French Modern s, 3 L. % - Norms and Forms of the Social Environment

Paul Rabinow k

The MIT Press Cambridge, Massachusetts London. England HARVARD UNIVERSITY

NOV 5 1992

Frances Loeb Library Graduate School of Oesign .,-+llQ~~t,-~

O 1989 Massachusetts institute of Technology For Michel Foucault

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without pernlission in writing from the publisher.

This book was set in Baskerville by Achorn Graphic Services and was printed and bound by Halliday Lithograph in the United States of America.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Rabinow, Paul. French modern : norms and forms of the social environment I Paul Rabinow.

p. cm. Bibliography: p. Includes index. lSBN 0-262-18134-7 1. Philosophy, French-19th century. 2. Philosophy, French-20th century. 3. Ethnology-France-History-19th century. 4. Ethnology-France-History-20th century. 1. Title. B2185.RZ3 1989 944.08-dc19 88-37904 ClP Contents

Acknowledgments Introduction to the Present 1 The Crisis of Representations: From Man to Milieux 2 Modern Elements: Reasons and Histories 3 Experiments in Social Paternalism 4 New Elites: From the Moral to the Social 5 Milieux: Pathos and Pacification 6 From Moralism to Welfare 7 Modern French Urbanism 8 Specific Intellectuals: Perfecting the Instruments 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism: Governing Morocco 10 Middling Modernism: The Socio-Technical Environment Notes Bibliography i I Index I I 276 Chapter 8 new types-hospitals, museums, public meeting halls, and train Techno-Cosmopolitanism: stations-to meet sdentific advances and new social needs. The department store offered a great challenge to architects, as did Governing Morocco the factory; modern life also called for a redesign of boutiques, bakeries, and butcher shops. Types had to be reintegrated into the local milieu as well as modernized. Rosenthal criticized the design of post offices and schools by Parisian architects who had never visited the towns in which these structures would be placed. Before intervening, a good architect ought to live in the city, walk its streets, use its services, and talk to its people. Modern times had special needs: "A renewed action, a virile will, and a reflective spirit will be necessary everywhere. Resus- citated cities must become perfect instruments, adapted to all of In Morocco, Lyautey and his team sought and partially life's needs."44 achieved the latitude to expropriate property, levy taxes, and coordinate land-use policies which proponents of "enlightened, neo-conservative" Musee-Social urbanism were vainly advocat- ing in France. It was in Morocco, under Lyautey's leadership, that France's first comprehensive experiments in urban plan- ning took place. While sharing the MusCe Social's social pater- nalism, Lyautey looked to a complex juxtaposition of modern city planning with traditional Moroccan cities and their inher- ent social hierarchies (both encompassed by a national strategy of development) as the social field within which a controlled diversity might be constructed and regulated. With the social- ists, Lyautey was outraged by uncontrolled speculation and felt the need for regional coordination of services; he also con- , curred that local communities should serve as social anchors for national policies concerning social needs. He also adopted such innovative technical proposals as the expropriation scheme Maurice Halbwachs prepared for the socialist party. The rest of Lyautey's politics and outlook differed dramatically from those of the socialists. The protectorate form (like paternalism) employs a rhetoric of cooperation, progress, and mutual accommodation. Lyautey pushed this form further than most. But he was not ready to face the question posed about his policies by a professor at the University of California at Berkeley in 1933: "What does hap- pen when superiority is not sufficiently recognized, and what would happen should it disappear through the success of Euro- i 279 278 Techno-Cosmopolitanism Chapter 9

\ pean tutelage?"' The colonial situation was characterized by a rakech in 1907 were used as excuses to bombard Casablanca. false fratemitd, the denial of egalite' (in the sense of advancement Following these clashes, Lyautey made his first official visit to through merit) due to French defense of national interests as Morocco in December 1907, when he was sent to inspect the French troops who had landed in Casablanca. With ~onnarthe / well as to Moroccan elites who made no pretense to equality with their countrymen, and the absence of liberte', when neither formulated a plan to establish a protectorate in Morocco, French nor Moroccans had a right to any real political partici- thereby settling the Algerian border questions and "complet- pation in deciding their fates. Under such conditions (and these ing" the work of French imperialism in North ~frica.' were the ones that existed), a protectorate shifts from being an During this period Lyautey was consulted on Moroccan pol- idea of government and becomes a device appropriately ana- icy with some regularity by the reformist-socialist Minister of lyzed as a social technology. War, Alexandre Millerand, whose admission to the cabinet had Nonetheless, Lyautey did prose the problem of what norms sparked debate and caused division over the relationship of and what forms of difference could coexist in the modern socialism to electoral politic^.^ Poincare, replacing Caillaux, world. His search for a form within which the "spectacle of a forced the Moroccan sultan Moulay Hafid to sign a protecto- congregation of humanity where men, so unalike in origins, rate treaty on March 30, 1912. Under the treaty, France was dress, occupations, and race, continue, without abdicating any obliged to appoint not just the head of a military mission but of their individual conceptions; their search for a common also a resident-general. The majority of the cabinet preferred a I ideal, a common reason to live" is still valida2Which social, civilian appointment. However, with an uprising in Fez, the aesthetic, ethical, and political forms could bring modernity balance tipped the other way. A meeting of the cabinet was and difference into a common frame is a problem, it is worth held on April 27. None other than LCon Bourgeois made the underlining, which persists today in Morocco, France and crucial arguments for a military appointment. The question elsewhere. was who should fill the position. Millerand succeeded in pro- moting Lyautey who, at the age of fifty-seven, became the first Invasion and Protectorate resident-general of Morocco. He succeeded in driving a col- umn of troops from Algeria to Fez and then into the city itself. After Madagascar, Lyautey had returned (with a promotion) to Although the military pacification of the tribes would not be the boredom of French garrison life. Again frustrated and rest- completed for another twenty years, the protectorate was in less, he activated his Parisian contacts and had Charles Jonnart, place. Governor General of Algeria, appoint him in 1903 to a delicate The First World War was an extremely trying period for command in Ain Sefra, the southern region of Algeria border- Lyautey. The Germans (apparently with explicit orders) ing on Morocco. The border skirmishes and mobile tribal fac- burned his family chateau in Lorraine, destroying his personal tions moving back and forth across the disputed frontiers archives as well as the material traces of his "ancestral" ties to enmeshed Lyautey and the French in larger contemporary Lorraine. His sister's husband was killed early in the war; European colonial politics. Without discussing in detail the ex- shortly thereafter, Antonin de Margerie, his closest childhood traordinarily complex diplomatic and political maneuvers that friend, died prematurely, as did Albert de Mun, with whom led to the French conquest of Morocco, suffice it to say that cat- Lyautey had reestablished cordial relations. Lyautey was di- and-mouse games continued throughout the period. Lyautey vided in his loyalties and ambitions between assuring the suc- led his troops in and out of Morocco several times, in clear and cess of the protectorate and returning to France to play a major conscioY. s violation of international treaties. A series of inci- role in the war. Several of his close colleagues in Morocco had dents probably provoked by the French in Casablanca and Mar- been recalled to France and appointed to high posts. Lyautey 281 280 Techno-Cosmopolitanism Chapter 9

knew the protectorate was extremely fragile: the entire central industrialists and merchants, certain of my agricultural colon- area of Morocco was in rebellion, and the cities could easily join ists have the mentality of wild beast^."^ His views of the former, in. While the protectorate offered Lyautey the possibility of a however, were significantly less glowing when it came to land major accomplishment at the end of his career, the real center speculation in Casablanca. Lyautey's choice of Rabat over of military and political action and reward was in Europe. Ly- Casablanca as the French capital was directly related to the autey was not without his enemies, and Parisian wisdom in the strength of these same industrial and commercial interests in early stages of the war saw that he was kept at a distance, in Casablanca. Lyautey wanted a colony he could run on his own Morocco. Having no other option, and hoping his time would terms. come, Lyautey assumed a stoic profile. Throughout his career Lyautey was certain that the arts of In Morocco, military pacification of the tribes took center government he deployed in the colonies were also applicable in stage. Lyautey's pacification doctrine bore early fruit: from France. He dreamt of leading a centralized, rationalized, and 1912 to 1914 the pacified areas were contained. Large numbers authoritarian war government, engaging all three estates, of of Moroccan and other colonial troops fought valiantly for the "all of the vital forces of the nation for the war effort: infra- French in Europe. While colonialism had never enjoyed wide structures, materials, factories, harvests, new army recruits, public support in France, the troops? loyalty played a significant finances, foreign propaganda, all forward looking.'"j Lyautey role in improving the image of the colonies after the war. Ly- repeatedly contrasted his vision of a self-sacrificing, elite, team a series of expositions in Morocco to stimulate effort with the bickering, indecision, and pettiness which he as to promote confidence in French Moroc- and many of his generation, on the left as well as the right, saw as the essence of the parliamentary regime. \ co's future. Biographers like Le Reverend breathlessly recount the effect these fairs supposedly had on the Moroccans; inJune On December 10, 1916 Lyautey received the telegram for 1915, a rebel chief in the north agreed to surrender if he was which he had been restlessly waiting, offering him the post of authorized to visit the fair in Casablanca. Lyautey, as was his Minister of War. If he accepted, what would be the consequences practice, received him publicly with full honors. This honorable for Morocco? The message came from Aristide Briand. Over- surrender (Lyautey had learned from Gallieni how to stage joyed, Lyautey telegraphed back a conditional acceptance, such surrenders) no doubt explained the incident more than learning immediately via the press that his appointment had the chief's purported fascination with modern tractors. It is already been announced. He also learned that the Ministry of worth noting the increasing skill with which Lyautey used mod- War had been divided into three parts-war, transport and ern publicity techniques as political tools to mold French supplies, and arms production-without his consultation. Ly- opinion. autey was assured that the three sections would remain under his authority. Lyautey maintained untroubled relations with From the beginning,- -. Lyautey's relationship with the colon community in Morocco was strained. The French press in Albert Thomas and his team of socialists in the arms produc- Algeria, judging him too sympathetic to the Muslims, had tion section; his major disagreements were with the military. vigorously campaigned against him. Newspaper charges of his Lyautey arrived in Paris on December 22 to find Joffre dis- homosexuality corresponded with his marriage to the wife of a missed as head of the general staff and replaced by General colonel killed in the war, who played an active and visible role Nivelle, who had already drawn up an ambitious (and cata- strophic) plan for a renewed offensive strategy. The trap was I in assisting him in social welfare affairs. From the outset, Ly- autey alienated the local French press in Morocco by opposing clear; Lyautey was merely to mask the plans of others. On the entry of large numbers of agriculturalcolons, fearing their March 14, 1917 he fell into another ambush, clumsily and in- effect on racial relations: "As much as I can rely on certain dignantly refusing to answer parliamentary questions on his 282 283 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism

