткᇴ۞ࣧؕՄफ़Ăົ೬ᜨགྷ࿅΍ γ۞Җ̝ט࿅඀۞Մफ़ٙ̚ପᄏ۞ొ̶Ăӈֱ֤ᄃ઼छϲಞ၆ϲăٕ۰д઼छវ ̝ۍ΍̏ٺજ۰۞ᓏࢰĂٕ۰Ҍ͌ߏᄃ઼छ̝มᙯܼᑩߎሀቘ۞ˠ۞ᓏࢰĄ࠹ྵ फ़ઐШ޽ШّĞprescriptiveğĂଂ઼छְચ۞၁ᅫેҖ̚யϠ۞͛३ᑫ९ྤ͞ء ՟ѣᔳᎍĂ҃҃ځ݋఼૱ߏೡّࢗĞdescriptiveğ۞Ą఺̙֭ຍᏜ఺͛३ᑫ९౅ ࢗ۞ܑࢬ̝˭ྵࣧؕϏ࣒࿹۞Մफ़Ă҃ЯѩΞͽୃ͞ءҌ͌ߏ఺ֱᑫ९౅ᜨՀк ឰԧࣇ೩΍Հᆵᇃ۞યᗟĄ ᓁߏĂୁϯ႔͛Մफ़ٙ̚ᔳᖟ۞ְܧΩ˘࣎ࢬШߏĂ႕͛ᑫ९఼૱Ăᔵ൒֭ ព۞ְ၁Ĉιߏͽ႕͛ᆷјĄ఺΃ܑځ႕͛ᑫ९౵ࢦࢋă˵ߏ౵זଐĄឰԧࣇа ඾ᑫ९ߏϤ˘჌̙Т۞фវᆷјĂߏͽ႕͛фϓĞٕקᆃӣຍ׸ĉࢵАĂ఺ຍ̦ ͽ႔фࠎૄᖂĄ఺჌фវҋ൒гឰ୻ഈᄃ˼ѐܧ۰ࢰ༼Ăֶ̙Т៍ᕇ҃ؠğĂ҃ ඾఺קᙉրĞΒ߁ᄋΟᄃаࡖğాඕд˘੓Ą׎ѨĂ׎ຍ઼ޓૻ̂۞ֲ߷̰ౙֽ
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  • The Diary of a Manchu Soldier in Seventeenth-Century China: “My

    The Diary of a Manchu Soldier in Seventeenth-Century China: “My

    THE DIARY OF A MANCHU SOLDIER IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY CHINA The Manchu conquest of China inaugurated one of the most successful and long-living dynasties in Chinese history: the Qing (1644–1911). The wars fought by the Manchus to invade China and consolidate the power of the Qing imperial house spanned over many decades through most of the seventeenth century. This book provides the first Western translation of the diary of Dzengmeo, a young Manchu officer, and recounts the events of the War of the Three Feudatories (1673–1682), fought mostly in southwestern China and widely regarded as the most serious internal military challenge faced by the Manchus before the Taiping rebellion (1851–1864). The author’s participation in the campaign provides the close-up, emotional perspective on what it meant to be in combat, while also providing a rare window into the overall organization of the Qing army, and new data in key areas of military history such as combat, armament, logistics, rank relations, and military culture. The diary represents a fine and rare example of Manchu personal writing, and shows how critical the development of Manchu studies can be for our knowledge of China’s early modern history. Nicola Di Cosmo joined the Institute for Advanced Study, School of Historical Studies, in 2003 as the Luce Foundation Professor in East Asian Studies. He is the author of Ancient China and Its Enemies (Cambridge University Press, 2002) and his research interests are in Mongol and Manchu studies and Sino-Inner Asian relations. ROUTLEDGE STUDIES
  • New Qing History: Dispute, Dialog, and Influence

