Southern Africa voL 12 No. 4 lD) ~ GllJlDJ@lD) GlnJ ~ ~0 ~ 2__S . September 1997 Neo-Liberalism & AIJl it's Works o· L.an.d D Se~ rvices · o EPZs 0 The S .A. Budget September 1997
Vol. 12 No.4
Contents l
Editorial: Of Crime ... and Neo-liberalism ...... 1
Private Gain, Public Loss? Service Delivery in the New S.A...... 3
Giving South Africans the GEARs Southern Africa The '97 Budget ...... 7 REPORT is produced quarterly by a collective Regional Mirage: Southern Africa and the EPZ ...... 11 of TCLSAC, the Toronto Committee for Links between Southern Africa & Canada The Menace of the Market 427 Bloor St. West Land and Labour in Southern Africa 16 Toronto, Ontario M5S 1X7 Tel. (416) 967-5562 email: [email protected] Debating Globalization: Critique of Colin Leys ...... web site: www.web.n et /~tclsac/ 20 Submissions, suggestions and help in production are welcome and invited ISSN 0820-5582 Going it Alone: Opposition Politics in Zimbabwe . . . . . 24 Member: Canadian Magazine Publishers Association Reviews: Indexed in : Canadian Index; Canadian Business & Current Affairs Family Matters 27 A ll rights reversed Whites Only 30 Subscriptions Southern Africa Report subscription & TCLSAC membership rates: SUBSCRIPTION: SAR Collective Individual (per year) $18.00 Institution (per year) $40.00 Margie Adam, Stephen Allen, Carolyn Bassett, Christine Beckermann, Lois Browne, Marlea Clarke, MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Dav id Cooke, Thaddeus Gacii, David Galbraith, David Hartman, Regular . . $35.00 John S. Saul, Marit Stiles, Lauren Swenarchuk , Unemployed Joe Vise, Mary Vi se, Student . $18.00 Senior Sustainer . over $100.00 CoveT photo: the Johannesburg Stock Exchange Overseas add $10 .00 Cover design by Art Work Cover pho t o by Philip Schedler- LINK/Impact Visuals
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Of Crime • • • and Nee-liberalism Michael Valpy, once the Toronto even m its own terms. Thus we day South African society, "Crime" Globe and Mail's correspondent in find , to take merely one example, with, precisely, a capital "C." Crime Africa, t has written recently in the ANC as liberation movement became, in fact, the very heart of the that same new&paper of his return blandly presented as being in some darkness that Valpy seemed content visit to South Africa earlier this way as responsible for the culture to place at the centre of his portrait year. His central piece, granted of crime and violence perceived by of the country. a remarkable three full pages at Valpy as has been the ex-apartheid True, Valpy did make some the front of the "Focus" section state or Chief Buthelezi's dreaded reference in his mega-article to the m the Saturday edition of May Inkatha movement! stark inequalities of wealth and 17, was an all too sensationalist social condition that are present presentation of the crime problem Yet such is the saliency, as day South Africa's chief inheritance that he encountered there - not least "Canada's national newspaper," of from its past as a grimly racist in the conversation of middle class the Globe and Mail in "informed society and as an almost-parodically friends with whom, as Valpy informs circles" that, for a week or two, exploitative capitalist one. In these us at some length, he dined. The everybody with whom one spoke was inequalities lie, self-evidently, the account was bumptious, misleading suddenly an expert on South Africa roots of the cnme problem that ... and what they knew about was does indeed stalk South Africa t On his previous sojourn in southern Crime. Not "how much crime?" today even if the "culture of Africa see "The Education of Michael really, not even "why crime?" but violence" which has also been Valpy" and "Valpy on Valpy," SAR, 3 , rather, as if it defined some kind of carried over from that past also has no. 5 (1988). almost existential essence of present- a complementary role to play.
Southern Africa REPORT s ept ember 1997 1 But what to do about these And yet not for Valpy the possi Steve Greenberg and Samuel Bonti inequalities? Is it merely because bility that a very different kind of Ankomah, of a range of menacing members of the SAR editorial "macroeconomic policy," one based developments on the land right collective dine with different folks not on supply-side calculations but across the southern African region. when we visit South Africa that on the democratically-willed direc discussion of such inequalities seems tion of productive activities towards There is room, to be sure, for to be more prominent conversational the meeting of such social needs, further debate about the costs and fare than is the C-word fixation might be far more worthy of a benefits (and indeed the very feasi encountered by Valpy - and to be high mark as development strat bility) of alternatives to neo-liberal by far the more important issue egy than the current choice. No , economic policies in southern Africa; to relay back, front and centre, to he's content with the promise of the it is just such a debate that we hope Canadian readers? Valpy's own stab "trickle-down effect" as enunciated to promote further in future volumes at examining such socio-economic by Mbeki (identified as "the chief ar of SAR. Still, unemployment rises, issues did appear in another of chitect" of ANC economic policies), not shrinks, in South Africa and his articles of course, this time a promise that, in Valpy 's words, popular unease with ANC strategy in one buried much further back the government's "policies of run finds expression in strikes, in a wan in the paper and entitled "ANC ning a pro-business economy, priva ing of popular enthusiasm and even, performs economic balancing act" tizing major state corporations and dare we suggest it, in a rising crime (Globe and Mail, June 11, 1997). creating public-private partnerships rate. In such a co~text we keep be But in the report card format he to develop infrastructure megapro ing drawn back to Colin Leys' contri used there, Valpy was prepared to jects are the keys to providing the bution to an earlier number of SAR grant the ANC a remarkably high panoply of social programs South ("The World, Society and the In mark, A-, for its economic policies: Africa desperately needs." dividual," SAR, 11, no. 3 (1996]). In that original article he forcefully "The government is probably as And yet, in point of fact, South close to economic consensus on Africa is rife with debate about identified the reigning "neo-liberal" consensus as being, yes, a faith prin macroeconomic policy as is possible. the wisdom of this option, not ciple, as being, pace Valpy, almost Not everyone likes it, but most can least in those militant trade union live with it." circles (and even within the ANC pure ideology and an extremely mis leading and damaging one to boot. Can they? Valpy is aware that itself) that have perhaps not heard the economic agenda he hails so en about the "national consensus on Now , in the present issue of SAR, Leys finds himself engaged in an thusiastically is a profoundly neo macroeconomic policy" Valpy so exchange with Jonathan Barker re liberal one, but seems content to confidently announces. In the swallow whole "the whispered ac present issue of SAR you will find garding his earlier article, the two debating usefully just where effec knowledgment by the South African the voices of authors who also can't business community that the gov so easily "live with" the ANC's tive resistance to that neo-liberal consensus is most likely to be found. ernment is on the right track." chosen strategy. Thus South African But Valpy, so often sensitive in other What has ruled the government in economist Oupa Lehulere queries of his columns to some of the social this sphere, Valpy asserts, is "prag the neo-liberal premises he sees as and economic contradictions of neo matism, rather than ideology" - driving both last year's "Growth, liberalism as evidenced here in Mike as if the kind of faith in neo Employment and Redistribution" Harris' Ontario, might want to turn liberalism that seemingly guides the (GEAR) document - the market back directly to Leys' original piece. ANC leadership were not "ideology" driven touchstone of the ANC's There he would be reminded of the of the most unalloyed and unprob present macro-economic policy - perils, for South Africa but also lematized kind. ("On the global and the current year's budget side," Valpy adds, deputy president that GEAR has spawned. In more generally, inherent in market driven globalization and the "subor Thabo Mbeki, "was celebrated on addition, Herbert Jauch and Sandra dination of social goals to the in a recent visit to the United States van Niekirk examine critically two terests of private capital." Either - by receiving an award from Hi concrete areas of economic policy that or he should consider - in light lary Clinton - for opening the South making - the apparent fetishization of his born-again enthusiasm ("A-" African economy to international in of Export Processing Zones (not indeed) for the benign and "prag vestment"!) merely in South Africa but in other southern African countries as well) matic" nature of the ANC's own Marks for social programmes - and the equally suspect haloing neo-liberal agenda for South Africa housing, education and health care of privatization in the sphere of - relocating any further reflections - are much lower on the Valpy re social services delivery. Finally, he might have about that country to port card (and, of course, there the dark side of privatization is the "Report on Business" section of is an "E" for "law and order" ). also highlighted in the account, by Can ad a's national newspaper.
2 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT ------~@~~lli ~~~li©~------Private Gain, Public Loss? Service Delivery in the New S.A.