plans for aviation on the grounds that information had consis- Krates means power. Therefore, aristoi-krates means power ex- tently leaked to the Germans. In a stormy parliamentary ses- ercised by the best, from ab~ve."~Written in 1930, the almost sion he was accused of preparing a dictatorship. After eleven parenthetical "from above" revealed his abandonment of even weeks of his ministry, lacking support as well as the skills neces- the vestiges of democratic political participation. Rejecting sary for Parisian struggles, Lyautey resigned. When Nivelle's equality, Lyautey substituted a paternalistic dimo-philie: "I love plans proved disastrous, Clemenceau was called to head a gov- the people, among whom I live. But if I love with all my heart, it ' ernment instituting the coordination of powers Lyautey had is as a protector (patron) and not a democrat."' In 1920, at the proposed. After two months of recuperation in Vichy, Lyautey height of his Moroccan experience, but following his disastrous returned in May 1917 to his post in Morocco, which he held for experiences in the French Ministry, Lyautey wrote to his friend eight years before being deposed by none other than Marshal Paul Desjardins, "I have the dogma of social hierarchies in my Petain. blood, and all of my life, all of the practices of government have duly strengthened these sentiments in me."' Such common From the Classical Self to the Modern Subject goals of health, vitality, justice, and beauty could only be ac- tualized through a social hierarchy guided by an elite. Lyautey feturned to the question of social hierarchy time and Le Reverend presents an anecdotal explanation of Lyautey's time again during his life. The problem had three aspects for stubborn opposition to representative democracy: Lyautey's him: the identification of an elite, the problem of form, and the long absences from France. A stronger case lies in the problem valorization of social difference. Although Lyautey had iden- of norms and forms. Lyautey's principle of legitimacy was still tified thkjproblem of modern elites as early as 189 1 in his article based on connecting virtuous character with social forms \ I on the "Rble Social de I'Officier," it was only during the Moroc- through which this virtue could be actualized. Lyautey was still can period that he began to employ the term "aristocracy" with playing on the registers of representation and character, at- any consistency. During periods of stagnancy and personal tempting to provide an anchor for modern society. One of doubt, he indulged in fabricating an aristocratic genealogy for Lyautey's close collaborators in Morocco, George Hardy (a himself. To prove his royal blood, he traced his maternal line geographer and head of the protectorate's educational ser- back twenty-two generations to Saint Louis. This attachment to vices), was at pains to distinguish Lyautey from Barr&s.Hardy the symbolism of bloodlines was deep in him. At other times, maintained that although their language at times sounded Lyautey knew that blood as a principle of legitimation for a familiar, their attitudes were profoundly different. Barres's tra- modern elite was, at the very best, a dubious fiction which he ditionalism concealed resignation; Lyautey respected tradition manipulated to serve his own ends. His criticism of the aristo- but was totally opposed to such backward-looking, nostalgic cratic officer corps and its bourgeois imitators was too merci- resignation. Conservatism for Lyautey required incessant ac- less to permit lapsing permanently into these reveries. tion." Lyautey was not ready to take the next step, to cross Lyautey knew that merit was the only source of legitimacy for the threshold into full-blown modernism: from an elite legiti- an elite in the modern world. But how could one identify this mated by character (ethical superiority, service, and discipline) elite, and how could it be reconciled with modern democracy? to one based on purely technical qualifications. Lyautey's Speaking to an association of students, Lyautey struggled to team, motivated by a dynamic esprit de corps, was not yet a define the modern elite so as to correspond with an aristocracy: technocracy. ' "Aristocrat comes from the word aristoi-krates, which doesn't Lyautey was generally lucid about the fictional and rhetorical mean the 'nobles' in the sense of a caste, but the best, the elite. character of genealogical exercises. During the latter part of his 284 285 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism life he understood the symbolic importance of his aristocratic protectorate form justified prohibiting the hated French parlia- fiction and its function in modern society, hence the impor- mentarianism. Writing to Jonnart, the former Governor Gen- tance this aristocratic discourse assumed in the biographies he eral of Algeria, Lyautey vented his spleen against the French: commissioned. When he told his most important biographer- Depraved and blind to the true meaning of the Protectorate, to the Andre Maurois-"you have invented me," he neglected to add legitimate rights of the natives, the colonists claim for themselves all (though certainly understood) that he had long since mastered the rights of Frenchmen, behaving as conquerors in a conquered the task. Throughout the course of his life Lyautey was self- land, disdaining the laws and institutions of a people which exists, conscious about his style, holding that "Form is a clear sign of owns, keeps accounts, which wants to live and which does not intend to let itself be despoiled or enslaved. This becomes evident in the character; appearance reflects intellectual and moral breed- violence and animal belligerence characteristic of the French elector- ing."12 Lyautey's self-invention was based on rigorous self- ate; the result is an asphyxiating atmosphere.14 discipline and on carefully staged public appearances. Like Baudelaire, Lyautey was a dandy, maintaining a personal and Lyautey denied the French political participation by defending social elegance amid the banalities of modern life. He under- the Moroccans; he defended the lack of Moroccan participation stood that his persona was more than personal; it was an impor- by invoking his respect for the hierarchical character of their tant component of the social arts of'government. institutions. His mise-en-forme (fashioning) of all aspects of life-from his The society Lyautey sought to create, the society he hoped dress, to his marriage, to his home, to his team, to the archi- would spring to life in his new cities, was doubly hierarchical. tectural forms of the protectorate-was orchestrated with in- Moroccan society exhibited a viable hierarchy: the requisite so- creasing agil and desperation. Lyautey had integrated a cial forms existed, as did the range of virtues necessary to acti- theatricality o7 self, work, authority, and order into his political vate them. During the course of Moroccan history, an order strategy. By the time he arrived to take command of Morocco, had gradually defined social and spatial forms. Lyautey's this modern theater was part of his program. His restless atten- adherence to the protectorate form (rather than to a doctrine tion to all details of the protectorate, from his own demeanor to of assimilative colonization) derived from this evaluation; the the form of the cities, was more than a quirk of personality. task consisted in identifying and strengthening these existing The milieu was no neutral backdrop; it was the semantically social forms and practices. He laid down the following impera- rich product of history. Giving the protectorate a visible form tives: "Vex not tradition, leave custom be. Never forget that in was a political task of the first rank. The reconstitution of every society there is a class to be governed, and a natural-born Morocco's architectural patrimony (for example, the preserva- ruling class upon whom all depends. Link their interests to tion of the dkcor artistique) was more than a question of attract- ours."15 It was time to introduce a technical modernity, with its ing tourists (although the economic and political interest in advantages of hygiene and science, so as to reawaken Morocco's tourism was considered). Lyautey believed, in a last whisper of dormant energies without destroying its social forms. the Baroque, that appearance was at least functionally equiva- This rhetoric of tradition was part wish-fulfillment, part lent to being. Reconstruction was thus an essential component strategy, and part rhetoric-meant to move an audience-and of pacification, including the pacification of the ~rench.'~ must not be taken too literally. Lyautey was in no position to Lyautey's vision of political order turned on the perpetual adopt a contemplative Orientalism; he was no Pierre Loti in manipulation of appearance before an audience both Moroc- uniform.16 Lyautey was a conservative and not a reactionary; can and French. It was, in fact, Lyautey's bulwark against direct he knew perfectly well that Morocco was undergoing an inexor- political participation on the part of either population. The able process of change. The challenge was to find forms that 287 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism

would preserve social hierarchy and its associated character tions were different, their association, Lyautey dreamed, would structure through the coming turbulence. Lyautey's strategy be complementary. / was to renovate Moroccan society by transforming its elite. The Leaving aside the fictive Moroccan society Lyautey's dis- problem lay not in identifying this elite but in finding French course projected, a question remains: What would a mod- agents with sufficient knowledge of the country and the requi- ernized Moroccan society look like? Lyautey has been site character to orchestrate a direct, but highly formal, mod- appropriately criticized for his limited provision of modern ernization of the Moroccan nobility (who would then guide the public facilities for the Moroccans (schools, adequate health rest of society): "It is through this agent, in continual contact facilities, and representative institutions), and such criticism is with the native chief, that the chief's horizons will gradually valid. Whatever credibility this form of government had under broaden, and, through him, that of the people; it is through the Lyautey, under his successors it was little more than a fa- agent's efforts that we will implant, little by little, our ideas of cade masking non-action, neglect, and inequality. As Jacques justice, humanity and progress."17 For Lyautey the thorny Berque has pointed out, the discrepancy between the money problem was the social practices and the character of the spent on the old and new cities was immense." Between 1912 French. He frequently combined a rhetoric of despair with and 1924, 36.5 kilometers of sewers were built in the new cities the French with one of indulgencelfor the Moroccans: "I have of Casablanca, Fez, and Rabat, while only 4.3 kilometers were come out of this with an unspeakable contempt for my compa- built in the older sections of the same cities." But the most triots. I no longer work for any other cause than that of ration- telling flaw was the static conception of the space allotted to the ality and history, for Morocco in itself-and also for dear Moroccans. Despite all the rhetoric of modernization, no provi- Muslim Mo occo which has preserved all the traditions which I sions for growth or change were made. respect, all & the social ideas I share."" Lest our anti-colonial hindsight become too sanctimonious, Daniel Rivet, in his monumental thesis on Lyautey in Morocco, / What form could a modern hierarchy take? Lyautey's pro- gram of building the villes nouvelles adjacent to Morocco's older documents the strong preference of Moroccan "notables" for a cities maintained Moroccan cities close to, but separate from, sanctuary away from the impure space of the Christian invad- modern French settlements. Neither the norms nor the forms ers. Such preferences were transmitted to Lyautey, who was all involved in this strategy were universals. As Lyautey's head of too eager to comply. He prohibited Europeans from entering education put it, the French task in Morocco "should not in any mosques, a statute or custom which had not previously existed way be confused with this 'civilizing mission.' "19 The theatrical- in either Morocco or Algeria. Further, it should not be forgot- ity of tradition, it was hoped, would present a constant social ten that the spatial segregation of populations by religion was a and moral stage to the French. If there was a civilizing mission, central component of traditional Moroccan urban space. In its target was the French. The problem was embodying the addition to the desire of the Muslim elite to live apart from the norms of science and art while creating an environment in Christian invaders, and the fact that many rural migrants whiih politics would not destroy the possibility of social hierar- found recognizable social networks already in place, a revealing chy. At the heart of Lyautey's strategy was the problem of how bit of data indicates how Moroccans of the period viewed the to govern this doubly hierarchical situation. Precautions had to twin-city ideal. The Jeunes Marocains, the sons of the notables be taken: "There are two kinds of people from whom I wish at toward whom Lyautey directed his policies, penned the first all cost to rotect Morocco: the expropriators and the mis- "Plan de RCformes Marocaines," denouncing the favoritism , sionaries."2p If these groups were excluded, a well-tempered shown to the French but not criticizing the system of dual cities. modernity would have a chance of success. While the two solu- In fact, the two types of citadinite' coexisted until the Second / 29 1 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism

Lyautey formulated his social mission as follows: "to rip France ments. The government retained the right to substitute o'ther from its current decomposition and ruin, through a violent land for that which it expropriated for large projects. All reaction to its practices [moeurs], its inertias, its complacencies, Moroccan cities were required to produce a Plan Directeur. by forming a more and more numerous group of the strong, None of these laws existed in France. unself-interested initiators, those who view things from on All cities were to be planned, ensuring control over future high."27 The agenda called for the invention of new forms of growth. In order to control speculation, once a plan (for an governmentality through which to reshape the fatally decadent entire city and its quarters) was established, it was to be made and individualistic tendencies of the French. This was why the public; during a one month period objections could be regis- cities of Morocco were of such importance in Lyautey's eyes; tered. After this short delay, a decree would be passed legaliz- they offe'red a way to avoid the impasses both of the metropole ing the plan. The scope and authority of each plan was total; its and of Algeria. Lyautey's famous dictum-"a construction site is "public utility" clause was comprehensive. Everything falling worth a battalion"-was meant literally. Lyautey feared that if the within its boundaries was required to meet modern standards, French were allowed to continue practicing politics as usual, the even when these were not detailed in the planning document results would be catastrophic. A directly political solution, how- itself. For example, although the plan only specified the major ever, was not at hand. What was urgently required was a new road system, all the minor roads had to meet the code. Building \ scientific and strategic social art; only in this way could politics permits were granted only if plans met the most rigorous water, be sublated-and power truly ordered. sewage, and aesthetic standards. Strict regulations concerning architectural style in both the uilles nouuelles and the medinas I The Most M dern Legislation were defined. These last considerations were absent from \ French planning laws even after World War I. Hubert de la Casiniere, head of the Service du Contrdle des / In April 1914, the first comprehensive urban-planning legisla- tion in the French world, containing all the basic principles of Municipalites du Maroc, argued that, lacking any means of I MusCe Social urbanism, was decreed in Morocco. It differed in implementation, the French urban-planning legislation had re- two distinct ways from the French planning laws eventually mained entirely Platonic; he boasted that in Morocco, where passed after the First World War. The first was its principle of the administration was -unconstrained bv elertoral contingen- separating native cities from new cities (although variants of cies, it would be possible to take action. In Morocco the task was not to invent principles but to apply them- class and historical separation had been included in Musee So------nd com--- cial discussions). The second was its means of implementing the pEhensively. The main obstacle to achieving this goal was pri- legislation: by decree, not parliamentary legislation (resulting vate property, which was to be controlled by means of in massive and rapid expropriation); and by combining local administrative decrees in the name of the public interest. Ly- responsibility for implementation with a limitation of local autey was not restrained by a constitution, a parliament, or a rights. The law included a vast number of regulations stipulat- Conseil dlEtat. Only in Morocco were the conditions of author- ity such that private interests could never b ct serv- ' ing the width of streets, alignment of buildings, the height and construction of buildings, and architectural standards concern- ing the public good; the Moroccan municip-ve ing color, style, and so on. A second law passed six months later the administration almost total latitude. De la CasiniPre bluntly, gave the Protectorate extensive rights to install a technical in- if defensively, asserted that only in such a regime could such dramatic progress have been made in so short a time. , frastructure ensuring hygiene and services. A third law pro- posed property-holders' associations in each quarter, with joint Special expropriation legislation was passed on August 31, responsibility for meeting zoning and architectural require- 1914, permitting expropriation by zones; not only the buildings 292 293 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopoli tanism immediately concerned but all those in the zone could be ex- Following an idea proposed by the Musee Social, a law of propriated either to prevent speculation or to ensure health or November 10, 19 17 established and assigned broad powers and aesthetic qualities. Power to expropriate property for the public duties to local property holders' associations. These associations good, to control speculation, and to retain for the collectivity were granted the power to redistribute property to meet the profits from improvements was granted. Zoning by function requirements of local plans. In effect, this provision meant that was mandated (including extensive powers to establish no- at least temporarily all the property within each jurisdiction was building zones). Property values were to be fixed previous to treated legally as if it were communally owned. For example, if the publication of the plan. Expropriation procedures differed the plan called for a road to be cut through its quarter, an from those in France; instead of letting a jury of peers decide association was required to draw up a plan for indemnification on the level of indemnification, this power was given to a judge, of its members. The government provided a technical specialist as was the power to declare negative indemnifications if other to assist them. The association did not have the power to block profits accrued to the owner from the planning improvements. the proposed project; its rights were limited to the discussion of De la Casiniere cited, as an example of the efficiency of the indemnities. Only fully registered properties were protected, Moroccan legislation, the construction in 1922 of the boulevard forcing compliance with the decree. This provision opened the of the 4e Zouaves in Casablanca. In Prost's plan, this boulevard door to significant abuse, particularly concerning the rights of constituted the major axis of downtown Casablanca, linking the Moroccan property holders. The first test of these provisions, port and a proposed central Place de France by means of a carried out in Casablanca, revealed some shortcomings, and the broad avenue. However, part of the proposed avenue (a symbol first modification was to divide the city into neighborhoods. of modernity linki g commerce and industry as well as mark- The initial application seems to have been mechanical, not tak- ing entry into Casa\ anca) was already lined with a variety of ing into account the differences in value of different buildings Moroccan buildings. In France, negotiations with individual (i.e., that corner buildihgs were better business locations). A owners wou,ld have dragged on for years; in Morocco, Lyautey formula was devised to rectify this: more technical aid was rec- applied the expropriation powers, and within four months the ommended and in certain instances more generous indemnifi- boulevard was under construction. The.procedures were both cation. Poli-ts were simply recast2s technic4 authoritarian and effective. problems:- changes were made to perfect the technical compo-' A royal decree or Dahir of August 12, 1913 called for imma- nents so as to undercut the charges of arbitrariness while not triculation of land in accordance with the Australian Torrens deviating from the principles of comprehensive planning and Act (a model long advocated by the MusCe Social), which re- obligatory local participation in the plan. quired all land to be registered, all deeds established, and the I Hubert de la Casinikre defended the separation of quarters rights and obligations of both the administration and local on hygienic terms: the habits of the lower classes propagated landowners specified. This decree brought all urban land epidemics.*' Islamic fatalism, he continued, insured that pre- under the French property system and was the subject of all the Protectorate Morocco had no notion of public health. Hence predictable abuses.28Provisions were made for land to be ex- the priority given to the political and humanitarian work of propriated for public purposes, with the profits from the sale of French hygienists. As early as November 1912, Lyautey created the land to be used to pay for site improvements (roads, light- municipal hygiene bureaus. In 1915 additional legislation was ing, water, and drains). This was essentially the procedure ad- passed; its comprehensive goals included fighting epidemics vocated by Halbwachs and his socialist allies in the Cahiers du and contagious diseases, collecting sanitary and health statistics, Socialiste, which had been consistently opposed in France. enforcing housing and urban-hygiene provisions (particularly

296 Chapter 9

Rabat: Capital Distribution of Functions, Theater of Limits

During the course of 1913, with the military situation still very The sense of urgency was counterbalanced by an awareness of much in question, Lyautey debated the choice of the capital the need for technically proficient preparation. It was essential city, pondering the relative advantages and disadvantages of to remap the terrain topographically before preparing align- Fez, Rabat, and Casablanca. Although he chose Rabat, he was ment plans for each quarter and the decrees implementing adamant that no single city should dominate the country. The those plans. The recruitment and training of specialized per- royal city of Fez with its cultivated bourgeoisie, merchants, and sonnel to implement the plans caused delays, as did fiscal con- scholars would continue to play an important economic and straints. The basic plan was not implemented until 1924 and cultural role, as would Casablanca, designated Morocco's eco- more or less completed by 1930. This delay encouraged specu- nomic capital. Lyautey intended to link these cities in a func- lation in Rabat and in similar situations elsewherem40The most tional, national network. Rabat would be "the factory modern construction standards were imposed; height of build- headquarters. The first condition of operation for any enter- ings was determined by the width of avenues; open space and prise is that its nerve centers function freely, that management views from the buildings were fixed; and, above all, zoning was [la direction], whether it be of a factory, a trading company, or specified in detail. Rabat was to be linked with Casablanca (and an army headquarters, be installed under the best possible other cities) on several levels, one of which was a national net- conditions and that all the elements be organized in close work of roads connected to the internal circulation pattern of proximity.'736 each city. A modern rail system was planned and embedded in In October 1912 a state architect named Petit was sent out the city's structure. from Algiers to sk tch a plan for Rabat. Lyautey was furious: The main administrative area was located away from the sea, Petit's circulation p\ n was thoroughly inadequate; his scheme running between the walls of the old medina and the sultan's provided no control over speculation or building styles. By the palace. The European commercial district was set on largely end of 19 13rthe military situation was sufficiently under control undeveloped land in the triangle between the old medina, the (at least on the coast) for Lyautey to turn his attention to plan- sultan's palace, and the future headquarters of the resident- ning matters. Urging "a well-ordered, logical city plan, adapted general. A military quarter was planned but not built; an indus- to local conditions," Lyautey turned to prost." Prost recounts trial zone and further residential zones were planned and how the discussions of the plans became "political and technical eventually realized. Circulation between these zones was orga- councils, gathered together under the chairmanship of the RC- nized around two perpendicular systems of roads. The first was sident General, engaging central and local civil services, en- a continuation of the road linking Casablanca and Fez, which gineers, architects and doctors, and anyone whose personal, bifurcated as it entered the Western section of the new city, experiences were liable to shed light on the many issues at with one part continuing along the outside of the medina and hand."38 The social ambience of the plan's production, al- the other leading up to the imperial palace. The second system though mentioned in almost every participant's memoirs, has was composed along a north-south axis linking the old medina not been commented on by historians. Lyautey was highly con- to the residence and the palace. scious of orchestrating pressure and sociality. Anyone who Prost included a system of parks and public gardens absent in doubted the value of the effort would not last long under these Ca~ablanca.~'Lyautey sought efficiency and beauty: "You will circumstances. A group elan and mutual investment in the arrange this busy hive in such a way as to avoid making bar- overall result were Lyautey's means of avoiding the despised racks. It should be attractive and cheerful; no enormous con- bureaucratic mentality of ~rance.~' structions, but, as much as possible, pavilions swimming in 298 299 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism

greenery, conveniently linked by arcades or pergolas."42 The primarily by military considerations. Restrictions on building main avenue of the city was planned to contain all the major and movement followed directly from these concerns. By mid- services (including an underground railroad station). Prost, century, as the conquest solidified, the desire for wide, densely- perhaps inspired by Garnier, built an underground system of planted avenues, grand monuments, hospitals, and other tracks leading to the rail station. This administrative core was to European forms led to new interventions in the older urban be a center of circulation in all senses of the term. Stylistic fabric. The doctrine of two separate and opposed urban forms control was rigorous but inventive: conceived to facilitate com- had not, however, been formulated, and only came into its own munication among government services and to permit expan- in Tunisia in the 1880s. Administrative services were placed on sion, it included an extensive arcade punctuated by gardens, one side of the old city of Tunis, and the European commercial kiosks, fountains, and pergolas, so as to create a calm and inti- quarters on the other. There was differentiation but not rup- mate atmosphere for administrative activity. An architectural , 1 ture. It was not until the city plans of 1919 that the separation critic hostile to the political dimensions of Prost's project de- became official. Although Tunis's urbanist, Valensi, devoted scribed the work as enormously refined, saying that Prost's more attention and resources to developing a modern infra- office arrangements" could be taken as models for the modern structure for the medina than did Prost, the results were the same: the medina's growth was limited, resulting in overcrowd- Prost's plan envisioned an eventual population of 50,000 ing and museumification. ~~~~~uro~eans.The European presence in Rabat grew largely as Franqois Bkguin, in a striking turn of phrase, referred to the a function of the Protectorate's administrative services, and retention of the walls of Moroccan cities and the large open hence was easier to regulate than that of Casablanca. The area zones adjoining them as a "theatralization of limits."46 ~utone planned for the E ropean city was ten times that of the wonders what kind of theater was intended. For authors like medina; European qu ters surrounded the medina, prohibit- \ .I Janet Abu-Lughod, Prost's plans were a theater of apartheid. ' ing its expansion. This was one of Prost's major mistakes, as it One could just as aptly call this space a theatralization of urban ensured evenfual overcrowding in the medina.44 Although ne- diversity. It served not only as a safety zone and segregative glected, the medina was not left unaltered. Its major thor- space, but as an intercultural meeting ground where many : oughfares were paved to facilitate the movement of goods, as cafes, small shops, and a bus terminal were located. Over the well as for hygienic reasons. A certain amount of embellish- years the supposed cordon sanitaire functioned as one of the ment (e.g., tiles around fountains) was undertaken as part of I more socially active areas of the city. As Halbwachs had proven Lyautey's economic and social policy of recreating an urban in Paris, the real actors were social groups who improvised on artisanal class. Stylistic controls were put into effect by means of the script planners and emperors had provided for them. In a Dahir of February 13, 1914.~~ modern theater, the boundary between the stage, the actors, --> An area of 250 meters around the medina was declared a no- and the spectators is often blurred. building zone. A triangular park and adjacent cemetery ex- tended the open space. This large area has been described as a Monuments cordon sanitaire. Indeed, as with Haussmann's avenues, the po- tential military, police, and circulation functions of such an In the early days of the protectorate, French scholars busily open area are evident; Prost was continuing a tradition with conducted detailed archaeological, architectural, and topo- this spatial arrangement. The slow but sustained move toward graphic surveys of Morocco before the actual invasion and con- separating cultures had already begun in other parts of North quest. As Edmund Burke has shown, the period leading up to Africa. The first urbanist operations in Algeria were motivated conquest was characterized by high-quality research and an im- 300 30 1 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism

pressive objectivity and openness toward Morocco and other lived alongside the poorer French in these peripheral quar- Muslim countries.47Louis Mercier's description of Rabat at the ter~.~~As the major lines of Prost's plan became clear, specula- turn of the century offers a particularly rich example of this tive and uncontrolled building occurred. In 1917 Lyautey used type of inquiry.48 Lyautey proceeded on the assumption that the construction of a commercial and agricultural fair (adjacent the particularities of each case should guide local policy. Antici- to the palace) and a tramline built to transport visitors as a pating Clifford Geertz and Edward Said, in 1927 Lyautey means of developing a whole new quarter, as well as of orient- argued against attributing a trans-historical, trans-cultural es- ing construction along the stylistic lines he valued. He suc- sence to the Orient; there were Moslems, but no "general Is- ceeded in creating a large park and university buildings and in I lamic experience."49 defining the quarter as a choice location for luxurious villas. Lyautey fought actively for the preservation of notable build- Wealthy Moroccans hired Lyautey's architects to erect modern ings. The Service des Beaux-Arts et des Monuments Histo- villas there. Class separation was emerging and ethnic separa- riques was created in November 1912, directed by the artist tion was general, but neither amounted to apartheid. Maurice Tranchant de Lunel. The Service sought to preserve not only individual buildings but an "ensemble of construc- Limits ti~n."~'In Rabat the choice of sites to be protected included the Casbah des Oudaia, a walled-off quarter where royal troops ' Even the harshest critics of Lyautey's colonial aims concede that had been lodged. The Mosque and Hassan Tower complex, Rabat's extension was an aesthetic success. Abu-Lughod writes: vestige of an immense mosque begun by the Almohade sultan, "There is no doubt that the master plan drawn up by Henri lay in ruins on an open field. It had been parceled out to indi- Prost was impressive. [Elxisting features of pre-1913 Rabat vidual owners, and someone had even built a tennis court close were sensitively integrated into the scheme and were used as by. The Service acquiredbe land, commissioned studies, and the basis for a rational organization of the newer quarters."54 saw that the essential reconstruction was accomplished. An area Socially, economically, and politically, however, the plan was of 50 meters around ibwas declared a no-building zone, and inadequate. Planning not only did not stem speculation but new buildings in a much larger surrounding area were re- probably encouraged it. Prices in the central administrative stricted in height to 8 meters. By strict restoration of the indi- areas rose 500 percent between 1915 and 192 1, even though vidual buildings and of the site itself, the French turned these the main administrative buildings were all built on the sultan's "artistic vestiges of a shining civilization" into monument^.^' land.55 The political aim of control appears to have been The groundwork was laid for tourism, the museumification of achieved. Moroccan culture, and a new historical consciousness. Why didn't Prost plan for future growth of the Moroccan A city-wide policy of architectural control over Moroccan population or provide it with adequate services? At the 1931 construction was instituted, and was applied also to French con- International Conference on Colonial Urbanism, Prost lauded struction. The goal was to avoid a pastiche of Algerian "moor- the political objectives of Lyautey's urbanism. He rehearsed the ish" styles, characterized as "world's fair decor," as well as the list of justifications: Europeans and Muslims had different cul- individualism of suburban kitsch. The service sought to define tural habits; the protectorate was a collaboration; it was not a French architecture adapted to Moroccan condition^.^^ Even meant to change hloroccan customs. The introduction of wide in Rabat the control achieved was not total. Some of the poorer streets and a modern infrastructure of water and sewers would European quarters were characterized by the banlieue-de-Paris ruin the medina's charm. Aside from the aesthetic and eco- eclecticism Prost and Lyautey so detested. It is worth noting nomic advantages (tourism), there were social reasons for pre- that Moroccan Jews and Muslims moved out of the medina and serving its picturesque character: it conserved Moroccan social 3150.5 aE & $ 2.5 -, hag 8 2 (d?:.cy aJ 0-0 +&?aw o t $ g.5 & 1rdc2 bo 0 .- 1 u g,: zedrd oaa 3 tg52 C?S%> b*-"u Co4b cs.5 4 '5. e .g.; a0u2 emu*~sE . bo.4 u .s 2 x o -222 g :,s c2cS 1 .a % ".z.O, c, 2 boa rdoaJ1 ,bo~ a L 55 G.5

