KHIL{A 1 (2005), pp. 139-158

THE IRANIAN

Gillian VOGELSANG-EASTWOOD Textile Research Centre, Leiden (TRC)/ National Museum of Ethnology, Leiden

Introduction The aim of this article1 is to present some back- ground information on the main types of chador 1 I should like to thank the following people for their help worn by women in during the twentieth in the preparation of this article, namely: Leo and Sohar century.2 The study is divided into two sections. Barjesteh, Mohandes M.R. Khosrovani and Mrs. F. Khosrovani-Pishvai who have constantly supported, encour- The first (A) is a general discussion of the history aged, and offered advise throughout the period of our field- of the Iranian chador, and more specifically its role work. Thanks also needs to go to the staff of the Cultural in twentieth century Iranian politics. This is fol- Heritage Organisation, ; the staff of the Dutch lowed (B) by a description of the various types of Embassy, Tehran, especially C. Breedvelt; the past and pres- ent ambassador of the Iranian Embassy in The Hague for chador based in the main on the garments now their support; the staff of Thunder Tours, Tehran, and finally, housed in the collection of the Textile Research the staff of the National Museum of Ethnology, Leiden. Centre, Leiden.3 The article ends with a short note And last but not least, thanks needs to be said to Shell Iran (C) on the role of the chador in modern Iranian for their generous financial support for our project. 2 Care should be taken with the term chador as in recent years society. there has been a tendency to describe an ankle length gar- It should be stressed at this point that the ment closed down the front and with integrated headcov- concept of covering (almost) all of a 's body ering and sleeves as a chador. This garment is worn by is not unique to or indeed the Islamic world, Muslim women, usually from the Arab world (see www.alhediya.com/alhediya/chadab.html and www.modest- and certainly within the context of the clothes.com/patterns_files/prayeroutfit.htm. Although, the and the it has clear pre-Islamic Iranian chador has a similar function to the Arab chador, roots.4 The use, for instance, of a mantle of some namely to cover a woman’s body, its construction and kind to cover the body when in public can be traced appearance is different. It is the Iranian version that is the subject of this article. Another example of the recent ‘con- back to at least ancient Mesopotamia in the second fusion’ in terminology can be seen when studying the millennium BC, although it is probably much older. chadari/Afghani ‘. The chadari is the subject of a One of the images that is often conjured up forthcoming digital exhibition on the website of the TRC, when discussing modern, Iranian life and culture is www.texdress.nl that of a street with Muslim women totally wrapped 3 The following study is based on fieldwork carried out by 5 Dr. Gillian Vogelsang-Eastwood (Textile Research Centre, up in black (Fig. 1). This picture tends to Leiden) and Dr. (National Museum of dominate as Western media frequently makes use of Ethnology, Leiden) in Iran between 1997 and 2000, and representations of such black-shrouded ‘ghosts'. But then revised with notes made during a trip to Iran in 2003. The main line of research being carried out at the time was is the chador really simply a black shroud? Or is a survey of regional and urban costume of Iran. This smaller there much more to this garment? study was undertaken in order to examine the role of an For the purpose of this study a chador is defined important, and ancient, item of Iranian . Various as a length of material that is either rectangular or modern chadors are referred to in the following text; exam- ples of most of them were made for the author in various more usually semi-circular in shape. It is normally Iranian bazaars. These chadors are now housed in the dress worn by draping it in such a way that it covers the collection of the Stichting Textile Research Centre (TRC), wearer's head and body. It can be worn either inside Leiden, The . or outside the home. In Iran it is regarded by many 4 Lerner 1986, pp. 123-40; Vogelsang-Eastwood 1996, pp. 19-21. people as an important, if not essential, item of 5 A literary and symbolic history of the chador and related female clothing. As will be seen, the range of garments is presented in an article by A. Seyed-Gohrab in garments labelled as a chador, their functions and this journal.