    New Qing History: Dispute, Dialog, and Influence

    Faculty Scholarship Collection The faculty at Allegheny College has made this scholarly article openly available through the Faculty Scholarship Collection (FSC). Article Title The Social Construction and Deconstruction of Evil Landlords in Contemporary Chinese Fiction, Art, and Collective Memory Author(s) Guo Wu (Allegheny College) Journal Title Modern Chinese Literature and Culture Citation Wu, Guo. 2013. "The Social Construction and Deconstruction of Evil Landlords in Contemporary Chinese Fiction, Art, and Collective Memory." Modern Chinese Literature and Culture 25, no. 1: 131-164. Link to additional information on http://u.osu.edu/mclc/journal/abstracts/wu-guo/ publisher’s website Version of article in FSC Published version Link to this article through FSC https://dspace.allegheny.edu/handle/10456/37714 Date article added to FSC March 18, 2015 Information about Allegheny’s Open Access Policy is available at http://sites.allegheny.edu/scholarlycommunication/ For additional articles from this collection, visit https://dspace.allegheny.edu/handle/10456/34250 The Chinese Historical Review ISSN: 1547-402X (Print) 2048-7827 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ytcr20 New Qing History: Dispute, Dialog, and Influence Guo Wu To cite this article: Guo Wu (2016) New Qing History: Dispute, Dialog, and Influence, The Chinese Historical Review, 23:1, 47-69, DOI: 10.1080/1547402X.2016.1168180 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1547402X.2016.1168180 Published online: 09 Jun 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 325 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ytcr20 Download by: [Allegheny College] Date: 19 December 2016, At: 07:28 The Chinese Historical Review, 23.
  • In Defense of Sinicization: a Rebuttal of Evelyn Rawski's "Reenvisioning the Qing" Author(S): Ping-Ti Ho Source: the Journal of Asian Studies, Vol

    In Defense of Sinicization: a Rebuttal of Evelyn Rawski's "Reenvisioning the Qing" Author(S): Ping-Ti Ho Source: the Journal of Asian Studies, Vol

    r::: Y\ h Ass cia ion /0 .... ,.. " AsIa l S dies In Defense of Sinicization: A Rebuttal of Evelyn Rawski's "Reenvisioning the Qing" Author(s): Ping-Ti Ho Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 57, No. 1 (Feb., 1998), pp. 123-155 Published by: Association for Asian Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2659026 Accessed: 18/12/2009 22:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=afas. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Association for Asian Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The D Journal of Asian Studies.
  • Analysis of the Shamanic Empire of the Early Qing, Its Role in Inner Asian

    Analysis of the Shamanic Empire of the Early Qing, Its Role in Inner Asian

    THE SHAMANIC EMPIRE AND THE HEAVENLY ASTUTE KHAN: ANALYSIS OF THE SHAMANIC EMPIRE OF THE EARLY QING, ITS ROLE IN INNER ASIAN HEGEMONY, THE NATURE OF SHAMANIC KHANSHIP, AND IMPLICATIONS FOR MANCHU IDENTITY A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI’I AT MANOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY May 2020 By Stephen Garrett Thesis Committee: Shana Brown, Chairperson Edward Davis Wensheng Wang Keywords: Qing Dynasty, Manchu, Mongol, Inner Asia, Shamanism, Religion and Empire Acknowledgments: I would like to first and foremost show my deepest gratitude to my master’s thesis advisor, Dr. Shana Brown, whose ongoing uplifting support and instrumental advice were central to my academic success, without which I couldn’t have reached the finish line. I would also like to extend deepest thanks to my master’s thesis committee members Dr. Edward Davis and Dr. Wensheng Wang, who freely offered their time, efforts, and expertise to support me during this thesis project. Additionally, I would like to extend thanks to Dr. Mathew Lauzon and Dr. Matthew Romaniello, who both offered a great deal of academic and career advice, for which I am greatly appreciative. Special thanks to my peers: Ryan Fleming, Reed Riggs, Sun Yunhe, Wong Wengpok, and the many other friends and colleagues I have made during my time at the University of Hawaii at Manoa. They have always been a wellspring of academic advice, discussion, and support. While writing my master’s thesis, I have had the pleasure of working with the wonderful professional staff and faculty of the University of Hawaii at Manoa, whose instruction and support were invaluable to my academic success.
  • Plurality in Qing Imperial Medicine: Examining Institutional Formations