BY SANDRA VAN NIEK ferred method of development. The nerships are but one form of local ERK private sector is preferred because government restructuring. Rather Sandra van Niekerk is coordinator of it is also seen to bring in manage than exploring these various forms, the privatization research project at rial and technical skills, greater ef however, they have indicated their ILRIG (International Labour Resource ficiency and more cost effective op preference for such partnerships as and Information Group). erations. This preference for pub the best option for solving the prob lic/private partnerships is now being lems local authorities face . A num Soon after the national election of translated into policies. ber of programmes have been initi 1994 it became clear that the South ated to encourage and support mu African government was intent on The steady move of the private sector into local government service nicipal public/private partnerships. pursuing a policy of privatization, One such programme, the Munici both of state-owned enterprises and delivery has not gone unchallenged by workers and their unions. For pal Public-Private Partnership Pilot public service. This conforms Programme (MPPP), has set aside to the neo-liberal emphasis on many years, the COSATU affiliate responsible for organising munici R50 million (17 million Canadian liberalising the economy and making dollars) to help municipalities en it more internationally competitive. pal workers, SAMWU (the South African Municipal Workers Union), ter into public/private partnerships. Big business has monitored the This, in effect, privatizes the very process closely, and called the has vocall y opposed municipal ser vice privatization. SAMWU rejects process of contracting out the mu government to order with the nicipal services. spectre that anticipated foreign public/private partnerships (regard investment will not materialize, ing them as a form of privatization) The government's orientation to should the government be perceived because it is opposed to the very wards public/private partnerships to be faltering in its commitment to idea of public services being deliv must be understood in the broader privatization. ered for a profit. Instead, SAMWU context of the government's macro promotes public sector service de economy policy, GEAR (Growth Considerable media attention livery. The other municipal sec has focused on privatizing enter Employment and Reconstruction). tor trade union, IMATU (the Inde GEAR advocates reducing state prises at a central government level, pendent Municipal and Allied Trade but little on what is happening at spending, the deficit, and the size Union), which primarily organises of the public sector, but the gov local government level. Yet for white collar workers, has a more many years privatization has slowly ernment also is committed to ful equivocal position on public/private filling the promise of the RDP (Re been eroding the . tradi tiona! role of partnerships. Yet at times it has municipalities as service providers. construction and Development Pro come out strongly against privatiza gramme) to extend basic services. This is a different form of privati tion as well. With millions requir zation than that being negotiated Bringing the private sector into a ing access to basic services such as massive programme of service exten through the central government, be water, sanitation services, electric cause it involves contracting out sions as well as operating and main ity and housing, government, labour taining existing infrastructure and state services rather than selling off and communities all recognize the state assets. Specific services (like services may allow the government scale of the service delivery problem. to fulfil the promises of the RDP, meter reading) can be contracted Clearly, however, not all agree on out, or it can take the form of without increasing its budget for in what is the most appropriate solu frastructure development. more extensive public/private part tion. nerships, like water and sewerage in Bringing in the private sector frastructure. Public/private partnerships: means that the role of the munici the best option? According to Finance Minister pality in ensuring everyone has ac Trevor Manuel, public/private part The Department of Constitutional cess to basic services, must be sep nerships are more than just a mech Development, which is responsible arate from actually delivering ser anism to bring private financing into for lo cal government, has stated re vices. That the government is mov the public sector, they are the pre- peatedly that public/private part- ing in the direction of separating
Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 3 the service authority and service pilot project initiated through the has undergone a process of integra provider can be seen in the discus MPPP. Already, a number of tion - bringing together the areas sion document on local government, national and international consortia previously covered by the white lo (released as part of the process of have bid on the concession to take cal authority of Old Nelspruit and transforming local authorities), the over water and sanitation services. the areas covered by Kangwane, one water services bill and other govern The municipality is now evaluating of the former self-governing territo ment statements. the bids. ries. While water services (both wa ter supply and sanitation) are ad Why did Nelspruit jump at the equate in the Old Nelspruit area, Nelspruit: privatization labora opportunity to contract out its wa the old Kangwane government areas tory ter services to a private consortium? have major problems. Many resi The Mpumalanga province town of Like other municipalities, since the dences lack access to water and rely Nelspruit has the most advanced 1995 municipal elections, Nelspruit on water tanks or communal stand
4 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT pipes, water is not always available more risk by assuming responsibil The experience of workers and all day, and low water pressure is an ity for collecting tariffs and com commumt1es in other countries ongoing problem. mitting themselves to an extensive shows the problems with pub Municipal calculations indicated infrastructure development invest lic/private partnerships, however. that R300 million (approximately ment programme. Tariffs would Jobs are lost, working conditions are then cover the contractor's operat 100 million Canadian dollars) would eroded and union rights are threat be needed to extend water services ing costs and provide a return on ened when services are contracted to Kangwane, money which it says it its investment. Because the tariffs out. Communities have suffered a lacks. Municipalities must raise 90% charged by the private sector must decline in the quality of services of their income locally, receiving allow it to recover its operating and and rising prices, while they can no only 10% through intergovernmental investment costs, and make a profit, longer hold their elected representa grants. The central government the concession must be lengthy. The tives to account for service delivery. Monitoring will (and the Department of Finance in Nelspruit concession will be for 30 not eliminate these - the company will simply withdraw particular) also restricts how much years. municipalities can borrow. Thus Operating strictly on a money if the regulatory framework becomes too onerous. although the central government for service basis, the private com makes finance for infrastructure pany will not hesitate to cut off resi Private sector companies do development available through its dents unable to pay their water bill. not hide the fact that they will Consolidated Municipal Investment Many will be unable to afford even deliver water and sanitation services Programme, nonetheless it has the most basic charge, since an es only to the extent that it IS exacerbated the financial pressures timated 62% earn less than R800 profitable. Where millions of on municipalities, encouraging them per month. Their water will be cut people lack access to services or to turn to the private sector to off, which has serious health, eco the money to pay for them, it finance service delivery. nomic and social implications. The is no wonder that public/private only way to ensure that everyone partnerships face opposition. Expanding the private sector has access to water and sanitation If Nelspruit does indeed contract services will be for the government SAMWU opposed out its water services, it will to subsidise the provision of basic "We are against privatization be not be the first municipality to services considerably. This suggests cause contractors will always be do so. The Nelspruit contract that the financial benefits of pub there to make a profit. If they will be more extensive, however: lic/private partnerships may be con cannot make a profit, they will be the winning consortium will be siderably less than is claimed. gone." Nelspruit water worker responsible for raising sufficient SAMWU has ·consistently op investment to extend water services International lessons as well as operating, managing posed privatization, including con and maintaining the water services Governments in m any countries, en tracting out services. It acknowl system. couraged by transnationals, the IMF edges the many and serious prob and the World Bank, have con lems South African municipalities The Department of Constitu tracted out public services - from face, and accepts that local govern tional Affairs has argued that in con water concessions in Manila in the ment must be restructured. For tracts to date; the private sector Philippines, to Build Operate Trans SAMWU, however, restructuring takes too little of the risk in service fer (BOT) programmes in Malaysia means "turning around" service de delivery. The local authority bills and Public Finance Initiatives (PFI) livery: reorganising the workplace water users and collects tariffs, and, in Britain. The South African gov and th'e way services are delivered, although full payment of the tariffs ernment talks about the need to use building strong accountability be is impossible with areas lacking me international experience to develop tween municipalities and the com ters and many residents unable to guidelines for private sector partici munities they represent, and finding pay their bills, local authorities have pation in municipal service delivery, alternatives to local government fi to pay the private company the full to develop a reg ulatory framework nancing. The crux of SAMWU's op contract price for the service they tight enough to prevent the prob position is their objection to public deliver. Clearly this was a win-win lems experienced elsewhere. In this service delivery becoming a profit situation for the private sector, with way the South African government making activity. They argue that companies carrying little of the risk has tried to project public/private privatization cannot be separated and making an easy profit. partnerships as a neutral, techni from its neo-liberal roots - it is a pol Thus the Department of Consti cal solution to service delivery prob icy designed to benefit capital, not tutional Affairs has indicated that lems, provided it is sufficiently mon workers and communities. They also the private sector must take on itored. reject portrayals of public/private
Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 5 ------~@~~lli ~ll~~©~------~--
partnerships as simply a technical is that the private sector's financial ad Association). A June 1997 reso sue. Both the ideological assump vantages make it appear to be an at lution supported local government tions and the practical implications tractive service provider, they have service delivery as the preferred of privatization must be challenged, identified a number of other sources form . While SALGA could not com they argue. of financing which need to be in mit to stopping its members from vestigated. These alternatives in continuing with privatization pro SAMWU also rejects the idea clude re-prioritizing budgets, cross cesses already underway, the NLR of separating the service authority subsidising services from the ri ch to FLG agreed to a process to develop from the service provider. Proper the poor, and a Local Government plans for public sector delivery of accountability between the commu Solidarity Fund. For public sec serv1ces. nity and their elected representa tor delivery to be successful though, tives will only be built if munic Conclusion both central and local governments ipalities are responsible for ensur must be willing to put resources into The move towards public/private ing that everyone has access to ser developing plans for it. partnerships must be understood as vices and for delivering those ser one of the features of globalization vices. Private sector delivery under Mobilising support - which includes: an overriding be mines this accountability and turns lief in the effectiveness of the unfet communities into individual, atom In Nelspruit, SAMWU has mobilised tered market, emphasising the need ised customers. In contrast, "pub support for its position by engag for both countries and cities to be lic sector delivery prioritizes meet ing local political structures. To internationally competitive, with de ing the needs of communities and date, it has garnered the support centralised service delivery and lib strengthening democratic lines of of COSATU, SACP (South African eralised economies. In this context, accountability between communities Communist Party) and SANCO public/private partnerships have be and municipalities above other con (South African National Civics Or come an accepted form of service siderations." ganization) in the region. By meet delivery: international capital and SAMWU has initiated pilot ing with ANC provincial structures their governments portray them as projects to develop plans for equi and the Nelspruit ANC councillors, neutral development tools. How table, effective, efficient and afford SAMWU obtained a commitment ever, they must be viewed as a form able public sector service delivery. that the finai decision on contract of privatization, and as partnerships They argue that the municipality, ing out the water services will be de which promote the interests of capi daunted by the size of the problem, layed until SAMWU's proposal has tal, especially transnational compa has been too quick to turn service received further consideration. nies, rather than workers and com delivery over to the private sector, SAMWU's pilot projects are munities. These market-based eco instead of investigating other ways part of a broader campaign against nomic activities do not offer "free to extend services. A key element privatization. Notwithstanding choice" to communities with little of the SAMWU proposal involves a COSATU's acceptance that restruc money. participatory process for front line turing state assets should "consider In rejecting the governments ar municipal workers (not just shop all forms of ownership - nation gument that public/private partner stewards) to identify obstacles to ef alization, privatization wh ere nec ships are necessary to help meet fective service delivery and develop essary, joint venture, opening up the developmental needs of South plans to overcome those problems. new entities and partnerships be Africa, and in mobilising a campaign Their proposal emphasises effective tween the state and private sector", against privatization, SAMWU has public sector delivery and the right it has committed its support to the delayed their implementation and of access to basic services for all. To SAMWU campaign. A resolution forced the issue of public sector de ensure this they demand that every to "campaign against the current livery onto the agenda. Perhaps one be given 50 litres free water per moves which aim to privatize the the most important aspect of the day, after which a progressive tariff provision of basic services such as SAMWU campaign is that it coun system kicks in. water and electricity" was taken at ters the argument that there is no al a policy conference this May. The SAMWU proposal chal ternative to privatization. SAMWU lenges the government's motivations SAMWU also has received some cannot battle privatization alone, for privatization and the implemen support for its campaign at the however. The possibility of effec tation of such policies. They argue National Labour Relations Forum tively shifting local government ser that there is nothing inherently in For Local Government (NLRFLG) vice delivery rests on the extent to efficient about the public sector that which brings together organised which they are able to mobilise suffi prevents it from being cost-effective, labour (SAMWU and IMATU) and cient support - both from the labour or denies it the capacity to use new organised employers (SALGA movement as a whole and from the technology. While they recognize South African Local Government affected communities.
6 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT ------~©~~rn ~~~li©~------Giving South Africans the GEARs The '97 Budget
BY OUPA LEHULERE with the June, 1996, publication 7% (1996). As for the private sector, Oupa Lehulere works as a labour educa of GEAR, openly embraced nee recently proclaimed the engine of tor for the union support organization, liberalism. In GEAR, the ANC economic growth for all, growth in Khanya College, in Johannesburg stated the main objectives of its eco GDFI fell by a full 50%, from 13% nomic strategy as: (1995) to 6.5% (1996). In March 1997 the Minister of • to promote private sector-led eco Finance, Trevor Manuel, delivered nomic development; Closer to home, and despite the his maiden budget to parliament. As • to prioritize a conservative fiscal sustained growth in economic activ the press reported, this was felt by policy and debt repayment; ity since 1993, the trend in measured Manuel and the ANC government to • privatize state assets; formal employment has been disap represent a milestone. For it was the • integrate South Africa into the pointing [Budget Review, 1997, De first budget since the 1994 elections world economy; partment of Finance]. Up to the actually to be delivered by an ANC •promote export-led growth and year ending September 1996, em minister: as part of appeasing "international competitiveness"; ployment fell by 1.5%, with con the financial markets and monopoly •promote flexible labour markets; struction, mining and manufactur capital, Manuel's predecessors were • liberalize exchange controls; ing being the hardest hit. It must be tried and tested representatives of •fight inflation. remembered, however, that this does the old order - one had also been not even begin to measure the rise Now , in Minister Manuel's bud finance minister in the dying days of in underemployment and generally get, this standard menu from the National Party government and the insecure forms of employment. Be world's leading finance houses was to other was a retired banker. sides the lack of income into which be dished out with a consistency and more are now descending, the coun The delivery of the budget by fervour that has come to surprise try's financiers are demanding more Minister Manuel was also significant even South Africa's ruling classes. and more of their pound of flesh . for other reasons, however. While Indeed, a more detailed specification The high real interest rates not only - according to one of the country's of the context" and characteristics of take work away from people, but leading dailies - big business and the budget easily explains the cheers they have also resulted in a sig many politicians welcomed Manuel's with which it was greeted by the fi nificant debt-servicing burden for "people's budget," outside the par nancial markets. households [Budget Review]. More liament Cosatu, student organiza Gearing down in a downswing over, in spite of the economic slow tions and some NGOs demonstrated down, the fall in the value of the As is customary for a Minister to do, against a budget which they argued rand and other factors are now lead Manuel began by sketching out the failed to meet the electoral promises ing to an upward pressure on infla state of the economy as background in the Reconstruction and Develop tion. ment Programme (RDP). The jux to his budget. His overall assessment taposition of cheers from big busi was that he was delivering a budget How did Minister Manuel re ness and protests from the organized in a situation of cyclical downswing. spond to this very real contraction working class helped underscore a Against a relatively poor growth in economic activity? key feature of Minister Manuel's of 3.1% in 1995/96, the Minister He did so by running a notably budget: the fact that it repre expected the economy to slow down contractionary budget. Thus, com sented a further consolidation of even further, to 2.5% in the coming pared to the preceding year, govern the drift into neo-liberal economic year. This forecast was seen to ment expenditure will increase by a reflect a number of factors. policies that was first systemati mere 6.1 %. Against a backdrop of cally presented in the government's After a robust growth of 7.5% in an inflation rate that is 7 .4%, and macroeconomic strategy document, 1995, real manufacturing output had one that, according to the Minis "Growth, Employment and Redis grown by a mere 0.5% in 1996; gold ter, is set to rise, this represents tribution" (GEAR). production had fallen to its lowest a real drop in government spend Thus, after years of quietly drift level in 40 years; and gross domestic ing in a period of growing unem ing into neo-liberal policies the ANC fix ed investment (GDFI) had been ployment and therefore of poverty. had finally ran the gauntlet and, steadily falling from 10.5% (1995) to The determination with which Min-