139 Fig. 1: Postcard depicting black ‘shrouded’ figures under the watchful eye of Ayatollah Khomeini (TRC collection).

140 their general appearance have changed over time and place. Although the appearance of this garment may be relatively simple, its story is not. The wearing of the chador in Iran is usually asso- ciated with Islamic traditions based on the Koranic injunction that women had to cover their breasts and their ‘adornments’ and not to reveal themselves to males outside of the immediate family circle.6 In traditional Muslim circles it is felt that a female should cover her head, hair, neck, and to disguise or conceal the shape of her body when in public. The type of clothing that is regarded as Islamically correct is normally termed . With respect to modern Iran, there are various types and levels of hijab clothing. Nowadays, most urban Iranian women can be divided into two groups, those who wear (a) a (maghneh) or a (rosari) under a chador, and (b) those who wear a headscarf (rosari) and coat (manteau) combination. The first group of women are regarded as traditionalists, while the second group are modernists. Older and more traditional women may also be seen wearing a black manteau, headscarf and chador. When an Iranian or woman starts to wear a suitable outer garment such as the chador, depends on various factors. According to Iranian law a girl becomes marriageable at the age of nine, and as such her head and body must be covered.7 Nevertheless, it has long been the practice for a girl Fig. 2: Young girl wearing a chador; Kashan Bazaar to start wearing some form of outer covering long (1998; photograph by the author). before this age. During the late nineteenth century, for instance, it was noted by the English traveller, Isabella Bishop nowadays it is normal for young to wear the that girls in started to wear chadors at a maghneh, as part of their school uniform (Fig. 3).9 young age: “Girl-children begin to wear the chadar [sic] between two and three years old, and are as secluded as their ”.8 A similarly situation A. THE HISTORY OF THE CHADOR AND TWENTIETH occurs nowadays, and it was clear during our trips CENTURY IRANIAN POLITICS to various Iranian cities that the age when girls At the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the started to wear the chador varies quite considerably twentieth century a number of Middle Eastern (Fig. 2). Young children, for instance, around three countries, and in particular , Iran and later or four years old were seen manipulating these , embarked on reform programmes with the garments with considerable expertise. It should be borne in mind, however, that the wearing of these garments may be due to their prac- tical aspects in keeping the wearer cool and free from dirt while outdoors, rather than simply a 6 Sura 24:31. reflection of the religious attitudes of the parents. 7 Article 1043 of the Civil Code on child marriages. The main difference seems to lie in whether the 8 Bishop 1891, I, p. 215. 9 The official school uniform for girls in most parts of Iran girls are allowed to go out of the family home and is made up of a tunic, a pair of trousers, and a maghneh to appear in public or not. It should also be noted that cover the head and hair.

141 respect to the ban on the wearing of chadors and such like garments in public. The story behind the banning of the in Iran, and its return, is long and at times, bloody. Attempts had been made in the mid to late nine- teenth century to ban the veiling of women, but it had little success at first; perhaps because the con- cept was regarded as simply too shocking. One of the earliest, nineteenth century examples of a woman unveiling herself in public came in the 1840's. The case involved the poet and religious teacher Tahereh Qorratol ‘Ayn (her real name was Fatemeh Baraghabi) who deliberately removed her veil as an act of protest against the position of women in Iranian society.10 Apparently when Tahereh unveiled herself, the “assembly was set in uproar”, many (men) left, some called her a heretic, and one man even cut his throat (bloody, but not fatal). It should be noted that in 1852 Tahereh was officially executed for her religious and social beliefs.11 One of the most outspoken activists in the early twentieth century for the banning of the veil was the poet and writer Mirzadeh Eshqi (1893-1924), who wrote an influential poem called Kafan-i Siyah (variously translated as “The Black Shroud” or Fig. 3: Schoolgirl wearing a maghneh as part of her “Women in Shrouds”): school uniform (Bushire, 1998; photograph by the author). Why the fuss? Men are God's servants and women are too. What have women done wrong to feel shame before men? intention of updating their social and political infra- What are these unbecoming, uncouth, and ? structures. Attention was also focused on the nature They are winding sheets meant for the dead, not the liv- of women's clothing. The wearing of veils by ing. women, for example, was seen as a public symbol I say, “death to the men who bury women alive of the respective countries’ ‘backwardness' and, to in the name of religion!“That is enough to say here. a lesser extent, the oppression of women. As a If two or three poets [patriots] add their voices to mine, result, the subject of veiling became a political issue the people will soon start humming this song with considerable religious overtones. In some cases Their hums will uncover the women's fair faces, there were demands for the removal of the veil, at the women will proudly throw off their vile masks, other times its return was sought. the people will then have some joy in their lives. The chador and Reza Pahlavi But otherwise, what will become of Iran? With the women in shrouds, half the nation is dead.12 Some of the most controversial legacies of 's rule (r. 1925-1941) were the changes made At first there was a gradual relaxation towards the in the dress of women. In particular his policy with concept of women veiling in public. During the early 1930's, for instance, Reza Shah initiated a process of and modernization which included the emancipation of (or at least 10 Milani 1992, p. 86. the appearance of) women by the removal of the 11 Milani 1992, pp. 77-99. 12 Bamdad 1977, p. 135. For other examples of anti-veiling chador. In May 1935 the government sponsored poetry from this period, see Milani 1992, pp. 29-32. the founding of a ‘Ladies Centre' (khanun-e