3% e % ,,&. 1 m h Q rd 0 0 rd 2u o 0- 9cb I:.$ 3. 0 QJ 2 2 g Zh3 C old % * '-'LO G8.Z au coo rd3 -52 * g s g .': 2 cn h3 OYU M * 0 e; M% * c u 0 rd" 2 *PIoa -.sg0 2 S$ g+= ,-2 &cd rd QJ gp E aa 2 d" 0 QJS* t 3 20-5 ordE 0 M% 3 as .f: $ o .5 c .s 2 *" g.Y g E 82 2 oz E 9 E R goo u343&oo 1345 304 305 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism with America were common. French historians continue to talk massive inflation. Land prices rose as much as 600 times; cer- of a "gold rush," of a chaotic, if energetic, seizing of an open tain areas of Casa were more costly than parts of Paris. These frontier. speculative forces meant that actual construction in the pre- Casablanca's dynamic commercial activity, its ethnic mix, its Protectorate years was relatively slow; available money was in- wide disparities of wealth and power, and its particular energy vested in land. However, just outside the old medina, in the and order were evident from the early years of the century. area between the French military camp and the Muslim ceme- Casa's population had risen from 700 in 1836 to roughly tery (south, southeast of the port), frantic building was taking 20,000 (including some 5,000 Jews) by 1907, including a float- place, guided neither by aesthetics nor by hygiene. ing population of 6,000 Moroccans fleeing rural drought and Although the French colonial lobby, particularly Le Comite drawn by the city's commercial activity. Its port was the busiest du Maroc, had been urging intervention in Morocco for some in Morocco. During the period of insecurity and invasion from time, Casablanca's first factory was built only in 1908. It was 1907 to 1912, the European population of Casa exploded: only with the establishment of the Protectorate and its state from 1,000 in 1907 to 5,000 in 1909 to 20,000 in 1912 (12,000 guarantees that major capital began to be invested (by Schnei- of them French). After a 19 1 1 accord with Germany giving the der's Compagnie Marocaine, the Banque de l'Union Parisi- French permission to invade, the Moroccan "gold rush" ac- enne, and other banks). Commerce remained the dominant celerated; by the beginning of 19 14, Casablanca housed some economic activity in the early years. Although the police func- 31,000 Europeans (15,000 French, 6,000 Spanish, 7,000 Ital- tions for Europeans were ceded by the Spanish, from 1907 ians, etc.). Two-thirds of the Europeans in Morocco lived in forward the French sought to establish some form of adminis- Casa. The Jewish population expanded rapidly, reaching 9,000 tration. At the end of August 1907, joint FrenchIMoroccan by 1912, as did the Muslim (30,000 in 1912). On the eve of the controls were put in place, and a budget was created. By 1913 a Protectorate, la bourgade mise'rable (the miserable market town) somewhat more elaborate structure was created, having twenty was thriving. From its incepkn, the European colony in Casa- members. As it had very little statutory power, it served mainly blanca was particularly diverse, containing a goodly number of as an organ for venting opinion. Nonetheless, it coexisted with Italian, Maltese, and Spanish workers. Like Algiers, it attracted a vocal, vigorous (and highly self-interested) press. a substantial working-class population. Morocco's first labor From the moment of his arrival in Morocco, Lyautey had union was formed in Casablanca in 1910 by a French socialist been suspicious of Casablanca and its European inhabitants. A militant who, having invested in land in the future industrial sustained and personal press campaign against him did not win quarter, grew rich. His ambition, if not his fate, was representa- him over to Casa's cause: "I am aware that in my hands authcr- tive. But as there was neither oil nor gold in Casa's soil, its ity will remain inflexible and that no concessions will be made to sources of easy fortunes were land speculation, commerce, and demagogic pressures."60 The circling of the sharks necessi- the port. tated, he felt, a strong captain to guide the ship. In 1913, after All speculation rested on the premise that France would con- some hesitation between Fez and Rabat and some juggling of quer Morocco. Under Moroccan law and the various treaties political pressures from Paris, Lyautey made it known that agreed upon by the European powers and imposed on the Casablanca would not be the official capital of the Protectorate. sultan, foreigners had no right to own land. Despite this incon- When he announced his choice of Rabat a small fronde (rebel- venience, massive investment was made in land. The anticipa- lion) broke out in Casablanca. He stressed that the choice of tion of profit was not restricted to the European community: Rabat was part of a larger conception of the Protectorate, i.e., Moroccans joined in the speculation, either alone or in joint that Fez would continue as the center of Moroccan tradition ventures with Europeans. Speculation fed on itself, causing a and that Casablanca was destined to be the economic center of ,' 306 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism

the country (Meknes was the designated agricultural center pound surrounded by cactus), was occupied by the poorest in- of the colon population). Lyautey's strategy was to make Casa- habitants and was the point of entry for tribal people moving to blanca one element of a complex whole; he would do every- the city. But as immigration from the countryside increased, - thing possible to ensure that the city prospered, but also that it the distinctions between these quarters blurred. An open area flanked the tnaker and functioned as a kind of public park. To J did not become another Algiers. To underline his points, he had the army begin sanitary operations. Casablanca's role was the west of the medina another quarter began to form, the reinforced by Lyautey's decision to construct a major port in product of Moroccan speculation. This area was developed by the city. As early as 1912, against the technical advice of certain wealthy Moroccans who built houses for themselves and occa- experts, Lyautey opted for a massive scheme covering 140 hec- sional Koranic schools, and then laid out lots in straight lines tares. This was a truly spectacular gesture and posed a major meeting at right angles. Streets (being unproductive) were kept technical challenge. Lyautey vigorously defended this project very narrow. In sum, Casablanca was highly distinctive in its in Paris and was awarded funding to begin construction. mixing of populations; its peoples constantly refused spatial Against all odds, the port was functioning by 192 1.61 segregation, whether defined in terms of religion, race, ethnic In 1907, the walled medina occupied some 60 hectares adja- group, or class. cent to the port. Immediately outside the city walls were a mar- ket area (supplementing markets in the city) and a cemetery!' - An Indefinite Suburb in Search of its City Near the port was a small extension of the walled city which the Sultan Moulay Hassan had built to contain the Europeans, but Initially, the European population was located around the mili- which they had refused to inhabit. This quarter lacked perma- tary encampments and the market area adjacent to the medina. nent residents; Moroccan troops were lodged there periodi- Speculation was the motor force of the city's birth and growth, cally, and a French military hospital was built there in 1907. as well as the chief characteristic of its inhabitants' ethos-if not The city itself was divided into three sections: first was the that of its administrators, urbanists, and historians. In 1913 a bourgeois section with the administrative headquarters, port contemporary observer captured this spirit when he compared officials, commercial houses, consuls, and Europeans, as well as Casablanca to "an ocean of hovels, a sort of unstructured sub- the major mosque and saint's tomb. Before 1912 this quarter urb to an as yet unbuilt metropolis."62 In the early years, inves- was the center of European activity as well as Moroccan govern- tors drove land prices skyward but built comparatively little. mental institutions. Second was the mellah, or Jewish quarter, Areas in which building and habitation did take place often atypically not walled off (spatial segregation of religious com- reached extremely high densities, with the expected conse- munities in Morocco was hardly a French innovation; Jews had quences. From the early days of the twentieth century, poorer long been required to live in special sections in many Moroccan people (and farsighted investors) were driven continually cities). In Casablanca, Jews and Muslims lived adjacent to each farther from the city center around the port and Place de other on certain streets and even in certain buildings. Violence France, even though substantial tracts of land remained unde- between the communities was apparently not as frequent as in veloped. The result was a spatial extension toward a continually, other cities. The Jewish population was extremely poor; al- receding periphery. One of the very first acts of the administra- though living within the city walls, some Jews lived in tents or tion was to create a boulevard of four kilometers, considered the first bidonvilles. This area was one of the first to be de- disproportionately large at the time. An unintended conse- stroyed, as it was immediately adjacent to the area designed as quence of this speculative, unplanned sprawl was the establish- the Place de France. The third quarter, the tnaker (a rural com- ment of a circulation system far in excess of projected