Sou thern Africa REPORT september 1997 7 ister Manuel approaches his budget of public sector workers. In GEAR - the apartheid state had simply cutting exercise can also be seen the government noted that "careful declared them to be non-existent when one contrasts the 6.1% rise in management of the ... wage bill is - Minister Manuel's allocations to expenditure with the 11.1% rise in central to fiscal strategy." Follow social programmes represented a revenue. Moreover, these revenue ing GEAR the government negoti drastic cut in expenditure. For gains are themselves understated be ated a three year agreement with the traditional basis of comparison cause they do not include income public sector unions according to used in the budget - that the. that will accrue to the state from pri which they would accept the down allocation represents such and such vatization and oil sales. Why this sizing o,f the public sector and the a percentage increase over last year ruthless approach to expenditure? gains would be used to fund a 9% and represents such a percentage of There is very little mystery here: increase in wages for 3 years. In GDP - was (given the much larger it reflects the government's commit the budget the government allocated number of people to now be affected) ment, above all else, to a programme an increase of 7.4%, thus reneging merely a way of hiding the cuts in of deficit reduction! on its agreement with the unions. social expenditure. And this is all The struggle around the revision of the more true given the fact that "Fiscal discipline" and debt the wages downward still continues, all the "increases" were at or below reduction with the unions poised to strike in an the ever rising level of inflation. With its adoption of the GEAR attempt to force the government to In practice, transfers to provinces, strategy, the.government committed honour the agreement it had made. which constitute the main source of itself to do better than most The second casualty of the social spending, fell in real terms. signatories to the Maastricht 'Il·eaty fixation with debt has been the on European Union: South Africa working class as a whole. For The cynicism that lies behind would achieve a budget deficit of the budget embodies a real cut in this misleading announcement of a only 3% of GDP by the year spending on social services. reprioritization of expenditures in 2000. As for the present budget, favour of social development was ex the Minister announced that the The myth of greater social pressed most graphically in the al Budget Council - a body that brings sp ending location of, and policy changes con together national and provincial cerning, child maintenance grants. elected officials and bureaucrats If one was to believe the country's Under the old order, in cases which responsible for finance - accepted "bourgeois press," Minister Manuel qualified for child maintenance the that the first charge against revenue would have earned the unique mother got R430 per month and the is debt cost. In line with the race distinction of delivering a budget child (up to a maximum of two chil to reach the 3% deficit target, the that was, simultaneously, both a dren in a family) got R135 up to Minister announced that the deficit peoples' budget and one that gave the age of 18 years. The ANC in for 1997/98 will be 4% of GDP. (It a substantial boost of confidence government has undertaken a funda is important to note, once again, to business. The trick lay in mental change in child maintenance that the deficit for 1997/98 was the prominence given to social grants. On the plus side, it is true calculated without taking account of expenditure in both the Minister's that "Africans" will now be covered income from privatization or from presentation and in press reports. by such grants for the first time. sale of oil stock - despite the In GEAR the government had On the negative side, however, are fact that at a recent conference promised a redistribution of income the facts that children will be cov hosted by Societe Generale Frankel and opportunities in favour of the ered only up to age 6 and that each Pollak, a director-general from the poor and a society in which sound qualifying child will receive a flat Department of Finance assured the health, education and other services grant of a mere R75, with no grant markets that "although we have not were available to all. In his now for mothers. In short, in this included funds received from the speech the Minister claimed to make sphere, "reprioritization" means a sale of state assets into our deficit "substantial allocation to poverty dramatic downscaling of social bene targets ... whatever is received ... relief": "We invest," he said, fits. When confronted with vocal op will go into debt reduction." Note, "in people through a significant position to the R75 a month grant, too, that in the past year budgeted reprioritization of expenditures in the Minister for Welfare (sic!) de amounts to the value of R9 billion favour of social development." But fended the grant on the basis that were not spent - a reality that what was the reality behind this a child could be clothed and fed on should also help pull the deficit rhetoric? R75 per month. In other words, this downwards by the end of fiscal year The reality was that m a was not just a case of limited means, 1997 /98.) country m which many people but it was an allocation based on the The first casualty of the dicta- · were coming within the social genuine belief that this drastic cut in torship of debt has been the wages expenditure net for the first time what was deemed an adequate living
8 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT ------~@~~lli ~~~~©~------level for workers and their children was correct and appropriate. The logic of neo-liberalism Neo - liberalism has as one of its important objec tives the down ward revision of the value of labour power. The source of the neo-liberal agen da is the cri sis of profitability that registered on a world-wide ba sis at the end of the 1960s. On a given technical basis, one way of raising the rate of surplus value is to lower the value of labour power. The downward trend in wages worldwide forms part of the solu tion of the cri sis of profitabil ity, albeit a solu tion cast in cap ital's own inter- est. Although union bashing, and the weaken ing of the capac ity of the work ing class to re Vl Ill :::> sist, forms the Vl general basis of > ->J this downward re u Ill vision of the value a. E of labour power, ...... it is not enough. X a. After all , one can Ill .;: do anything with ganizations, work -o .c must be done at
Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 9 ------~@~~lli ~~~n©~------the ideological level to convince the Liberalization of financia l mar increased to R80,000 per adult and working class actually to accept a ket s R25 ,000 per child. lower value for its labour power. The All this in line with "to Minister of Welfare's contention - And what, in the meantime, of day's supranational environment," preposterous as it might sound - those, in much smaller numbers, in which, as Howard Wachtel has that a child, in 1998 , can be clothed who were already rich in South observed, "four principles prevail: and fed on R75 per month represents Africa. In fact, while the rest of think global, act short-term, move just such an attempt to ideologically the population were beginning to money, and buy and sell other cor condition the working class to accept feel the effects of a slowdown in eco porations." And Minister Manuel's just such a low valuation. nomic activity through unemploy budget went very much further in ment, high debt levels and so on, order to facilitate this kind of cor This attempt at the ideological the bold and the rich were asking porate culture. South African cor conditioning of the working class "Slowdown? what slowdown?" In porations will be allowed to invest reaches its height in the govern the year 1996, the value of shares a portion of their assets for portfolio ment's approach to housing. If any on the country's stock market rose investment ... and the Reserve Bank thing epitomized the RDP it was its from R13.3 bi llion to R34 .6 billion. will facilitate the hedging operations dramatic target of 1 million houses The average price level of all shares of local capitalists by supervising the by the year 2000. With the adop rose by 30%. The volume of shares implementation of a dollar-rand fu tion of GEAR this target was aban traded went up 74.7% (Budget Re tures contracts. In short, a further doned. According to GEAR delivery view) . Moreover, even as the stock globalization of South African cor of houses has been slow "due to re market celebrated its "successes" porations is facilitated by the fact finements to policy frameworks," the the powers-that-be apparently felt that it is now possible for local capi upshot of which was that the hous it was time for further rewards, re talists to raise foreign funding on the ing budget for 1996/97 went largely wards that Minister Manuel's bud strength of their South African bal unspent. The government's "refine get handed out quite handsomely. ance sheets. ments," do not really explain very Such, then, are some of the much about this fai lure of delivery, True, in his budget speech, the measures taken by Minister Manuel however. For the real reason lies Minister declared that "we are bold to further the interests of finance in the fact that the government has in the further integration of South capital. Africa into the global economy by quite self-consciously abdicated a di Concluding remarks rect role in the provision of houses. the freeing up of exchange controls; For example: in an exercise in verbal ... we improve the competitiveness In the draft report of the September gymnastics comparable to the hey of our financial markets ..." There Commission on the future of trade day of Soviet Stalinism in the 1930s, are certain dangers for wealthy unions in South Africa set up by the late Joe Slovo managed to strike South Africans in such a course. Cosatu, it is argued that GEAR's an agreement with the "homeless" Thus, when the rand went into free main aim is to meet the demands at Botshabelo by which the homeless fall in early 1996, it was continuing a of financial capital and of financial committed themselves "to continue, process that had began in the mid- markets for conservative macroeco as we have always done in the past, 1980s. Although such a freefall is nomic targets. Minister Manuel's to meet our own housing needs, us useful for a range of other purposes, budget represents a consolidation ing our very limited resources, our including encouraging an export-led and concrete elaboration of this wor creativity, our initiative and our col economy, a rand in continual freefall ship at the shrine of finance capi lective strength. By this we mean also devalues wealth held in money tal. But for the capitalist classes that we will continue to implement form, and disadvantages our rich (in the show is never over until it's over. and upgrade the systems we have de that for their foreign competitors Monopoly capital continues to apply signed in order to secure affordable the values of both local and foreign pressure to ensure that the transfor housing for ourselves." In this man equities are cheaper). But note that mation of the ANC into a party of ner, the newly installed ANC gov the budget resolved this problem monopoly capital is both accelerated ernment not merely abdicated its re by allowing the rich to hold foreign and guaranteed. The more Min sponsibility to provide housing for currency denominated accounts in ister Manuel delivers to the finan the homeless, but it did so with local banks! In particular, their cial markets, the more they want. a rhetorical flourish (and with, one foreign income earnings can now be As Cosa.tu 's Genera.! Secretary re fears, a heavy dose of cynicism). held in forex accounts. In addition marked, in GEAR employers have these individuals can now invest scored a significant victory. Essen So much then for the ANC's up to R200,000 offshore, and the tially, the recent budget also seems reprioritization of social expendi amount of money they can take out to be one more milestone in the con ture. when travelling overseas has been quests of the legions of finance.