142 banovan), one of its “main purposes was to pro- Some families went even further and moved to mote the abandoning of the veil”.13 In addition, other countries to avoid the ban on veiling and ministers and their deputies were ordered to other forms of traditional clothing, in particular the appear once a week with their unveiled wives at : mixed functions held in their ministries or We were much upset. Reza Shah Pahlavi wanted to at the Iran Club.14 change people by force, make everyone like the On January 8th 1936 the Shah, the queen and Europeans… Here in Sohar [in ], we were free the princesses Shams and Ashraf appeared at the to peruse our own customs. Our customs were like new Teacher Training School (Daneshsara-ye moqad- those of Arabs of Sohar already when we lived in damati), Tehran, to address the female students and Bandar Abbas; , , clothes, and so forth. to award diplomas to women graduates from a So that's precisely why we moved: Pahlavi banned the number of other schools.15 All of the women of the burqa and the turban; we wanted to keep these royal party were unveiled and wore western style things. When today some young men want to leave clothing. Shortly afterwards directives went out to their customs, and go bareheaded instead of wearing the provinces to make sure that the actions of the the turban, that is voluntary, with changing times, not royal family were emulated by all women. force.17 Receptions and meetings were held all over the country in January and February 1936 to celebrate It should be stressed however, that many women unveiling. On February 1st 1936 regulations designed found the banning of the chador a form of libera- to encourage the abandonment of the chador came tion. Women were encouraged to take part in pub- into effect. As a result of these regulations any offi- lic sector life. Literacy increased, and for the first cials of the Ministry of Finance whose wives were time women were admitted to Tehran University. found wearing a chador were subject to dismissal. As noted by Farzaneh Milani: Similarly, women wearing the chador were not per- In short, women in large numbers left their tradi- mitted in public places such as cinemas and baths, tional territory, the house, and entered the public, nor were they allowed to use taxis. Bus drivers who male, domain. No longer in their secluded houses, accepted veiled women as passengers were liable to walled gardens, segregated spaces, no longer invisible fines or even dismissal. behind their veils – voiceless and faceless – they In Daughter of Persia Sattareh Farman Farmaian altered the underlying structure of the society in described her 's reaction to the new law: which they lived.18 When my mother had learned that she was to lose As can be seen, the reaction to the unveiling of the age-old modesty of her veil, she was beside her- women was mixed. But as a generalisation, unveil- self. She and all traditional people regarded Reza's ing was closely linked to the increase in opportuni- order as the worst thing he had yet done – worse than ties for the education of women and so women in his attacking the rights of the clergy; worse even than major urban centres supported it, while those in the his confiscations and murders… My father resolved more traditional and religious areas of the country, that for the sake of his family's safety, his wives would such as in the cities of Qom and , were be the very first of the old aristocracy to appear for- opposed to the idea. One of the unexpected effects mally in Western dress. He sent to the Avenue Lalezar of forbidding the chador was that the garments for for all his wives in the compound and told worn underneath became public and the poverty of them that the next day they were to put them on and many women became apparent. This resulted in an ride with him in the open droskhy. To my mother, it was exactly as if he had insisted that she parade naked in the street… The next day, weeping with rage and humiliation, she sequestered herself in her bedroom with Batul-Khanom to put on the … As she wept 13 Quoted by Bambad 1988, p. 94. she struggled futilely to hide her beautiful masses of 14 Chehabi 1993, p. 214. waist-length black hair under the inadequate protec- 15 Hansen 1983, p. 162. 16 Farmaian 1992, pp. 137-8. tion of a small French cloche. There was nothing my 17 Wikan 1982, p. 108. stepmother could say to console her.16 18 Milani 1992, p. 36.

143 Iranian trade commission being hastily sent by the western ideas and imperialistic culture.22 On the government to Germany and France to buy over other hand, members of religious parties, especially 500,000 rials worth of ladies ready-to-wear cloth- those which may be regarded as traditionalist, ing for distribution.19 regarded the sight of so many women wearing the The ban on chadors was strictly enforced chador as a sign that the women wanted a return to between 1936 and 1941. Following the abdication Islamic conventions. In a speech by Ayatollah of the shah in 1941, the ban was rescinded for Taleghani given at the beginning of 1979, he said: female university teachers and students. Some time later, the ‘ulama (Iranian clergy) started to demand No one forced women to come with hejab on the reintroduction of veiling for all women. At the demonstrations… But they themselves felt an Islamic same time the number of attacks on unveiled responsibility to make this dress one of their Islamic and Iranian slogans, to show their genuine feelings women started to increase. In 1949 Ayatollah 23 Borujerdi issued a fatwa or religious decree, forbid- and to show it to the world. ding women to shop in bazaars without wearing the For many Iranian women the return to the chador chador.20 However, although there were mutterings was equated with a return to traditional moral and about the return of veiling, the violence that accom- social values including purity and dignity. However, panied the removal of the veil did not re-materialise. an important point made by many at the time was that the wearing of the chador should be a question The chador and the Islamic Revolution of choice rather than compulsion. So there was con- The second time the veiling of women was used as siderable unrest when, in spring 1979, Ayatollah a political and social symbol was during the 1970's Khomeini announced that all working women as dissatisfaction increased with Reza Shah's succes- (namely women who did not stay at home), had to sor, Mohammed Reza Shah (r. 1941-1979), his wear the chador when outside the house.24 The deci- western oriented policies and what was generally sion led to the first of several demonstrations. As a regarded as a corrupt government. Women started result of the unrest the role of women was clearly to wear the chador in the street in a ‘quiet' protest defined along strict Islamic principles and those against the shah, but this protest later became more stepping over the boundaries faced severe judicial vocal and visual. For many women the wearing of punishment, which included death in some cases.25 the chador represented a mixture of political and In 1992 there was an increase in the number religious reasons and beliefs, but mostly it stood as of demands made by conservatives to suppress the a protest against the shah himself. perceived growing attractiveness of women's outdoor When the revolution reached a peak in February dress. Public figures such as the former prosecutor 1979 the wearing of the chador (the generic term general Sayyed Hosain Musavi Tabrizi stated that: hijab is often used in this context) was seen by many “Anyone who rejects the principle of the hejab is an as a symbol of solidarity and militancy (Fig. 4).21 apostate”.26 Although some conservative religious Members of political parties to the left regarded the leaders called for words to be used to persuade wearing of the chador as a sign of rebellion against women to wear correct hijab rather than violence, others advocated the beating of women for not wearing correct clothing. For many years it was obligatory in Iran for all 19 Wilber 1975, p. 174. public places such as hotels, restaurants, office 20 Savory 1978, p. 206. 21 The term hijab is variously translated as veiling, Islamic blocks, to display a poster illustrating how a woman clothing, and Islamically correct clothing. should be dressed. In most cases these posters show 22 Tabari and Yeganeh 1982, p. 17; Brooks 1995, p. 24. two women, one dressed in a black chador, the 23 Speech given on the 7th March 1979 (Tabari and Yeganeh other in a maghneh and coat (Fig. 5). The texts 1982, p.107). 24 The compulsory use of veiling also applied to non-, which accompany these posters indicate that this is foreigners and tourists. how a ‘respectable’ woman dresses in public. In 25 Afshar 1982, pp. 75-88. some places women not dressed in a suitable man- 26 Quoted by Ramazani 1993, p. 422. ner were and are denied access to the building, 27 During our visit to Iran in December 2000, it had become hard to find these posters, while just two years earlier it had although it should be added that this and similar been very easy. posters are now (in 2004) becoming very rare.27