/ 308 309 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism . requirements; areas located well beyond the urban perimeter gardens. In the west and southwest, the soil was richer and were filled in during the building boom that followed the First easier to irrigate. Wind patterns, which would carry future in- World War. dustrial waste away from the rest of the city, dictated the east as The result was the second characteristic of Casablanca's industrial and the west as residential. Between the two would lie growth: its consistent surpassing of the growth predictions of two points of reference: the Place de France, the point of entry both urbanists and journalists. This dynamic, speculative of the world (through the port) as well as the commercial cen- sprawl led to a crisis in both the quantity and quality of housing ter; and close by, the Place Lyautey, the administrative center. available to the European and Moroccan populations, a crisis The spacious Place de France provided a focal center for the that continues today. It is worth mentioning that working-class, city's future commercial activity as well as an open and easily Mediterranean proletariat and subproletariat Europeans lived secured zone next to the old medina and port. Prost decided to in bidonvilles as well as in substandard housing in the old take down the wall of the adjacent medina in order to enhance medina. For different reasons, none of the forms of urban circulation (by means of a grand avenue leading to the port), growth, from uncontrolled speculation, to Prost's MusCe Social scale, and symmetry. The Place was to house banks, commercial urbanism, to Ecochard's "progressive" urbanism, to Moroccan headquarters, luxury stores, restaurants, hotels, and concert state planning ever proved adequate in planning or providing halls. for Casablanca's highly diverse citizenry. Although the modern Lyautey's decision to make Casablanca the economic pole of city was born and flourished under the sign of speculation and the country and his decision to expand the port to international free enterprise, its leading citizens were not above blaming the scale required a major road system leading to and from the government for its problems. Typhoid and plague epidemics in area, for commercial and industrial use as well as for symbolic the winter and spring of 1913- 1914 brought calls for interven- grandeur and harmony. Given the existing ring-road system, ' tion. Profiting from this fear, and the temporary acceptance of Prost developed a fan-shaped system of roads centered on the planning measures it produced, Lyautey ordered an energetic port area but also connecting the major roads out of Casablanca clean-up by a military team for the littered field area around to the rest of the country. A large avenue linked the train the Grand Suq, just outside the medina's walls. station to the Place de France. At the time Prost drew up his Prost was given the task of creating order out of what wLs plans no tracks had been laid. The boulevard serving the indus- referred to as an already chaotic situation.63Prost's plan turned trial quarters also connected with the central road to Rabat; this on articulating the circulation network of the city and its eco- road became the main intra-city commercial artery, and its cor- nomic functions within a zoning framework. He gave strategic ridor was soon the site of speculation and growth. Three hospi- importance to the placement and connections between the port tals for three clienteles (civilian, military, and native), grouped and the railway station; between these poles he situated the around a common set of laboratories and specialized facilities, commercial and industrial zones. Prost's plan encompassed were proposed. Prost planned a distribution of schools no more 1,000 hectares. At a density of 150 inhabitants per hectare, this than 800 meters from residential areas. The war halted im- yielded a plan for 150,000 people, and led to Prost's being plementation of the plan, which was begun again in 1918. In accused of megalomania. the interim, the administration classified streets into voies ur- Preliminary topographic and geological analysis-carried baines (city streets) and voies privies (private streets), according out under the pressure of speculation and increasing con- to whether the property holders cooperated with the plan re- struction-confirmed the zoning choices. The industrial quar- quirements: only the first group received paved streets. ter (in the east and running north along the coast toward In the eyes of urbanists and historians, the race against Rabat) had rocky soil, excellent for foundations and bad for speculation and gold-rush immigration was at best tied. The 310 Chapter 9 lack of control over land acquisition combined with the plan's many other domains, Algeria was Lyautey's counter-model. Al- designation of areas for future growth actually increased giers and its central Place des Armes represented the Con- speculation. The circular boulevard-which Prost had con- queror's Style-carved out at the foot of the medina in ceived as the outer limit of the city-was surpassed by the end Haussmannian fashion by army engineers. Mosques were de- of the First World War. A group of small settlements, almost stroyed or converted into barracks and churches. Materials villages, arose in this area, and a second peripheral boulevard from the most famous moiluments were used to rebuild the and road system were required to provide services for them. French city. Travelers in search of the exotic lamented its After Prost's departure in 1923, pressure from settlers suc- French character. This was precisely the vision of the city held ceeded in abolishing height restrictions, and modest skyscrap- by many of its citizens; proposals existed to raze the old city ers and apartments sprang up along the main arteries. The entirely. During the course of the nineteenth century, Algerian other consistently mentioned failure in Casablanca's planning cities and public buildings closely imitated the succession of was the lack of green space (the contrast with Rabat is striking). Ecole des Beaux-Arts styles. Architects who won prize competi- The only major park, an area of 30 hectares, was a sports field tions in France were assigned state contracts in Algeria, much placed behind the Place Lyautey. Other green squares and as they might have been in Bordeaux. The first stage of colonial open spaces were swallowed up by speculation. urbanism in North Africa, then, was characterized by destruc- ,il - tion of existing urban structures and the creation of urban The Style of the Protectorate spaces based on French principles. Napoleon 111's trip to Algiers in 1865, his celebration of the In Prost's plan, a large avenue linked the Place de France and idea of an "Arab Kingdom," marked the end of wanton ar- the Place Lyautey. The latter site was occupied by the main chitectural destruction and the beginning of a politics of con- barracks of the French army. Prost and Lyautey intervened to servation of architectural monuments. Aesthetic appreciation keep the military from solidifying these barracks in concrete, of Arab art and urbanism began with the consolidation of the and succeeded in having the major military emplacements re- conquest of Algeria and Tunisia, and with the arrival of differ- moved from the downtown area. Throughout Morocco, but ent groups of French proposing a more associative particularly in Rabat and in Casablanca, Prost and Lyautey at- Governor-General Charles Jonnart, the man who brought Ly- tributed a major importance to public buildings. They agreed autey to Algeria, guided the strategy of associating architec- that in Casablanca the facades should be constructed first and tural style and colonial politics. Under Jonnart a systematic an area for expansion left behind, to be filled in when time and search for Arab forms began. In Tunisia the neoclassicism of resources permitted. Prost said of the Palais de Justice in Casa- public buildings gave way to a neo-Moorish style by the first blanca, "it was morally necessary to build the facade, more so as decade of the century. This eclectic style was explicitly meant to it occupied the back of the administrative square."64 The role symbolize the protectorate politics of association, the style of of the Place Lyautey was to symbolize (and actualize in its ad- the protector who had already vanquished. Local French ar- ministrative functions) the Protectorate as a mediating institu- chitects began a movement of redefinition, turning away from tion. The two societies would meet there; hence its'importance, monumental form. In the early years of the twentieth century a and hence the need to give appropriate form to this crossing. range of texts treated vernacular architecture: V. Valensi's Before describing the Place Lyautey, some background con- L'Habitation tunisienne, or R. Guy's L'Architecture moderne de style cerning public spaces and architecture in colonial North Africa arabe. This work was important for its valorization of local con- is required. Fran~oisBeguin makes a distinction between the struction techniques and its appreciation of local colors and "Conqueror's Style" and the "Protector's Style."" Here, as in so geometric shapes. North African architecture, like North Afri- 313 Chapter 9 Techno-Cosmopolitanism .

can culture, was to be comprehended in its diverse forms of important to underline the class bias of Prost's urbanism: adaptation and beauty. Casablanca's large population of poor Europeans were given Lyautey preached a simplicity and sobriety of style. The little consideration and mostly lived in substandard housing. forms embodied the norms he sought to impose. We are at- The seigneurs of the Protectorate did not welcome their pres- tached, he said, to the best characteristics of Arab architecture ence. Prost was not unaware of the situation. As early as 1917, which "prides itself on fashioning its exteriors solely with sim- following the principles of spatial separation, Prost proposed a ple contours and The style of association consisted new medina for the expanding Moroccan population, some two in simplicity ~f form, minimal decoration, and geometric kilometers away from the old one (now completely surrounded spaces. Morocco's public buildings would present Morroccan by European constructions, the Place de France, and its associ- forms in the service of modern norms of technology and ad- ated arteries) and far from the initial European settlement, ministration. Lyautey and Prost brought the neo-Moorish style near the sultan's new palace and along a main circulation axis for individual buildings to its highest point of achievement. that would link it to commercial and industrial activity. How- The administrative buildings (central post office, central bank, ever, typically speculation-motivated expansion as well as gen- law courts, Hate1 de Ville, records offices, etc.) were formally eral indifference to the spatial separation of populations meant distributed around the Beaux-Arts, symmetrical space. Prost that Prost's neat compartments were soon obliterated. drew the original plans in 19 14- 15, and they were executed In a combination of enlightened self-interest, political beginning in 1922 by Joseph Marrast, who was responsible for maneuvering, and traditional Moroccan largesse, Muslims, the widely acclaimed architecture. The law courts offer a strik- Europeans, and Jews all contributed to the birth of the new ing example of Beaux-Arts composition, geometric spaces, and quarter. Protectorate paternalism was exemplified by the fact elegant use of revivified artisanal work. The city hall was espe- that the director of the habous was French. Consistent with this cially successful architecturally: three stories of offices sur- paternalism, the director foresaw the need for more housing rounded a resplendent interior courtyard filled with fountains, for Muslims and proposed using lands owned by the habous for basins, luxurious vegation, and excellent artisanry. "The exten- a new medina which would provide moderately-priced rental sion into the interior of the building of these landscaped spaces housing. The proposed area was extended by the gift from a establishes a sort of marriage of traditions, between the urban wealthy Jewish merchant of an adjoining plot. Because of its European landsape and the Arab, terraced house."68 It seems relieolls nature the habour could not accept gifts from Jews, so fair to say that, however one evaluates the political project of the merchant offered the land to Sultan Moulay Youssef, who the Protectorate, certain of its formal experiments were highly accepted the offer (keeping one-quarter of the plot for the successful. construction of a palace), thereby rendering the project legiti- mate. On a second quarter, the sultan constructed housing for Arabisances: The New Medina the palace staff, and his chamberlain built a small city on the third. Finally, the fourth quarter, enlarged by further pur- ; Prost has been frequently (and justly) criticized for neglecting chases of adjacent land, was given over to what the French Moroccan housing needs. At the very least, the strategy of sepa- would refer to as the habow quarter. rate types of cities, whatever its other complexities, reflected a tendency to do less for the Moroccans. The city's administrative Social Aesthetic and infrastructural needs were given the most immediate attef;- Prost assigned the task of designing the quarter to Albert La- tion. More rigid control over European construction produced prade (1885-1978), a Beaux-Arts architect wounded in the war more and better housing in the European quarters. It is also and assigned to Morocco. Upon arriving in Morocco, Laprade

316 Chapter 9

to appoint a general to command the northern front, but was tory of Casablanca, with all of its problems and shortcomings, with other great metropolises of the third world (and certain of Politically, Lyautey, who had had good relations with the first and second) it seems clear that it was fairly successful. Edouard Herriot, encountered opposition from his successor Taking into consideration its mixing of different populations in Paul Painle~C.~'Painlevi sent PCtain, head of the armed forces, relative peace, the fact that Casablanca was healthier in 1950 to Morocco on an inspection mission. PCtain and Lyautey al- than was Paris, the variety of architectural styles and scales ready knew each other, as Pttain had made a previous inspec- contained within a comprehensive circulation pattern, the rest- tion visit to Morocco in 1922 and stopped in Casablanca in early less energy of its people, its function as a world port and as the internal port of entry to the industrial world for generations of 1925. In the course of returning to Paris with Lyautey's plan of battle, PCtain met the Spanish prime minister, Primo de Rivera, rural Moroccans, and its political role in resisting colonial as in the Spanish zone. Without informing Lyautey, the two drew well as royal abuses-one concludes that the picture is far from negative. up a new plan of attack. PCtain returned to Paris and convinced Painleve of its worth. PCtain boasted at a Parisian dinner, "There is not enough room for both Lyautey and me in New Technologies: Petain ~orocco."~~PCtain returned to Morocco in full command of military operations. Fresh troops (refused to Lyautey) were dis- Lyautey's career in Morocco was ended by a rebellion, led' by Abd el-Krim, in the Rif mountains of northern Morocco. Sub- patched from France. Lyautey, recognizing that his era was over and that his pacification approach could not be more for- stantial scholarly attention has been devoted to deciding if his eign to PCtain, resigned on September 25, 1925. movement was the last of the traditional rebellions against for- eign intruders, or the first of the modern movements for na- PCtain commanded 100,000 troops and 40 generals. After the winter rains and unsuccessful negotiations, the offensive tional independence.71 While the question is intriguing and was unleashed. By the end of May, 1926, Abd el-Krim was important, the confrontation between Lyautey and PCtain over beaten. Guided by a radically different conception of power, how to fight Abd el-Krim, while less ambiguous, is arguably of u PCtain totally altered Lyautey's military strategy. Instead of equal historical significance. In the early 1920s Lyautey was increasingly preoccupied small groups of mobile troops in contact with local tribal with the growing influence of Abd el-Krim in the Spanish- groups, PCtain substituted the tactics of modern European war: administered zone of Morocco's Rif mountains, and with his massive groupings of troops, heavy artillery, and the systematic calls for an independent Berber nation. In the French zone, the ccupation of territory following a fixed plan of attack. The Berber tribes both in the Middle Atlas mountains and in the conquest of territory, not political action with the tribes, dic- western areas of Morocco surrounding the city of Taza re- tated PCtain's plan of action. To limit French losses, PCtain mained either unpacified or uncertain allies. The danger of the relied heavily on massive artillery power to weaken the enemy. situation was compounded by the gradual reduction of French e also reinstituted Bugeaud's Algerian strategy of system- military forces in Morocco; occupation of the Rhine and Ruhr 'cally destroying crops, supplies, and the economic infrastruc- I took precedence. Anticipating an attack by Abd el-Krim in re. PCtain's strategy was "based more upon spatial and French-controlled territory, Lyautey insistently called for rein- temporal rationalization and the use of mass-produced war , forcements from France. The attack came on April 11, 1925, a equipment than upon the manipulation of social structure^."'^ month before it was expected and before the promised rein- Abd el-Krim was to be crushed. forcements had arrived from Algeria. A ministerial crisis in The Rif war was a laboratory of modernity in a number of Paris that same week delayed concerted action. Lyautey, in his enses. The spanish army experimented with techniques it late sixties and recovering from a major operation, asked Paris ould soon use in Spain's civil war. PCtain's tactics became text- 318 Chapter 9