10 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT Regional Mirage Southern Africa and the EPZ
BY HERBERT JAUCH ernments to undermine labour stan had been disappointing and that dards, the marginalization of unions EPZs were the only solution to Herbert Jauch is the EPZ project co and the generous incentives offered high unemployment. President ordinator of the International Labour to potential investors suggest that Sam Nujoma described the exclusion Resource and Information Group (IL the poor working conditions and of the Labour Act as necessary RIG) in Cape Town, South Africa. negative consequences of EPZs in to all ay investors' fear of possible other countries will also character industrial unrest. He promised With neo-liberal economic policies ize EPZs in southern Africa. The that regulations on conditions of now uncritically accepted, to a question now is whether resistance employment would be put in place greater or lesser extent, in all coun to address the fears of workers. tries throughout southern Afri ca, it from unions will be sufficient to de In the meantime, however, he is no surprise that the idea of es lay, stop or dramatically change the declared "the non-application of tablishing Export Processing Zones implementation of EPZ policies. N a.mibia's Code in the EPZ Regime (EPZs) has recently found support The first casualty: labour is a delicate compromise which is among several governments of south rights necessary to achieve the larger goal ern Africa. According to the World The special incentives for investors of job creation." Bank and generally accepted by - which characterize EPZs - of Namibia's major trade union countries implementing such poli ten include the suspension of the federation, the National Union of cies, EPZs are seen as a first step host country's labour laws. This Namibian Workers (NUNW), op in the process of liberalising trade is the case in Zimbabwe and Nami posed the exclusion of the Labour and integrating national economies bia which passed national EPZ laws Act as a violation of both the ILO into the global economy. Regarded in 1994 and 1995 respectively. The convention and Namibia's consti as a signal of a country's departure exclusion of the provisions of the tution. The union federation in from import substitution towards an national labour acts drew immedi structed its lawyers to challenge the export-oriented economy, the expec ate criticism from the labour move constitutionality of the EPZ Act in tation is that specific zones for ex ments. The Zimbabwe Congress of court. However, during a high level port production will , in the long Trade Unions (ZCTU) engaged in meeting between the government, term, be unnecessary as entire coun intense lobbying of the government SWAPO and the NUNW, in Au tries begins to operate like an EPZ. and even sought support among lo gust 1995, an extremely controver EPZs are presented by the gov cal businesses to have the country's sial compromise was reached which ernments in the region as a solution labour laws enforced in EPZs. Af stipulated that the Labour Act will to low economic growth - promis ter a tripartite delegation had vis apply in the EPZs, but that strikes ing they will bring foreign invest ited the EPZs in Kenya and Mauri and lock-outs would be outlawed for ment and jobs to their countries tius in November 1994, a submission a period of 5 years. Although this by making the country internation was made to the government which compromise was greeted with mixed ally competitive. Zimbabwe, Nami argued that Zimbabwe's Labour Re responses from Namibian unionists, bia, Malawi and Mozambique have lations Act should apply. Although it was formally endorsed during a already passed national EPZ laws, these arguments were eventually ac special meeting between the NUNW Zambia wants to follow soon and cepted by the government and Pres and its affili ates in September 1995. EPZ proposals are now appearing in ident Mugabe promised to amend South African policy documents. the EPZ Act, this still has not hap G en erous incentives and low wages Given the devastating experi pened. ences of Mexico, the Philippines, In In Namibia, the exclusion of EPZ laws passed in Mozambique donesia and numerous other coun the Labour Act from EPZ areas and Malawi do not offer exemp tries which have established EPZs has also been a topic of heated tions from labour legislation to for the same or similar reasons, it rl ebate. The government defended prospective investors, but still pro is hard to imagine this strategy will this position, arguing that both vide most of the typical EPZ incen offer much to workers in southern lo cal and foreign investment in tives. Indeed, offering exemptions Africa. Indeed, attempts by gov- the first five years of independence in Mozambique was almost unnec-
Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 11 essary as the country's investment law of 1993 already reflected major concessions to foreign capital as it treats foreign and national investors equally in terms of investment mech anisms as well as guarantees and incentives. For example, the gov ernment guarantees investors' prop erty rights, freedom to import equity capital or borrow. Investors are also exempted from customs duties and are given generous tax exemptions, especially during "the period of re covery of investment expenditure," which can last up to 10 years. In addition, foreign investors may repa triate profits, royalties, loans and pay interest charges abroad. They may also repatriate their capital af ter liquidation or sale and are enti tled to just and equitable compensa tion in case of expropriation for "ab solutely necessary and weighty rea sons of public and national interest, health and public order." Legislation which paved the way for the establishment of EPZs in Mozambique (under the name of Industrial Free Zones) offered additional incentives to investors. For example, Mozambican EPZ in vestors can retain up to 20% of their net profits in foreign currency. Fur ther, legislation stipulates that EPZ firms must produce at least 85% of their products for export while the rest can be sold locally, subject to normal customs charges levied on imports of similar products. They are also exempted from customs du ties on imports such as civil con struction machinery and materials, as well as on raw materials used for export goods. As well, they pay only a small royalty fee (2 to 5%) on their ~ gross income, and there is no supple ~ mentary tax on profits for partners > and owners of such firms in the first 0 10 years of activity Cll 0. E When the Malawian government passed an EPZ Act in 1995, it was » hoping that EPZs would help to .!!! ~ expand the country's export base aJ beyond the traditional agricultural ~ products, that they would diversify ~ the economy and expand the indus-
12 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT trial base. Although all national bers included both parastatal and jobs. This desperation is reflected laws (including the Labour Act) ap private companies such as Eskom, in the willingness of the Zimbab ply in EPZs, cheap labour is seen as Rainbow Chickens, Sanlam Proper wean and Namibian governments to a major incentive. At an investment ties, Mondi, Spoornet, Renfreight, even exempt EPZs from their na conference in April 1997 in South Boland Bank, the Independent De tional labour legislation. While, on Africa, a Malawian trade delegation velopment Trust (IDT) and Nissan. paper, the Mozambican EPZ regula offered prospective investors a mini tions seem more accommodating of mum wage of US$20.00 per month By 1992 various groups had workers' rights, given the extreme completed a number of studies on as a special incentive. The gov difficulties of the Mozambican econ EPZs. The Export Processing ernment's 'flexibility' with regard to omy and the government's zeal to Zone Council of the Department EPZs seems so great that it is open attract and keep foreign investment, of Trade and Industry (DTI) put to offer almost any other additional it seems unlikely that the authori together a draft document, "Policy incentive to attract investors - even ties will be over-zealous in monitor and Regulatory Framework for the if they stay for only a few years. ing and imposing conditions upon Establishment of Export Processing investors. Also, the trade union Zones (EPZs) in South Africa." movement in Mozambique is rela South Africa's EPZs: m By 1993 the apartheid cabinet had tively weak and might find it dif through the back door apparently approved in principle ficult to monitor and ensure that the creation of EPZs, with the Although South Africa has not es the formal provisions are observed. possibility of establishing the first tablished any fully fledged EPZs, the Given the low levels of unionization, EPZ the following year. Although country appears to be well on its way the extreme poverty and high unem this was prevented by the election to creating labour conditions and in ployment rates, and the direct influ of the new government in 1994, vestment incentives which closely re ence of the World Bank and IMF, the strategy appears to have only semble EPZs. Already in the 1980s Mozambique is in no position to im been slightly delayed rather than the apartheid government had intro pose strict investment conditions on completely abandoned. duced a number of policies which re foreign capital. Not surprisingly, the sembled those associated with EPZs. Perhaps encouraged by the over same applies to Malawi. Along with the prohibition of trade all neo-liberal economic thrust of the Recent attempts by southern union rights, deregulation laws al new government, advocates of EPZs African states to introduce EPZs lowed the government to declare cer are surfacing again with EPZ pro should hardly be applauded. Not tain areas free from national laws posals 'in disguise' . The most com only are these strategies bound to governing conditions in the work mon form is "Industrial Develop fail in creating jobs and strong place, and various concessions and ment Zones" (IDZs), promoted by economies, this approach is likely to subsidies were offered to compa South Africa's Department of Trade threaten attempts toward regional nies prepared to invest in designated and Industry. Engineered and pro economic integration. Why? areas, especially in the bantustan moted by some of the old apart "homelands." heid bureaucrats, IDZs are defined Firstly, international experiences with EPZs since the 