144 Fig. 4: Iranian postcard celebrating the first anniversary of the Revolution. The card depicts women in chador supporting their men folk (TRC collection).

The cut of the modern chador

Nowadays, most chadors are made of a large semi- circle of cloth that is draped over the head and body of the wearer. As will be seen however, it is notice- able that the cut and form of the chador have changed over time. The cut of chadors prior to the twentieth century The oldest form would seem to be simply made from a length of material that was draped around the body. This form of outerwrap or chador can be seen in a miniature painting from about AD 1490 where there is an old woman who is wearing a length of material (Fig. 6).28 The cloth is draped over her head and fastened in some manner under her chin. A variant of the above form of wrap is where two lengths of cloth are sewn together along the selvedges of the material (Fig. 7a). This is then placed over the head of the woman and allowed to drape down her body, the extra material providing greater coverage. This larger size of outerwrap can be seen in a miniature painting from the Kalila wa Dimna (a series of animal fables), from the early Fig. 5: Official poster depicting the correct dress for women in public places. 28 Similar figures of old women can be seen in British Library Add. 25900 and British Library Or. 6810.

145 Fig. 7a: Pattern for a large, rectangular style chador.

Fig. 6: Old woman wearing a chador, from a medieval Fig. 7b: Woman wearing the large, rectangular style depiction (based on the Haft Auran by Jami, attributed chador in a depiction from the Kalila wa Dimna (based to Mirza , c. 1560; f. 38v; Welch 1976, p. 98). on an illustration in the Khamsa by Nizami, c. 1540, f. 15v; Welch 1976, p. 70). fourteenth century (Fig. 7b).29 Another source of The third [veil], is the White Veil, which covers all information about chadors comes from the various the Body; And the fourth is a sort of Handkerchief records by European travellers of women wearing [rubanda], which goes over the Face, and is fasten'd chadors. In 1626, for instance, the English traveller to the Temples.31 Thomas Herbert visit-ed Iran and wrote about The chadors worn by urban women in southwest women's outdoor clothing: Iran were noted by Sir William Ouseley in March Other women when they goe abroad, wrap them- 1811 (Fig. 9):32 selves in a large receiving sheet which tyed to the head In lanes and corners and on the flat-roofed buildings reaches to her feete, opening only to the eyes a very were multitudes of women, enveloped but with little little to beget passage, they passe and repasse attention to the graces of drapery, in dark blue cloaks unknowne and unrevealed.30 after the Arabian fashion; or in white sheets their The French traveller, Sir John Chardin, writing in faces generally being concealed by pieces of black the late seventeenth century, described the outdoor crepe.33 dress of an Iranian lady in more detail (Fig. 8): Surviving examples of chadors from the nineteenth century make it clear that by this period it was 29 Cowen 1989. common for chadors to be rectangular and made 30 Herbert 1928, p. 48 31 Chardin 1927, pp. 215-6. from two lengths of material sewn together hori- 32 Ouseley later became the British ambassador to Iran. zontally. This form of construction can be seen in

146 Fig. 8: Woman wearing a chador, Fig. 9: Woman wearing a chador, early eighteenth century early nineteenth century (an Iranian version of Ousely’s (after De Bruyn 1711; private collection). depiction of a Persian woman in outdoor dress).