    Plurality in Qing Imperial Medicine: Examining Institutional Formations

    Asia Pacific Perspectives ∙ Fall/Winter 2013–14 Plurality in Qing Imperial Medicine: Examining Institutional Formations Beyond the Imperial Medical Bureau Sare Aricanli, Princeton University Abstract This article illustrates the value of using the lens of institutional history to study imperial medicine. Identifying and incorporating a range of organizations and posts into the narrative of imperial medicine in eighteenth-century China shows the breadth of medical activity during this time. The most familiar institution of imperial medicine is the Imperial Medical Bureau, and this study argues that we can greatly benefit from including the history of other formations such as the Imperial Pharmacy and the Ministry of Imperial Stables, Herds, and Carriages. Such an outlook reveals the overlapping spheres of institutions, practitioners, and medicinals between human and equine medicine, implies that ethnicity may have been a factor in the organization of medicine, and points to a wider range of medical practitioners and patients within the imperial realm. Furthermore, multiplicity did not only exist among institutions and practitioners, but also on the linguistic level, as evidenced by the divergence in the meaning of some Manchu and Chinese terminology. Finally, these pluralities suggest that an understanding of imperial medicine as being limited to the Imperial Medical Bureau greatly underestimates the diversity of institutions, posts, ethnicities, and languages within the eighteenth-century Chinese imperial medical world. Keywords: imperial medicine, Imperial Medical Bureau, Imperial Pharmacy, equine care Introduction The history of Chinese medicine has benefited greatly from narratives that rest http://www.usfca.edu/pacificrim/perspectives/ on the textual tradition. Chinese medicine is, however, reflected quite differently through the lenses of textual and institutional history.
  • Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Working Papers

    Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Working Papers

    MAX PLAncK INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY WORKING PAPERS WORKING PAPER NO. 139 CHIA NING LIFANYUAN AND THE MANAGEMENT OF POPULATION DIVERSITY IN EARLY QING (1636–1795) Halle / Saale 2012 ISSN 1615-4568 Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, PO Box 110351, 06017 Halle / Saale, Phone: +49 (0)345 2927- 0, Fax: +49 (0)345 2927- 402, http://www.eth.mpg.de, e-mail: [email protected] Lifanyuan and the Management of Population Diversity in Early Qing 1 (1636–1795) Chia Ning2 Abstract A Lifanyuan-centered inquiry into Qing history raises statecraft-focused questions: which workings of the Qing statecraft actually accomplished the integration of the Inner Asian people? How were the tensions in the relationship between Inner Asia and the long-lasting dynastic center overcome? This paper presents an analysis of Lifanyuan governance through ‘social systems’, on which the center-periphery relations were built, and of Lifanyuan management of ‘social entities’, in which the local Inner Asian communities were organized following their own conventions but under Qing supervision. The banner system for the Mongols, the Dalai-amban system for the Tibetans inside heartland Tibet, the tusi system for the Amdo Tibetans in Qinghai, and the beg system for the Muslim Uighurs in Xinjiang preserved and sustained four types of social entities centered on each people’s culture and identity. Considering the growing studies of borders and frontiers in relation to concepts of nation, state, and empire-state, this study treats Lifanyuan as a historical “agent” in the Qing Empire formation during the 17th and 18th centuries and discusses its long-term impact on China reaching up to the 21st century.
  • Frontier Stories: Periphery As Center in Qing History

    Frontier Stories: Periphery As Center in Qing History

    Frontier Stories: Periphery as Center in Qing History The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Elliott, Mark. 2014. Frontier Stories: Periphery as Center in Qing History. Frontiers of History in China 9(3): 336-360. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:25968719 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP Frontier Stories: Periphery as Center in Qing History Mark Elliott It seems impossible to begin without a reference to Owen Lattimore. For the beginning student of the Chinese frontier, Lattimore is often still the first author we read. His early writings on Manchuria, Mongolia, and Xinjiang – all places he knew personally from extensive travel there in the 1920s and 1930s – give us a captivating glimpse of an Inner Asia that, in his day, remained as yet little changed from the late Qing. Laying out before us an extraordinary world both alluring and strange, Lattimore seems to be saying to the novice that, despite appearances, this is in fact a knowable world. Which it is. Though today outdated in some respects, Lattimore’s writings continue to provide an intellectual context in which to think about on the frontier in general, both across a broad temporal sweep and in comparative terms. Indeed, as William Rowe has pointed out in a recent essay, Lattimore is one of the few Asianists of the 20th c.
  • A History of Reading in Late Imperial China, 1000-1800