book examples for a French army preparing for the next disas- the mandatory institution of plans d'amknagement et d'extension ter: "Security, rather than speed, mobility, and efficiency, was for all agglomerations, requiring that these plans be approved responsible for the maintenance in 1939 of a style of mobili- by those competent to do so, that the designs respect the prac- zation which was total-involving men, resources, and fire- tices of the "races" involved but not exclude contact between power-but still very stationary in space and time."75 This them, that the cities be airy and well planted, that architectural strategy was challenged only by the young De Gaulle. Although pastiche be avoided, that !ocal arts be used as much as possible French aviation was used successfully in the Rif, Petain failed to in ornamenting these cities, that modern arts be used for mod- grasp its true importance; in Morocco Petain's aviation strategy ern necessities, that hygiene be the norm in all dimensions of and the lessons he drew from it were based on the lack of the plan, that historical monuments be preserved, and that ae- enemy aircraft. rial photography be used in planning.76 Preparing for the major encounter with Abd el-Krim, Ly- The only awkward issue was the segregation of the new cities autey, in 1924, had assembled the Orientalists at the Institut from the existing, indigenous ones. A central concern of the des Hautes Etudes Marocaines (Levy-Provencal, Terrasse, Congress was conceiving of and building cities where different Colin, and Basset) to collect all available data on the Rif. On the races (as they were called) with different customs and practices first day of Abd el-Krim's general offensive, Lyautey held a cohabited. Whatever the limitations of the approach-and they meeting of his native-affairs council, at which he predicted were manifold-it is crucial to realize that this congress was the Morocco's inevitable independence and argued for a politics last major occasion at which cultural difference (which tacitly which would lead to friendship between the two countries. Ly- included class difference) was directly thematized for decades. autey's ultimate ability to negotiate Morocco toward indepen- Norms, in the future, would turn on a technocratic univer- dence is debatable, but PCtain certainly expressed no such salism potentially (but not inevitably) more democratic and cer- sentiments. Petain advocated more direct control by the French tainly leading to greater homogenization. In such a scheme, government over Moroccan policy, leading to more standard difference, quite literally, had no place-except as a relation in colonial policy throughout the empire. The destruction of rural a statistical continuum. social structures accelerated the population movement toward Morocco's urban centers, forming a social base for future nationalist political movements. Finally, Abd el-Krim, it seems worth mentioning, dreamed of transforming his tiny capital of Adjir into another Ankara.

--A 1931 Conference on Urbanism in the Colonies summed up the state of the art. The mood in Paris was confident, contrast- ing with a growing pessimism about the possibilities of urban planning in France itself, as well as Lyautey's bitter realization that his colonial dream was over. There was general agreement among the participants, a complacent consensus on the basic principles of Musee Social-or more accurately by 1931, Mo- roccan-urbanism. There was also general agreement that Ly- autey should be considered the greatest urbanist of modern times. The Congress agreed on twenty-one points. It called for 387 386 Notes to Chapter 9 Notes to Chapter 8

"Donat-Alfred Agache: un architecture urbaniste," Les Cahiers de la recherche architec- 13. Jean Frangois Chiffard, "Les H.B.M. et la ceinture de Paris," Architecture, mouve- turale 8(April 198 1). Wolf, Eugkne Hhrd, 85. mat, continuitk 43(1977): 15. 32. Jean-Pierre Gaudin, "PrCvision. amknagement et gestion locale," 135ff.. for these 14. Lton Jaussely, for example, adopted Henard's boulevard a redans triangulaires as an and following details. addition to his Barcelona plan, thereby providing a direct view of the sea for every house on the new street. 33. Robert de Souza, Nice: capital d'hiver (Paris, 1913). Also, Donat-Alfred Agache, J.M. Aubertin, and E. Redont, Comment reconstmire nos citks ddetmites: notions ,dlurbanirme 15. Originally published under a slightly different title. See Robert Fishman, Urban s'appliquaitt aux uilhs, bourgs, et villages (Paris, 1915). Utopiac in the Twentieth Centuty: Ebenezer Howard, Frank Lloyd Wright, Le Corbwier (New York, 1977), 23. 34. Ibid., 405.

16. Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Art of Colonisation (London, 1849). 35. Emile Benard won Phoebe Hearst's competition for an expanded campus in 1899, and the regents adopted the plan in 1900. After Benard refused to come to Berkeley, 17. Georges Risler, "Les CitCs jardins,",Mhoires el documentr du Mule social (December John Galen Howard modified Benard's monumental plan between 1903 and 1924. 1909). Verne A. Stadtman, ed., Centennial Record of the University of Calfornia (Berkeley, 1967), 48, 79; 392, -. .. 18. Charles Andler, La Vie de Lucien Har (Paris, 1977), 120. - 36. Ibid., 389. 19. Maurice Halbwachs, Classes sociales et morphologie, ed. and intro. Victor Karady (Paris, 1972), 12. 37. Gaudin, L'Avenir, 151.

20. Henri Sellier, "En MCmoire d'Albert Thomas," as cited in Ginette Baty-Tornikian, 38. Jean-Claude Vigato, "Notes sur la question stylistique," Les Cahiers de la recherche Architecture et social dkmocratie: un projet urbain iddal typique, agglomkation pahienne 191 9- architectusale 15-17(1985). More detail is contaided in Vigato's thesis, "L'Architecture 1939 (Paris, 1980), 4. The other major secondary sources are: Thierry Leroux, "L'Ur- du rCgionalisme, Les Origines du debat, 1900-1950," Ecole d'hrchitecture de Nancy, banisme social-democrate: Henri Sellier," Th&sede 3e cycle, Ecole des Hautes Etudes 1982; Jean-Louis Cohen, "Les Architectes frangais et I'art urbain, 1900-1914," Gaudin, en Sciences Sociales, 1981; Katherine Burlen, ed., La Banlieue oaris: Henri Sellier et les Les Premiers urbanirtes. citdes-jardins, 1900-1940 (Paris, 1987). I would particularly like to thank Katherine Bur- len for her insights on these matters. 39. Agache et al., Comment reconstmire, 5.

21. Madeleine Rtbbrioux, "Un Milieu socialiste a la veille de la grande guerre: Henri 40. Leon Rosenthal, Villes et villages francah aprks la pare: amdnagement, restauration, Sellier et le rkformisme &Albert Thomas," La Banlieue Oasis, ed. Burlen. embellissement, extension, intro. Louis Bonnier (Paris, 19 18).

22. Madeleine Rbberioux, "Le Socialisme frangais 1875-1914," Histoire gdntrale du 41. Roger Marx, L'Art social, pref. Anatole France (Paris, 1918). On Roger Marx see socialisme, ed. J. Droz (Paris, 1975), vol. 2. Debora Silverman. The Oripinr of French Art Nouveau 1889-1900: Nature, Neurology, and

23. RenC Sordes, Histoire de Suresnes: de origines d 1945 (Suresnes, 1965). 526. 42. Pete, the leading contemporary practitioner of urban history, emphasized neither 24. Yves Lequin, Les Ouvriers de la rkgion l~onnaue,1848-1914 (Lyons, 1977). the static nor the cyclical in urban change but rather sought to understand the mutation and evolution of urban forms. 25. Catholic workers' unions were among the first to be successful in these circles. 43. Rosenthal, Villes et villages francah, 19, 28. 26. Henri Sellier, Les Banlieu urbaines, pref. Albert Thomas (Paris, 1920). 44. Ibid., 28. 27. Ibid., 60. 28. Jean-Pierre Gaudin, ed., Les Premiers urbanistes francais et lhrt urbain, 1900-1930 Chapter 9 (Paris, 1987).

29. Georges Risler, "Les Plans d'amknagement et d'extension des villes," Mtmoires et 1. Melvin Knight, "French Colonial Policy-The Decline of 'Association,' " Jouml of docwnen~rdu Mwde social 1l(1912): 304. Moa'em Hirtoty 5, no. 2 (June, 1933): 215.

30. Cf. Annales du Mwke social 32(1912): 32-36. 2. Hubert Lyautey, "Congress of Moroccan Higher Education Speech" (Rabat, May 26, 1921), Hubert Lyautey, Paroles &Action, 1900-1926 (Paris, 1927), 340-41. / 31. Agache (not a Prix-de-Rome winner) won third place in the competition for the 1 For a full account not only of French tactics but of Moroccan resistance to them, see i planning of Canberra. In 1915, he inaugurated the first professional course in France 3. 1 on urbanism at the Ecole Libre des Sciences Sociales. Jean-Christophe Tougeron, 388 389 Notes to Chapter 9 Notes to Chapter 9

Edmund Burke 111, Prelude to Protectorate in Morocco: Precqlonial Protest and Resistance, 23. Rivet, Lyautey, 924. 1860-1912 (Chicago, 1976). 24. Jean Marrast, "Maroc," L'Oeuvre d'Henri Prost: Architecture et urbanisme (Paris, 1960), 4. His ch4de cabinet was the son of ex-Governor General Rousseau, who had replaced 49-1 19; Commissaire Resident General au Maroc, La Renaissance du Maroc: Dir annies de Lanessan in Indochina. de protectorat, 1912-1922 (Rabat, 1923); Jean Dethier, "Soixante ans d'urbanisme au Maroc, I'kvolution.des idees et des rCalisations," Bulletin Economique et Social du Maroc 5. Letter of August 19, 1918 to Barrucand, as cited in Andre Le Reverend, Lyautey 32, Double no. 118-1 19 (July-December 1970): 5-56; Henri Descamps, "L'Architec- (Paris, 1983), 386. ture francaise au Maroc, L'Urbanisme: L'Oeuvre de M. Prost," La Comtruction Moderne, 46(December 20, 1930). 6. Letter to Joseph Reinach, July 1915, as cited in Le RCvCrend, Lyautey, 388. Gallieni, just before his death, held the post of Minister of War, and organized the defense of 25. Jean Marrast, ed., Prost (Paris, 1960), 119. Paris. 26. Ibid., 59. 7. Hubert Lyautey, "Eloge de I'elite," Revue hebdomadaire (July 12, 1930), as cited in Le Reverend, Lyautey, I'kcrivain, 334. 27. lbid., 63.