an example of a late nineteenth century black silk rial sewn together, with the addition of two strings with gold band worn by a wealthy urban woman sewn to the inside top of the chador which were (the stitching lines are to the right hand side of the used to tie the garment at the head in order to help garment; Fig. 10a).34 Similarly, there is a late nine- keep the garment in place (Fig. 12). In another teenth, early twentieth century blue and white variation of this form of chador, the ties are at the checked chador for a poorer woman also now in the ends of the central seam. The ties were twisted and TRC collection that is made up of two lengths of put around the neck in such a way as to gather the cloth, each nearly three metres long that have not material around the body (Fig. 13a).37 yet been sewn together along the selvedges (Fig. 10b).35 A Luri woman is depicted in a photograph from the Sevruguin collection, National Museum of Ethnology, Leiden (c. 1885) wearing a similarly checked chador, but this time there is fringing at the transverse ends of the garment (Fig. 11).36 33 Ouseley 1819-23, vol. 1, p. 189. 34 TRC 1998.195 Another form of late nineteenth century chador 35 TRC 1998.256a-b. consisted of a large square of material about two by 36 RMV no. 3302. three metres and made up of two widths of mate- 37 Hansen 1983, p. 161.

147 Fig. 10a: Late nineteenth century chador made from two Fig. 10b: Late nineteenth century chador made from lengths of black silk sewn together (TRC 1998.195). two lengths of blue and white checked cloth not yet sewn together (TRC 1999.256a-b).

Fig. 12: Pattern for a chador made from two lengths of material sewn together and with two strings in the top centre for fastening the garment around the wearer’s head.

Fig. 11: A Luri woman wearing a checked chador Fig. 13a: Pattern for a chador made from two lengths of (c. 1890; Sevruguin photograph; photograph by courtesy material sewn together and with two strings in the centre of the RMV, no 3302). edges for fastening the garment around the wearer’s head.

148 Fig. 13b: A nomadic woman wearing a chador tied Fig. 13c: A Kurdish woman wearing a chador tied around her body (c. 1860; after L.E. Duhousset). around her body (c. 1890; Sevruguin photograph; photograph by courtesy of the RMV no 3262).

The use of such ties can be seen in a number and fastened with a pin at the neck.41 Nowadays of nineteenth century illustrations such as a water the hulla is often referred to as a “black chador”, colour of a nomadic woman by the French artist although strictly speaking it is not a chador as it has L.E. Duhousset, which is dated to about 1860 been constructed in a very different manner. (Fig. 13b).38 The same type of chador can also be This type of garment was often associated with seen in a photograph taken in the c. 1885 by the women of Turkish origin, especially around the Russian photographer, Anton Sevruguin (Fig. 13c).39 northeastern city of . In addition it was The woman in the photograph is a Kurd. She is frequently worn by women belonging to the wearing a jacket, over which is her chador. In this Turkish and at the Qajar court based case the chador has been folded in two with the ties from the chador being fastened around her neck. Another outdoor garment that should be noted here is the hulla.40 It is made out of two widths of material, but instead of the garment being open as in the chadors described above. One piece is sewn 38 Duhousset n.d, caption to illustration. vertically together to form a cylinder, while the sec- 39 RMV no. 3262. ond piece is attached horizontally (Fig. 14). The 40 R. Steingass described the garment as being “A dress, con- sisting of a waist wrapper and a for the whole body.” cylinder section acts as a , while the second (Steingass 1892, p. 429). piece is pulled over the head in a cloak-like manner 41 Hansen 1983, p. 161.

149 Fig. 14: Early twentieth century Fig. 15: Pattern for a modern, hulla (TRC 1998.53). semi-circular chador.

at Tehran.42 It was worn with a black face veil called circular shaped chadors when indoors.44 Following a niqab.43 the ban on chadors in 1936 women were only allowed to wear these garments inside their homes. The cut of modern chadors So when the ban on chadors was lifted in the 1940’s Nowadays most chadors, especially those in north- women started to wear their indoor chadors when ern and urban regions, are made from a large semi- they went outside and it is this form that has now circle piece of material (Fig. 15), which is cut to become the established cut. The fact that surviving, twice the height of the wearer. A second length early indoor chadors are semi-circular, while nine- of material is then added to the lower middle edge teenth century outdoor versions are made from two of the cloth, followed by two insets to create a pieces of cloth sewn together, indicates that rounded appearance. Hansen's suggestion was correct. The cut of these chadors would seem to be due to the deliberate interference of the government. It was suggested by the Danish anthropologist, Henny B. THE MAIN TYPES OF CHADORS Hansen that prior to the dress reforms of Reza Shah In addition to variations in its cut of a chador, this in the mid 1930’s, women wore the rectangular garment also has various functions. As will be seen chadors when outside of the home, and the semi- the intended use has an effect on the type of mate- rial chosen for the garment, as well as its colour and patterning. Nowadays, the main forms of chador are those worn (I) outdoor, (II) both outdoors and indoors, and (III) only indoors. This section is con- cluded by a short discussion (IV) of the way in which the chador is normally worn. 42 The same garment is still worn by fundamentalist , where it is called a carsaf. Versions of the carsaf I. The outdoor chador are also worn in Egypt (hubbara) and Yemen (sharshaf). See Rugh 1986, p. 41; Makhlouf 1979, and Vogelsang- As noted earlier, certain types of chador are only Eastwood 1996, Fig. 113. worn outside of the house. These include the tradi- 43 Iranian face veils are the subject of an article currently being prepared by the author. tional chador made out of black material, and a 44 Hansen 1983, p. 164. modern form of the chador used as sportswear.