    A History of Reading in Late Imperial China, 1000-1800

    A HISTORY OF READING IN LATE IMPERIAL CHINA, 1000-1800 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Li Yu, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Galal Walker, advisor Professor Mark Bender Professor Cynthia J. Brokaw ______________________________ Professor Patricia A. Sieber Advisor East Asian Languages and Literatures ABSTRACT This dissertation is a historical ethnographic study on the act of reading in late imperial China. Focusing on the practice and representation of reading, I present a mosaic of how reading was conceptualized, perceived, conducted, and transmitted from the tenth to the eighteenth centuries. My central argument is that reading, or dushu, was an indispensable component in the tapestry of cultural life and occupied a unique position in the landscape of social history in late imperial China. Reading is not merely a psychological act of individuals, but also a set of complicated social practices determined and conditioned by social conventions. The dissertation consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 discusses motivation, scope, methodology, and sources of the study. I introduce a dozen different Chinese terms related to the act of reading. Chapter 2 examines theories and practices of how children were taught to read. Focusing on four main pedagogical procedures, namely memorization, vocalization, punctuation, and explication, I argue that the loud chanting of texts and the constant anxiety of reciting were two of the most prominent themes that ran through both the descriptive and prescriptive discourses on the history of reading in late imperial ii China.
  • The Culture of War in China: Empire and the Military Under the Qing

    The Culture of War in China: Empire and the Military Under the Qing

    The Culture of War in China The Culture of War in China Empire and the Military under the Qing Dynasty JOANNA WALEY-COHEN I.B.Tauris Publishers LONDON • NEW YORK Contents List of Illustrations vii List of Maps ix Preface xi 1 Military Culture and the Qing Empire 1 Wen and Wu 3 The New Qing History 5 The Militarization of Culture 13 The Phases of the Qing Imperial Project 17 The First Phase, 1636-1681 17 The Second Phase, 1681-1760 19 The Transition Years, 1749-1760 20 The Third Phase, 1760-1799 21 2 Commemorating War 23 Stelae Inscriptions 26 Rituals as Commemoration 38 War Illustrations, Portraits, and other Commemorative Paintings 41 The Documentary Record 45 Conclusion 46 3 Religion, War, and Empire-Building 48 Religion under the Qing 49 Qing Emperors and Tibetan-Buddhism 51 The Second Jinchuan War 55 Magic and War 57 After the War 61 Conclusion 65 vi THE CULTURE OF WAR IN CHINA 4 Military Ritual and the Qing Empire 66 Grand Inspections (DayueDayue) 71 Dispatching Generals Embarking on Campaign (MingjiangMingjiang) 75 Welcoming a Victorious Army upon Return (JiaolaoJiaolao) 77 The Presentation and Reception of Captives (xianfuxianfu, shoufu) 80 The Autumn Hunts at Mulan 83 Documenting and Disseminating Military Ritual 84 Conclusion 87 5 Changing Spaces of Empire 89 The Qing Promotion of Martial Values 90 Militarizing Government Culture and Institutions 93 The Eight Banners 97 Militarization of the Landscape 99 Conclusion 106 6 Conclusion 108 Notes 113 Bibliography 137 Index 149 List of Illustrations Cover The Qianlong emperor hunting, accompanied by a female attendant.
  • Redefining an Imperial Collection: Problems of Modern Impositions and Interpretations

    Redefining an Imperial Collection: Problems of Modern Impositions and Interpretations

    Redefining an imperial collection: problems of modern impositions and interpretations Nicole T.C. Chiang Introduction In 1924, when Aisin Gioro Puyi, the last emperor of China, was driven out of the imperial palaces, the Republican government formed the Committee for the Disposition of the Qing Imperial Possessions and took a comprehensive inventory of the objects in the Forbidden City.1 According to the committee’s twenty-eight volumes of reports, which were first published in 1925, the Qing court had left more than one million objects including bronzes, jades, ceramics paintings, calligraphy, enamel wares, lacquer wares and many other miscellaneous articles.2 Although many objects were accumulated by successive Qing rulers, it was the Qianlong emperor who was most responsible for the formation of the former palace riches. The Qianlong emperor came to the throne in 1736 at the age of twenty-five as the sixth emperor of the Manchu-led Qing dynasty (1644-1911) and abdicated voluntarily sixty years later as a filial act in order not to reign longer than his grandfather, the Kangxi emperor (r. 1662-1722). His reign witnessed the most prosperous time of the Qing dynasty as the economy flourished, the population grew and the territory expanded. In the heyday of the dynasty, his court amassed numerous cultural riches from all over China and beyond. The huge span of objects gathered together during the reign of the Qianlong emperor has deeply influenced the present understanding of the history of Chinese art. It has been pointed out that ‘surviving into museum collections to this day, the enormous store of cultural riches amassed by the Qianlong emperor has sometimes come to seem as if it is Chinese culture, and the material excluded by him has been correspondingly marginalised, or has not been preserved.’3 The extant objects from 1 Pinyin romanisation is used in this paper for Chinese unless when citing secondary sources which use other methods of Chinese romanisation.