1960s have However, unlike 'classic' EPZs, as geographicall y defined areas in shown that they are not leading to industrial decentralization strate which incentives are offered to man sustainable economic development. gies with respect to the 'home ufacturing firms to establish them On the contrary, this growth strat lands' were located within an overall selves. In addition to national in egy has resulted in deepening devel inward-looking national industrial vestment incentives, local govern oping countries' dependency on for ization strategy. Thus, such decen ments can grant special incentives, tralised industrial areas were not de e.g., subsidized water, electricity or eign capital and can have a detri liberately located close to transport land. Companies can also benefit mental effect on national industries. facilities, such as harbours or air from infrastructure provided by gov Not only have they failed to offer ports, the way EPZs normally are. ernment, such as roads, harbours a solution to rising unemployment, These industrial and regional poli and railway lines. they have most often worsened living cies were not very successful in at and working conditions for workers. tracting new investment and pro Regional implications Further, due to the enclave nature of EPZs. they hardly develop 'back moting economic growth. Never The introduction of EPZ laws in ward linkages' with the host econ theless, during the early 1990s the Malawi, Mozambique, Zimbabwe omy and do not lead to technology idea to establish EPZs in South and Namibia, and the proposals transfer. Africa gained new momentum. A in South Africa are indicative of lobby calling itself the South African the countries' desperate attempts Secondly, as Dot Keet pointed Special Economic Zones Associa to attract foreign investment as out, southern Africa is facing a tion was established. Its mem- a means of creatin g much-needed highly competitive - in fact ruthless
Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 13 - global economy "in which there Thirdly, in their eagerness to As SADC member states scramble is really little prospect for any of attract foreign investment on almost for foreign investment, EPZs are the southern African countries being any terms, the governments of likely to erode existing social, able to offer terms and prospects southern Africa are entering into labour and environmental standards that will really create successful competition with each other. They throughout the region. Even where EPZs - even on their own terms." compete for the same investors by governments are intent on defending At a time when southern Africa offering ever greater concessions to the social gains made, they find is still trying to establish EPZs, foreign capital. This competition themselves in a weak position to they are already superseded by for investment produces a downward do so. The lack of alternative more sweeping neo- liberal policies spiral in EPZ conditions where the programmes for effective economic which create ever more favourable benefits accrue to the investors and development and job creation puts conditions for international capital. the costs with the host countries. governments a.t a disadvantage Ill From Regional Cooperation to Regional Competition
The EPZ Business Plan of Namibia's Ministry of Trade ment Company] should, therefore , try and target these and Industry illustrates the competition for investment countries." between countries implementing EPZs. This plan notes that Namibia's EPZs should initially target light indus In July 1997, the executive director of the Namibia In tries such as textiles and garments, electronics, footwear vestment Centre, Steve Galloway, visited Cape Town and leather goods, sporting goods, pharmaceuticals, to encourage South African clothing and textile com J household goods, car assemblies or car parts. It points panies as well as footwear and general leather manufac out, further, that foreign direct investment from Japan, turers to relocate their production to Namibia's EPZ in Hong Kong and the large transnational companies is Walvis Bay. "But we're not trying to convince them to now being joined by investors from Korea, Taiwan, relocate their entire operations to Namibia, but rather Malaysia and Singapore. "As operational costs in these that part which is very labour intensive," he said . Ac locations escalate, many of the companies are forced to cording to Galloway, such a move would be viable and relocate their lower value-added lines. Companies op help companies to increase their global competitiveness erating from Mauritius and even South Africa are also as wage rates in Namibia were only half, and in some considering relocation. The ODC [Offshore Develop- cases a third, of those in South Africa.
14 september 1997 Southern Africa .REPORT negotiating adherence to labour, while unions in South Africa were basis of these findings, trade union social and environmental standards slow at first to really challenge the leaders from the region debated with foreign investors. establishment of EPZs, stronger op EPZs at a workshop in March 1996 Challenging EPZs? position is building. For exam and passed a resolution stating their ple, instead of completely reject There has been a mixed response opposition to EPZs as a develop ing this economic strategy, in 1993 from local businesses to the EPZ ment strategy for southern Africa. the National Union of Metalworkers proposals in southern Africa.. Some They not only rejected concessions in South Africa (NUMSA) passed on labour, environmental and health support the EPZs in the hope a resolution which argued that any that they will be able to benefit standards in EPZs, but also identi and all investment in South Africa from fied EPZ policies as a threat to in the special incentives offered. must comply with all labour legisla Some might also see EPZs as a.n dustrial democracy, sustainable de tion. Earlier this year, at the unions' velopment and regional integration. opportunity to undermine trade latest policy conference, EPZs were unions. Others - especiall y small er rejected as a. development strategy Although the resolution is a good businesses which produce for local for the country. starting point for a. broad campaign markets - fear that EPZs will Likewise, South Africa's major against EPZs in southern Africa, provide additional a.d vantages to union federation, COSATU, opposes trade unions will have to do more to foreign transnationa.ls. These TNCs EPZs on the basis that they are chall enge their governments' (neo might then wipe out local companies not a. viable industrial development liberal) economic policies. They by selling cheaper products legally strategy for South Africa. The will have to move beyond mere crit or illegally (through "leakages") on Southern African Clothing and Tex icism toward alternative develop the local market. tile Workers Union (SACTWU), af ment strategies. The ZCTU's pol Given the threat that EPZs pose filiated with COSATU, also objects icy proposals "Beyond ESAP" (Eco for labour rights, it is no sur to EPZs on economic and social nomic Structural Adjustment Pro prise that unions have deliberately grounds. It points out that the gramme) represent a step in this di been excluded from the processes of "footloose" investors which EPZs rection and similar initiatives seem establishing and monitoring EPZs. attract neither develop the na essential in all countries of south EPZ boards establi shed in every tional economy nor create sustain ern Africa. At present, trade unions country throughout the region are able development. On the contrary, seem to be the only social organiza dominated by business interests and SACTWU argues that EPZs "under tions capable of seriously challenging lack any union presence. However mine the local economy" as a re government policies through orga varied the support is from business, sult of dumping of cheap products nized action. However, SATUCC's so far the only serious challenge to through "leakages." role so far has essentially been one this type of industrial strategy has A regional approach of bringing national union leaders been coming from the labour move Given the regional aspects of EPZs, together and lobbying governments ment. Trade unim1s in Zimbabwe individual responses by unions in at SADC level. More direct action and Namibia responded promptly to southern Africa are unlikely to stop across borders and a far greater in the EPZ legislation and demanded their development. Unions are re volvement of union members in re amendments to accommodate the alizing this and therefore have be gional poli cy issues are essential, if provisions of their labour acts. The gun to develop a more coordinated SATUCC wants to move beyond its Zimbabwe Cong;ess of Trade Unions approach. In 1995 the Southern role as a mere "talk shop." put forward powerful arguments by Africa Trade Union Co-ordinating Given the fairly small industrial pointing out that cheap labour pro Council (SATUCC) which brings to base in most countries of south duction is no longer a viable op gether the leaders of the main na ern Africa, trade unions will have tion at a time when new technolo tional trade union federations, com to consider strategic alliances with gies require more skilled workers. missioned the International Labour social organizations like communal The ZCTU further argued that poor Resource and Information Group farmers' unions and women's orga working conditions result in lower (ILRIG) and the Centre for South nizations to build a mass movement productivity and a. low product qual ern African Studies (CSAS) from with the legitimacy and capability to ity - which could not even be in the Cape Town, to investigate the eco chall enge EPZs and other neo-liberal interest of prospective investors. nomic, social and political implica development strategies in southern The Namibian trade unions' crit tions of EPZs in southern Africa. Africa. EPZs are certainly not hold icism of EPZs also targeted the non This was complemented by research ing any prospects of solving the re application of the Labour Act even on health and environmental issues gion's socio-economic problems and if they did not raise the broader in EPZs, conducted by the Harare they are threatening attempts to problems associated with EPZs as based Training and Research Sup achieve greater self-sufficiency and a development strategy. Meantime, port Committee (TARSC). On the sustainable development.
Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 15 \ '
~ :::J ro ,_J
0 BY STEVE GREENBERG & Resource Project (FRRP), the En Around 80-90% of the southern SAMUELBONT~ANKOMAH vironment and Development Agency African population is based in rural Trust (EDA)- all from South Africa areas, with extreme poverty rife. The authors are researchers at the - and the International South Group In most cases there is at best a Farmworkers' Research & Resource Network (ISGN) from Zimbabwe. It tenuous connection to the land, with Project (FRRP) based in Johannes is seen as the first step in the cru subsistence farming on communally burg. cial process of developing an ac owned, marginal land and low-paid Growing inequalities and the threat tive regional network of organiza wage labour forming the bulk of of another wave of land disposses tions working in land, environmen household income. Approximately sion in the southern African region tal, rural labour and related issues. 60% of those involved in agriculture have recently prompted rural orga Fifty six organizations from the re in the region are peasants, with the I nizations to come together for a re gion and 15 other organizations from other 40% engaged in agricultural gional conference on Land, Labour other parts of Africa and elsewhere wage labour for part or all of the and Food Security. The conference, participated. Some of the major is year on freehold land dominated held in April 1997, was co-hosted sues and resolutions that came out by large-scale commercial interests. by the National Land Committee of the conference are discussed be This situation is the result of (NLC), Farmworkers' Research and low. the historical dispossession of land 16 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT and the discriminatory policies that eration late (like Namibia, South guments for state intervention in the enforced this dispossession, with Africa and even Zimbabwe) has 1960's and its retreat from this po those having access to land being been constrained by privatization sition in the 1980's and 1990's on corralled onto small pockets of it and market-related approaches even the one hand, and the changing re and the rest being forced to work on before it has begun. Protection of ality in Africa on the other. By set behalf of commercial farmers for low existing private property rights is ting the agenda and then loaning wages. already entrenched in the constitu only to those that follow the agenda, tions in some southern African coun the global financial institutions are Land reform? able to intervene significantly in the Although a limited amount of land tries. economies of third world countries. \ reform has taken place in the dif The World Bank Now further pressure is being put on The case of Mozambique is an ferent countries since independence, excellent example. In the late growing demands by the World these governments from the North, I 1980's, debates around agriculture Bank and other Western agencies for particularly by the World Bank, to within the ruling Frente da Lib privatization and reduced state sup adopt market-based approaches to land redistribution. Structural Ad era<;ao de Mo<;ambique (Frelimo) port threaten not only to roll back centred around what was to be those limited gains but also to push justment Programmes (SAPs) put emphasis on privatization and lim done with the state farms. Al the rural poor further back than though not universally accepted, the they were prior to independence. ited government support, for ex move towards privatization of state Those countries that gained inde ample. And growing "condition-. farms and their transfer to large pendence first (like Tanzania, Zam ality" for aid, not only from the World Bank but also increasingly scale agribusinesses virtually for free bia, Malawi, Angola and Mozam was strengthened by donor pressure. bique) instituted land reform mainly under the Lome Convention - the trade agreement between the Euro The divestiture of the Cabo Delgado via state ownership of the land in State Cotton Enterprise to Lonrho pean Union (EU) and 70 African the name of the people, allowing Mozambique, where the state con peasants to use the land. But with Caribbean-Pacific (ACP) states - means that third world states are be tributed $6 million in infrastructure the wave of privatization sweeping and land and gave Lonrho a 20 year the region, peasants who have been ing forced to adopt economic adjust ment measures determined by the lease on the land to produce cotton, working the land for decades are in and the granting of entry of South danger of losing all access. In Tanza North in exchange for development African sugar giants into the local nia a proposed Land Act threatens aid. The European Commission which drew up the so-called 'Horizon market have been strengthened by to dispossess over 9 million peasants World Bank loans in what is be who will be turned into illegal squat 2000' development co-operation pol ing hailed as (yet another) "mira ters overnight because land which icy document explicitly states that "although the state is called upon ... cle." Meanwhile, peasants are being was formerly vested in the President turned into serfs by the large com under ujamaa ( villagization) is due to drop its role of direct investor, it panies, where communities are tied to be privatized by the end of 1997. must not neglect its role in creating into a dependent relationship with A similar Act was passed behind the physical and regulatory environ the companies, experience tenure the backs of communities and their ment which business needs in order difficulties and are severely con organizations ,in Zambia last year. to invest." In Zambia, the Bank last strained in the long term by re The same situation is occurring year approved a US$90 million loan lations with the companies. The in Angola and Mozambique where for "market liberalization, privati liberation ensured access to land zation, and parastatal reform" and privatization drive also cost 90,000 workers their jobs in 1996. by those previously dispossessed. in Tanzania US$128.9 million has However, this land was never been granted for reforms including The World Bank is not nec formally registered in their names "accelerated privatization of paras essarily interested in transforming because it officially belonged to tatals." These parastatals include systems of tenure from communal the state. With the end of farms where the majority of the agri to individually owned, but it cer civil war, large-scale land grabs, cultural workforce is employed. tainly is seeking to build an adher J often supported (or perpetrated) by Although many of these adjust ence to "the introduction of modern corrupt civil servants, are preventing ment programmes are "homegrown" agricultural technology and market l returning refugees from regaining they have the Bank's stamp of ap oriented agriculture." Thus, in the land they had been working proval. The Bank's power lies in a presentation to the World Food on. In such conditions renewed its ideological hegemony and ability Summit in Rome last year, the peace is also, unfortunately, renewed to loan capital, power that it wields World Bank stated that its vision exploitation of the rural population. with far greater effect than direct co for rural development is that "ru On the other hand, land reform ercion would have. There is a clear ral growth is widely-shared, with in those countries that achieved lib- connection between the Bank's ar- private and competitive agriculture Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 17 and agribusiness as the main en Recolonization Apart from the fact that this ap gine of growth" and that one way in The World Bank recognizes the proach completely ignores the his which this would be achieved is by threat felt by many Africans that tory of forced dispossession in the re "involving the private sector in de economic liberalization will merely gion, demand is high, thereby push livering infrastructure and other ser result in recolonization. The only ing the market pri ce of land above vices wherever the productive value. The rural possible." argument put forward by the Bank poor are therefore unable to access The Bank's position is fun on this score is that "in almost all African countries, a large propor land . Although in some co untries damentally hostile to indigenous the government provides fin ancial tion of processing and trade geared forms of agriculture such as the support, this is far below the market use of low chemical-intensity, low to the domestic food market is un dertaken by 'indigenous' firms and price of land. For example in South technology methods and the use Africa, wh ere the land price can be individuals." However, recoloniza of indigenous seed types, which as high as R15 ,000 per hectare for tion is not only a question of di are by no means less effici ent arable land, the government subsidy than 'modern agricultural technol rect investment in an economy but also of the expansion of markets of R15 ,000 per household would only ogy'. Efficiency arguments are be purchase one hec tare of land . in which cheap, subsidized produce ing presented alongside seemingly There would also be nothing left can be dumped. While the short politically neutral technical issues, to provide for infr¥tructure or for term result of cheaper, imported for example that "improved va the purchase of inputs necessary in food dampens opposition to liberal riety /fertilization/farm mechaniza order to farm, because most rural ization, it has critical implications tion technologies will also be neces households have very meagre savings for agricultural production and the sary. Increased utilization of fertil at best. ·The result is that the levels of employment in southern izers will be especially important to balance of power remains with the Africa in the long term. raise yields and maintain soil fertil current land owners since it is up to For it situates the "indigenous" ity." There is a great, and often jus them to decid e whether they want tified , suspicion - not only in south producers within a global context to sell their land, how much they are of exchange in which a handful of ern Africa but also elsewhere in the willing to sell it for and the like. It giants have the ability to manipulate Third World - that the introduc is therefore diffi cult, using market markets in their own interests. The tion of modern agricultural technol based mechanisms, to dislodge land local producer is forced to compete ogy, side by side with the imposition barons and large corporate owners in this unequal system or go to the of trade related intellectual property and this is done almost entirely on wall. Entire industries are under rights (TRIPs), is a mechanism be their terms, and consequently in threat in the region - not least in ing used by multinationals to un their interests. dermine the capability of indigenous agriculture - because they do not Far1n workers farmers to produce independently of have the power or the advantages the North. necessary to compete. This sets Due to the market-based approaches the scene for the rapid purchase to land reform and the skewed land At the regional conference, for of land and infrastructure (or what tenure systems, the majority con example, Professor Nanjundaswamy remains of it) by multinationals once tinue either to occupy a small pi ece - president of the 10 million strong the local industry has co ll apsed. of land or to be completely land Karnataka State Farmers ' Associ Reports of land and assets being less and used as a pool of cheap ation (KRRS), a militant peasant sold for a fraction of their value labour for commercial farmers. His movement in India - rela ted how are widespread in Mozambique, tori cally, farm workers have been li t seed varieties being promoted by Zambia, Tanzania, Angola and the tle more than slave labour for white multinationals produce crops that Congo. Thus, under the guise owned farms. Denied independent require chemicals produced by the of reconstruction and development, access to land, they were also made same multinationals. Cropping pat multinationals are spearheading the to pay taxes in cash which forced terns have been substantially