150 The ‘daily’ chador (chador-siah; ‘black chador’)

Nowadays, urban outdoor chadors are normally made from a dark coloured material usually black, or occa- sionally dark blue or brown (Fig. 16). They are usually made in the form of a semi-circle of material. The type of material used is a reflection of the status of the woman, a wealthier woman would wear a chador made out of an elaborate brocaded material, while at the other end of the social scale women tend to wear black chadors made out of thin black polyester. In 2003 ready-made chadors made from machine knitted mate- rial could be purchased for as little as 30,000 rials.45 In contrast to the brocade material noted above, a heavy, dense, plain black material is usually chosen by reli- gious women as this type of cloth would not reveal the Fig. 16: Group of school girls wearing black chadors with shape of her body even on the brightest of days. maghnehs (, near , July 2003; These garments are normally removed once a photograph by the author). woman is at home or at the home of a relative or a female friend. In some cases another chador is donned, namely the chador namaz (‘prayer chador’), which is regarded as an indoor chador. Formal occasion chador (also called chador-siah; ‘black chador’) This is a chador made out of black, semi-transpar- ent material, often with a stylised floral motif. The garment is worn on more formal occasions that may take place in a public place such as a ministry or hotel (Fig. 17 left). In 2003 it was noticeable that more and more women were wearing this type of chador in public (both in hotels and on the streets), and it would seem that this is a fashion trend whereby a woman can be seen wearing a black chador, which however is not the all enveloping, opaque version associated with religious women. Pilgrim's chadors (chador-) One of the five tenets of a Muslim’s life is the or to the holy city of . Men have special clothing called the ihram, which is made up of two sheets of white cloth without seams or hems.46 In theory there is no difference between the garments worn by a Tunisian pilgrim from that of Fig. 17: (left) official/ black chador; (right) visiting one from Indonesia. chador (Ahwaz, 1998; photograph by the author). On the other hand, there are no specific rules concerning the garments to be worn by women, except that they should be decently covered and 45 About $ 3.50. Similar chadors were also on sale at the Friday that no cloth should touch the face. As a result, the market at Qom (per. observations, summer 2003). style and combination of pilgrim garments worn by 46 Ihram clothing is the subject of a digital prepared by the women tend to reflect those used in their own TRC for its website(www.texdress.nl).

151 country. This means that the clothing for a woman doors. In some respects this garment is seen as from Egypt, for example, is different from that for belonging to lower class women as a wealthier an Iranian woman, although it is normal for the gar- woman would be able to afford separate indoor and ments to be white like the men's version of ihram. outdoor chadors. The basic set of garments (all in white) worn by an Iranian woman on hajj, may include a pair of Everyday chadors trousers, a long dress, a maghneh or hood to cover The designs used for the outdoor/indoor chadors the head, and a chador. As with other modern vary throughout Iran.48 In Tehran, for instance, chadors, the pilgrim's version is also cut in the form most of these chadors are made from dark blue cloth of a semi-circle. with a small white printed design (Fig. 18). In the Sporting chadors northwestern regions of Iran, however, the patterns are different and tend to be slightly larger, with var- There has been a considerable debate within the ious shades of blue and some green predominating. Islamic world as to whether it is permissible for Travelling further south from Tehran there is a ten- women to take part in sports events or indeed dency to wear chadors in a reddish brown colour, sports. Certain sports however, have been deemed such as those worn in Isfahan, while in the region acceptable, for instance, shooting (the modern of Hamadan subdued purples with large floral equivalent of Koranic archery), and horse riding. motifs are common. The chadors worn in Bandar In order to stress the importance of sport, but Abbas, for example, tend to be very light weight, within Islamic conventions, the first Islamic with flowers. The colours used for these garments Countries' Women Sports Games was held in Tehran 47 range from silver, red, blue, through greens to burnt in February 1993. Women from eleven countries orange. participated in eight sports disciplines. At the Second Games, also held in Tehran, in December 1997, twelve sports were included, namely, bad- III. The indoor chador minton, basketball, tennis, , table tennis, shooting, athletics, , , handball, As the name suggests, this form is only worn inside karate, and chess. the home. In general, it is more traditional, wealth- Various forms of sports clothing were developed ier women who have a selection of indoor chadors. in order to help participants in the 1998 games. Care needs to be taken with these chadors as they Among these garments was an ankle length tunic all tend to be grouped together under the general with trousers, which was worn at the public (male heading of chador namaz (‘prayer chador’), although and female) opening of the games. their functions may different. In addition, a special chador for horse riding is An indoor chador is distinguished from the out- being developed for future games. It differs from door/indoor chador by the use of a light coloured the conventional, semi-circular chador in that it is material with a small pattern. The designs are often made out of more material. in pastel colours, especially pink. There are only a few early depictions of indoor chadors and these all seem to date from the seventeenth century onwards. II. The outdoor/indoor chador In most cases the women are shown wearing long In many parts of Iran women wear a chador that is lengths of material draped from the head. The regarded as being suitable for both indoors and out- colour chosen for these garments is usually a pastel colour, especially green or purple. One such chador can be seen in a painting dating to the seventeenth 47 For a description of Islamic Countries' Women Sports century of a woman holding a small cup in her right Games, see Anon nd; for a more personal view, Brooks hand. She is wearing a gown with a pale purple 1995, pp. 201-11. 48 These patterns were seen during fieldwork in Iran between chador (Fig. 19). In this case the chador is draped 1998-9. It is likely that in a few years the colours and pat- over the head, and kept in place with a headband terns may have changed somewhat. Nevertheless, the fact folded into a triangular shape, with the point fac- that different regions favour different colours and patterns ing upwards.49 remains. 49 Based on British Museum 1920-9-17-0281 (2), see also Nowadays there are three main types of chador British Museum 1948-10-9-059. namaz, namely: a) the prayer chador ‘proper’, b) the