8. Letter of November 12, 1915 to Desjardins, as cited in Le Reverend, Lyautey, I'icn- 28. Lamented but not documented by Janet L. Abu-Lughod, Rabat: Urban Apartheid in vain, 335. Morocco (Princeton, 1980) 163ff.

9. Letter of September 17, 1920 to Desjardins, as cited in Lyautey, I'im'vain, 337. 29. Hubert de la Casinikre, Les Municipalitb marocaines, bur dkveloppement, leur liplation (Casablanca, 1924), 88. 10. Georges Hardy, Portrait de Lyautey (Paris, 1949). 308. 30. Guillaume de Tarde, "Rapport gCnCral sur Afrique du Nord," L'Urbanisme aw 11. For further discussion of this point see: Michel Foucault, interview with Paul colonies et dam les pays tropicaw, vol. 1, ed. Jean Royer (La Charite-sur-Loire and Paris, Rabinow and Hubert Dreyfus, "On the Genealogy of Ethics: An Overview of Work in 1932-35), 29. Progress," The Foucault Reader, ed. Paul Rabinow, 340-72. 31. Ibid. 12. Le Revtrend, Lyautey, I'bcrivain, 31 1. 32. Casinikre, Municipalitb marocaines, ix. 13. lbid., 325. For the invention of the "traditional" Moroccan government, the Makh- zen, see Daniel Rivet, Lyautey et I'imtitution du protectorat fransais au Maroc, 1912-1925, 33. Casinikre, Municipalitb marocaines, 6. On the repeated use of California imagery at Doctorat d'Etat en Histoire et Sciences Sociales, Universite de Paris (Val-de-Marne), this period, see Will Swearingen, "ln Search of the Granary of Rome: lrrigation and 1985, 214ff. Agricultural Development in Morocco, 1912-1982," Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, Austin, 1984. 14. Letter of May 13, 1919 to Jonnart, as cited in Andre Le Reverend, Un Lyautey inconnu: correspondance et journal inhiits, 1874-1934 (Paris, 1980), 288. 34. ~asinikre,Municipalitks marocaines, 11.

15. Hubert Lyautey, Lettres du Tonkin et de Madagascar, 1894-1899 (Paris, 1920), 71. 35. Knight, "French Colonial Policy," 216.

16. One of his officers called him "Swann A epaulettes," as cited in Rivet, Lyautey, 183. 36. Hubert Lyautey, letter of December 30, 1913, as cited in Pierre Lyautey, ed. Lyautey L'Africain, textes et lettres du Marichal Lyautey, vol. 1, 1912-1913 (Paris, 1953), 176. 17. Lyautey, Lettres du Tonkin, 296. 37. Letter of December 5, 1913, ibid.. 179. 18. Letter of August 6, 1919 to Wladimir D'Ormesson, as cited in Le Reverend, Un Lyautey inconnu, 292. 38. Henri ~iost,"Le Dtveloppement de I'urbanisme dans le protectorat du Maroc de 1914 A 1913," Royer, ed., L'Urbanisme aw colonies et dans les pays h-opicaw, 1: 62. 19. Georges Hardy, Portrait de Lyautey, 262. 39. Sylviane Munoz, "Monographie historique et economique d'une capitale coloniale: 20. Andre Gide quoting Lyautey in "Pages retrouvees," Nouvelle Revue Fran~aise(Janu- Rabat de 1912 A 1939," 2 vols., these pour le Doctorat d'etat es-lettres et sciences ary 1970), as quoted in Le Reverend, Lyautey, Em'vain, 339. humaines, UniversitC de Nice, 1986. This massive thesis contains a detailed description of the social, economic, and political life of Rabat. Thanks are due to Professor Munoz 21. Jacques Berque, "Medinas, villes neuves, et bidonvilles," Cahiers de Tunisie 21-22 for her insights and generosity. (1958). 40. Munoz, "Monographie historique et economique," 352. 22. Louis Sablayrolles, L'Urbanisme au Maroc: les moyem d'action, les rbultatr (Albi, 1925). 109. 41. Prost had been recommended to Lyautey by J.C.N. Forestier, the Conservateur des 390 Notes to Chapter 9 Notes to Chapter 9

Promenades de Paris, an associate of the Musee Social. He consulted with Prost on 58. Under Malekite lslamic law, the land in Casablanca belonged to the Makhren; it Rabat's parks. Details in Munoz, "Monographie historique'et Cconomique," 96. fell into the category of land reconquered from the Christians. Louis Milliot, Introduc- tion a l'kcude du droit musulman (Paris, 1953). 491ff. 42. Prost, "DCveloppernent de I'urbanisme," 66. 59. Andrk Adam, Casablanca: essai sur la tranifonnation de la sociktt marocaine au contact de 43. Brian Taylor, "Discontinuit6 planifiCe, villes coloniales modernes au Maroc," Les I'Occident (Paris, 1968), 15. Cahiers de la Recherche Architecturale 9 (January 1982): 62. 60. Hubert Lyautey, letter of August 20, 1919 to Andre Lazard, as cited in Le Rtvk- 44. Abu-Lughod makes clear the consequences of this pIanning mistake. Rabat: Urban rend, Un Lyautq inconnu, 294. Aparthkd in Morocco, 160-61. 61. See Encyclqkdie coloniale et maritime (Paris, 1948), 435-44. 45. Munoz, "Monographie historique et Cconornique," 140-43. 62. Maurice Zimrnermann, Paysages et uilles du Maroc (Lyons, 1923), 34. 46. Francois Beguin, et al., Arabisances, dkcor architectural et trace urbain en Afrique du Nord, 1830-1950 (Paris, 1983), 119. 63. There was a "Plan Agache" for Casa, reproduced in Michel Ecochard, Casablanca: le roman d'une ville (Paris, 1955). Apparently Agache had merely cleaned up an army 47. Edmund Burke 111, "La Mission scientifique au Maroc: science sociale et politique engineer's drawings. Personal communication, Jean-Louis Cohen. dans I'Age de I'imperialisrne," Bulletin Economique et Social du Maroc, nos. 138-139 (1978): 37-56; idem., "The First Crisis of Orientalism, 1890-1914," Connaksances du 64. Prost, "DCveloppernent de I'urbanisrne," 78. Maghreb, sciences sociales et coloniration (Paris, 1984). 65. Fran~oisBCguin et al., Arabisances, dkcor architectural et trace urbain en Afiique du Louis Mercier, "Rabat: Description topographique," Archives Marocaines 7(1906): Nord, 1830-1 950 (Paris, 1983), 11. . -349. 66. Jean-L. de Lanessan: saving a pagoda was worth twenty columns. Principes & colo- 49. Lyautey, introduction, L'lslam et lapolitique contemporaine (Paris, 1927), as quoted in nkation (Paris, 1897), 62. Knight, "French Colonial Policy," 224; Clifford Geertz, Islam Obsmed: Religious Develop- ment in Morocco and Indonesia (Chicago, 197 1). 67. Hubert Lyautey, "Allocution d'ouverture," Paroles dhction, 1900-1926 (Paris, 1927). 451. 50. Henri Descamps, "L'Architecture fran~aiseau Maroc, L'Urbanisme: L'Oeuvre de M. Prost," La Construction Moderne 46(December 14, 1930): 173. 68. Brian Taylor, 'tDiscontinuitC PlanifiCe," 54.

51. E. Pauty, "Rapport sur la dkfense des villes et la restauration des monuments 69. Albert Laprade, "Une Ville crtCe spkcialement pour les indigenes," L'Urbanisme historiques," Hesperic 2, nos. 1-2(1922): 449. dam les colonies, ed. Jean Royer.

52. Descamps, "L'Architecture fran~aiseau Maroc," 174. 70. Annelise Gerard. "Quartier et unit6 de voisinage dans la pratique urbanistique francaise, 1919-1973," Thtse de 3e cycle, UniversitC de Paris V11, 1977. 53. Munoz mentions the Ocean, Kebibat, and Grand Agueda quarters. "Monographie historique et Cconomique," 154. 71. Jean-Paul Charnay, "La Guerre de Rif, derniere campagne coloniale ou premiere guerre rCvolutionaire?" Tichnique et Gkosociologre: la gueme du R$ le nucleaire en Orient 54. Abu-Lughod, Rabat: Urban Apartheid in Morocco, 156-57. (Paris, 1984). See also: David S. Woolrnan, Rebels in the Rif; Abd el-Krim and the R$ Rebellion (Berkeley, 1968); Abd el-Krim et la Rkpublique du Rif, Actes du colloque interna- 55. Abu-Lughod fails to establish how much land was expropriated during this period tional d'ktudes historiques et sociologiques, 18-20 January 1973 (Paris, 1976). but cites Knight as saying that it was only after Lyautey left that large chunks were grabbed. 72. Lottman claims that Lyautey had hatched a plot, stopped by Petain, to overthrow Herriot. Herbert R. Lottrnan, Pktain (Paris, 1984), 130. Lottman curiously adds that 56. Prost went on to do regional planning on the C6te d'Azur, and to devise the first Lyautey had spent all the war years in Morocco. regional circulation plan for the Parisian region before becoming the chief urban planner in Istanbul. 73. Ibid., 134.

57. Urban planning was hardly unknown in pre-Protectorate Morocco: it is worth 74: Charnay, "Guerre du Rif," 58. remembering that in the eighteenth century, the Moroccan sultan had commissioned a Portuguese architect to build the port-fortress city of Moaador. Henri'rerrasse, HCtoire 75. Ibid., 86. du Maroc des origines d fitablisseient du protectorat fransk, vol. 2 (Casablanca, 1950), 298. 76. For details see Henri Prost, "Rapport general," Royer, ed. Urbanfime danr les colonies.