152 Fig. 18: Outdoor/indoor chador in dark blue with small Fig. 19: Mid-seventeenth century depiction of white spots (Ahwaz 1998; photograph by the author). a lady wearing a chador (based on a miniature probably by Mohammad Qasim; British Museum 1920-9-17-0281 (2)). general chador namaz, and c) the visiting or guest for use during prayers. This type of garment is often chador. In addition, there is a related, older type combined with a matching hood (maghneh). of chador that has gone out of fashion, namely, d) General chador namaz the sitting chador. As a generalisation, until com- paratively recently wealthier women would have This type of chador is made out of a light coloured used an indoor chador made out of silk or fine cot- material, often in a pastel shades, with a design of ton, while other women would use cotton or syn- flowers or a simple geometric motifs (see Fig. 17 thetic printed materials. But it should be noted right). This type of chador is worn inside the home, that the role of the indoor chador is changing due when cooking, cleaning, sewing, and so forth. to social pressures because it is regarded in some Visiting chador circles as old fashioned. Sometimes all female parties are organised, whereby Prayer chador ‘proper’ one woman acts as hostess and prepares food, per- One of the functions of the chador namaz is its use fumes, entertainment, and so forth (Fig. 20). It is as a cover while praying. Cleanliness is an essential not uncommon for the hostess to have a number of factor for Muslims during prayer time, and prior to light chadors available for guests, so that they can praying a person has to wash him or herself care- take their black, outdoor chador off and immedi- fully. A light coloured chador, therefore, is also ately wear a so-called visiting chador. Some hostesses important because it would soon become clear may have ten or more of such garments available whether the garment is dirty and thus not suitable for guests.

153 Sitting chador (chador neshasteh) the family involved. In the wealthier families, for The chador neshasteh is a short chador which was example, wedding chadors can become valuable worn at weddings and parties by more elderly heirlooms. Such garments are sometimes made out women. It consists of a semi-circle of cloth, which of white satin and are encrusted with semi-precious looked full length when the wearer was sitting jewels and fine embroidery. Less costly are wedding down, hence its name. It was usually made out of chadors made out of white satin with no further a light weight material with pale design. The ‘sit- decoration. Another form of wedding chador is a ting chador’ was popular during the late Qajar dress with a short chador attached at the shoulders. period. It is now totally out of fashion.50 Much further down the social scale are wedding chadors made out of a transparent material that has Funeral chador (chador-siah; ‘black chador’) printed designs in purple and pinks, usually of flow- One custom which seems to be declining is the ers. wearing of the black, semi-transparent formal III. How chadors are worn chador described above, at and when visit- ing a recently bereaved family (see Fig. 17 left).51 In the first instance it would appear that there is a It would seem that the same garment can be used standard method of wearing a chador, namely for formal occasions (public; see above), and for draped over the head and body. However, on closer funerals, but with respect to the latter they are only inspection it rapidly becomes clear that there are worn indoors. many different ways of wearing this garment. The way it is worn can depend upon factors such as the Wedding chador (chador–e arousi) age of the wearer, their social position, and perhaps Finally, another traditional function of the chador is more importantly, what they are doing at that par- that of a wedding garment. This has been in use for ticular moment. So the chador may be worn one way many centuries, and it is likely that these garment when crossing the road, but in a different way when have a long history. However, in some urban areas shopping and carrying baskets or a heavy load. the wearing of wedding chadors is now regarded as With respect to the black chadors there would unsophisticated and the tradition of using these gar- appear to be fewer methods of wearing this garment. ments seems to be slowly dying out. Nevertheless, The most commonly encountered form is where the while visiting the curator of the local museum in garment is placed over the head and allowed to Delwaz, near Bushire in southern Iran, the author drape over both sides of the body. It is then held was shown a video of a wedding that took place in tightly under the chin with the thumb and first fin- 1995. In the video the bride was wearing a western ger of the right hand (see Fig. 17). Occasionally it style white wedding dress and a net veil, with a is held in place with the teeth, but this is not gen- white chador over the veil. Later on the chador was erally regarded as ‘proper' and is associated with removed, while the bride retained her net veil. In women of a lower social standing (Fig. 21). Some of 2003 in Hamadan the author was also present at a the different variations in wearing black chadors are wedding. The same course of events took place, given in Fig. 22a-d. namely the bride entering the all women’s party Sometimes a chador is worn with a hood (magh- wearing the chador, she then took it off, but later neh) with the chador draped like a cloak around the on she started wearing it again just prior to leaving neck and shoulders. Care has to be taken as this the celebrations. form of wearing the chador does not appear to be Nowadays, the basic wedding chador is made in general use. It was only seen twice during the var- from a white or light coloured material. There are ious fieldtrips made by the author. The first time various forms of wedding chadors depending upon the wearers were two young women walking in the park of an hotel in Yazd, rather than in general pub- lic view. Both of the women were also wearing (rosari). However, with respect to the 50 I should like to thank Mrs. F. Khosrovani-Pishvai and Mr. second time, this occurred in Bushire in the south Bayani, both of Tehran, for telling me about this type of of Iran, where an older woman was seen walking chador. 51 According to Islamic and Iranian tradition women are not near the bazaar of Bushire wearing a chador in a present at a funerl, but remain at the home of the bereaved. similar manner (again with a headscarf).

154 Fig. 20: A group of Iranian ladies wearing (from left to right) a visiting chador (grandmother); a dark coloured maghneh and coat (mother), and western style dress (older and younger daughters; Ahwaz 1998; photograph by the author).

Fig. 21: Woman holding her chador in place with her teeth (outside of Nain, 1999; photograph by the author).

155 (a) (b)

(d) (c) Fig. 22a-d: (a) Woman from a village outside of Nain (1999) (b) Woman from Bandar Turkmen (1999) (c) Group of women from Kashan Bazaar (1998) (d) Group of women at the local market, Forumad, northeastern Iran (1999) (all of the photographs by the author).

156 C. THE ROLE OF THE CHADOR IN MODERN IRANIAN bright lighting at night. It can be very difficult to SOCIETY spot a woman in a black chador, until it is too late. Another factor when looking at the pros and When talking to Iranian women today it is clear cons of the chador is the difference it makes to that there is a wide range of views about the chadors young children. The nature of the chador makes it and its use. Some women wear outdoor chadors difficult to have direct contact with, and control of, because they are traditional and form a useful part a child. The hand of a child can be held, but there of their wardrobe. In such cases the chador is worn is always a layer of cloth between the child and his in order to protect a woman's clothes and indeed or her mother. On the other hand the chador pro- themselves from the wear and tear of the world. vides the perfect cover when breast feeding a baby, Other women have deliberately chosen to wear which sometimes has to be done in public or semi- black chadors because its use reflects personal reli- public places. gious views. And as such the chador is regarded as Although the wearing of the chador, especially bringing women security and protection from the the black form, is associated with more religious potentially morally corrupt outside world and in women, both fashion and the time of year play sub- particular from the perceived bad influences of the tle roles in the type of chador worn. Light weight West. versions tend to be worn in the summer, while It should also be stressed that many women heavier cotton ones are more suitable for the win- choose to wear the chador for a variety of reasons, ter. In recent years Iran has lost much of its tradi- not just one. They do not regard the wearing of a tional cloth industry as a result of cheaper, imported chador as a straight forward secular or religious deci- cloth especially from Japan and Korea. The range sion, instead it is seen as being the most convenient of cloth and designs produced in these countries is garment to wear under the circumstances in which wide which means that although a chador may be they live and work. In this respect it should be ‘black' it is not necessarily plain black. As a result, noted that women working in governmental build- the type of cloth and the nature of the pattern play ings have to wear a chador. In this case they wear an important role in accessing the role and status of the chador out of necessity, rather than as the result the wearer. Thus, to be both fashionably and suit- of a deliberate, personal choice. ably dressed when wearing a chador can require a Other women wear chadors because they see it considerable outlay of money. as a means of protecting garments such as dresses, or trousers, from the dust and dirt which can be found outside the home. Similarly, the CONCLUDING REMARKS chador worn inside the house are used to protect the It should be noted that it is not obligatory for wearer while working in the kitchen, in the same women to wear the chador in Iran. Many women manner as aprons that are worn in the West. It choose to wear a long, semi-shaped coat or manteau should also be noted, that the loose nature of either with a maghneh or more fashionably with a chadors means that in the summer they are relatively headscarf (rosary). This is regarded as a modern cool to wear, while giving some protection from the alternative to the traditional chador. A coat and sun. headscarf are easier to wear, while at the same time One of the negative comments heard about the reflect a different attitude towards the outside chador is that it makes it very difficult to do any world. Coats make tasks such as shopping or driv- shopping as one hand is always required to hold the ing a car much simpler, and given the size and bus- garment together (some women use their teeth for tle of urban centres such as Tehran, ease of move- this purpose, but as noted earlier, this is not ment is essential! regarded as ‘proper' in some circles). In addition, Nevertheless, in general, it is currently felt that the the black or dark colouring of chadors makes them rules concerning hijab are slowly becoming more dangerous at night time when many shops are open relaxed and that as long as the need to wear some following the heat of the afternoon sun. Few streets form of head covering and long outerwrap or coat in the outer districts of Tehran, for instance, have is respected, that is sufficient.

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