altered process of recolonization. them into wage labour. Movement by international demands which The market-based approach was impeded, unless with the per have their own specific commodity adopted by many southern African mission of the farm owner, who was structure (e.g. a strong market for countries co ncentrates on effi ciency thus able to. regulate the supply of cotton or fl owers), resulting in fo od and therefore does not effectively ad labour in the rural areas. So , for insecurity for the local population as dress the equity question , which was many, farm work was the on ly op cash crops are produced to remain high on the agenda of the libera tion. in the "market." Thus "improved" tion struggle. In most cases, there IS seed varieties and fertilization often what is known as a "willing buyer However, virtually none of the mean a step backwards in the third willing seller" approach which is a farm workers in the region can rely world. straight-forward market transaction. exclusively on wages for survival, 18 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT which has led to talk about the ers, and independent access to pro creation of "multiple livelihoods." ductive land and other resources en But this over-estimates the extent abling farm workers to exercise the to which rural people, and espe option of a healthy and happy ex cially women - who are hardest hit istence, independent of commercial by SAPs at the household level - land owners" (see the "Southern can compensate for low wages, ris African Charter on Land, Labour ing prices and declining employment and Food Security," 1997). It has opportunities. In the rural context, been agreed amongst participating "multiple income generating activi organizations that practical joint ac ties" is often a euphemism for forc tivities in support of the regional ing people to find their own means of charter and related resolutions will survival with no help from the state be the next step. or large capital. Independent land access for the Rural trade unions are unlikely rural poor is a necessity in the to be of any real assistance in the face of cut-backs and the increasing near future. There are those that marginalization of those working on have been allowed to exist but have "' the land. In particular women, played a subordinate role in rela ~ who generally have no right to land tion to the state, for example in ; ownership under the patriarchal Tanzania, Zambia and Mozambique. 0 traditional systems in the region, These unions are now faced with a ~ must be granted the right to situation where rapid liberalization E independent and equal access to and of trade and land laws means adapt ownership of land. The need to ing to private ownership and col g' ensure that workers and peasants ~ gain title deeds for land acquired lective bargaining procedures with .2 out forewarning. The cosy rela 0 under any new law is also essential. tionship they had with government ~ There is also the need to protect .3 the rights of farm workers who also meant a lack of independence c that has undermined their ability to ~ are the most marginalised in the mobilize and organize their mem region. The regional conference bers. On the other hand, newly dividual trade unions and their fed has set a base for activities around formed agricultural trade unions - erations (COSATU and . NACTU), these and other issues. Specific like those in Namibia, South Africa NGOs, civic organizations (South resolutions that demand immediate and Malawi - face massive capacity African National Civic Organiza attention were made around the constraints and continued difficulties tion), church groups (South African tracking of multinationals in the in accessing workers and therefore in Council of Churches) and political region, regional minimum standards translating legal into actual rights parties (including the ruling ANC, for farm workers linked to poverty for workers. The entrenchment of the SACP and the Pan Africanist datum lines, a specific focus on the right to pri\)ate property through Congress), have launched a Farm women in rural areas, ultimate various Trespass Acts makes it vir Worker Tenure Campaign. The abolition of child labour, equal tually impossible for union organiz aim of the campaign has been to participation of farm workers in ers to gain access to farms, and vast strengthen the demand for security local government where this right distances between farms and finan of tenure and access to land and to has not yet been established (e.g. in cial constraints make matters worse. counter the arguments and activi Zimbabwe), and a focus on land Most farm workers in the re ties of the South African Agricul reform and food security policy. gion have had tenure tied to their tural Union (the conservative, white In sum, it was agreed by employment. Now, the privatiza farmers' union) who oppose the pro participants at the April conference tion of the agricultural sector is re posed legislation. that governments were not doing sulting in retrenchments, leading to enough to address the plight of The charter evictions from farms. A broad de the rural population in particular. mand which is emerging across the The southern African regional con Although by no means an easy region is for secure tenure rights ference also unanimously passed task, participating organizations are for farm workers. In South Africa, a charter on rural labour which, preparing themselves to rebuild where legislation on tenure security amongst other issues, called for "se grassroots structures of ci vii society in rural areas is presently being de curity of tenure and an end to the to take up these issues on a regional bated, an NLC led coalition of in- threat of evictions for farm work- basis. Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 19 ------@®@~~® Debating Globalization: Critique of Colin Leys BY JONATHAN BARKER 1. The reading of the past. hierarchical regulation of many im Jonathan Barker teaches in the Depart The era of evolving national cap portant social transactions. I think ment of Political Science at the Univer italisms may have produced peri we need thoughtful analysis of how sity of Toronto ods in which citizens felt confident markets can be made part of a posi control of their economic destinies tive social project. Polanyi's notion of embedding markets offers an im In his article on globalization ("The (as the article asserts), but it. als.o portant indication of where to start. World, Society & the Individual" in produced military and economic ri SAR of April 1996, Vol. 11 , No. 3, valries (some fu eled by nationalism) Controlling markets is crucial to pp. 17-21) Colin Leys throws . ou~ a that contributed to terribly destruc making them work without destroy daunting challenge to progressive m tiv wars, colonialisms, and repres ing equity, community, and democ tellectuals. He describes the corro sion of progressive political forces. racy. Even on an international scale sive social impact, especially damag it is worth thinking about the ways The 1950s and 1960s, Leys wishes ing in Africa, of economic ~lob.ali~a market power can be balanced or su us to remember as a time when tion driven by powerful capttahst m pervised by social and political con we in Canada "had collective con terests and institutions. He reminds trols and the conditions under which trol over our lives," and when soci us of Polanyi's idea of the double transnational market relations can eties in sub- Saharan Africa "were movement - the inevitable resistance function as counterforces to violent in a process of relatively rapid coa confrontations among nationalisms. and reaction as people try to protect lescence assisted by the steady ex communities and cultures to which pansion of production ~nd dramatic 3. The discounting of local they are accustomed and commit improvements of collective consump action. ted. But he fears that without the tion ..." But were these not also the The article claims that "the very ca intellectual leadership that creates decades in which Canadian govern pacity for collective political action unifying ideas and supplies substan ments welcomed unprecedented lev itself is among the first casualties" of tial analytical content, the move els of U.S. investment, the FLQ set globali zation and that "the death of ments of social protection will take off bombs in Quebec, Nigeria suf meetings" is a change closely bound direction from self-defeating and de fered a terrible civil war, the Na up with globaliz ation. While there structive ideologies of ethnic sepa tional Party won power and con are theoretical grounds for thinking ratism and that they will fail to solidated apartheid in South Africa, achieve a wide enough coherence to these claims to be valid and support and the C .I.A. installed Mobutu in ing examples to be cited, I wonder stem the damaging advance of global power in the Congo? Were not. the capitalism. The need for intellec what research would show? (One set high commodity prices for A~r~ can tual leadership is particularly urgent of research findings is noted below.) exports that buoyed the transitiOns And what do these claims say to the because cracks are beginning to ap to independence stimulated by wars pear in the neo-liberal edifice and its resistors and movement builders in in Korea and Viet Nam and post Chi apas, in Zaire, in Sout~ Africa; intellectual defenders are expressing war reconstruction in Europe and misgivings. to labour union organizers 111 places J apan more than by the absen~e of like South Korea and Ghana who global nee-liberalism? The mix of take advantage of the small but real The challenge Leys delineates positive and negative in both the na so dramatically is real and I want scope for action; to party organizers tionalisms and in the global trade in the many countries newly offer to take up one of the important economy of the 1950s and 1960s questions it raises: Where can .we ing some opening for party political seems to need a much more careful work? Do they build on sand and look for ideas and examples on which sorting out than Leys suggests. to build wide and effective collective pursue causes lost in advance? action? But first I need to deal with 2. The view of marke ts. some assumptions and assertions in Polanyi's line of analysis would his argument that give direction to It is not enough for ou r bes t progres suggest that even under the h ~~vy the search for answers and that, m sive thinkers bravely to condemn the ideological pressure of globaltzmg my view, call for discussion. Four worst of what markets do. Markets, nee-liberalism the impulses to em stand out. after all, do make possible the non- bed the market will be ev id ent. 20 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT ______@®@~~@ ______ That is one moment of the "double and by whom? What kind of bester, Kole Shettima, Aparna Sun movement" of capitalism. Should searching and researching will best dar) has discovered an enormous we not be looking closely for and at inform and energize the intellectual number of meetings on local issues the countermovements, rather than process? How can intellectual in places as disparate as fishing vil breaking off after bemoaning the work connect with political and lages in southern India, a refugee "death of society" and the hegemony social action? To canvass these camp in Kenya, large urban mar of neo-liberalism? I was glad to see questions, even briefly, in the light kets in Kampala and Quito, farm Colin Leys call for a "new discourse" of the above sets of comments may ing towns in northern Nigeria, the and to note the presence of many of not make globalization seem any women's movement in Nicaragua, its elements in contemporary social less destructive, but it may make and mosques in Pakistan. Some movements, but then his text seems room for more hope about the of the meetings were inspired or to disregard their actions and ideas. prospects for better understanding strengthened by a kind of progres 4. What political vision? and positive action than Leys's sive globalism: liberation theol article appears to do. And it ogy, social ecological analysis, and Yes, such political work could may point the discussion in a global defense of small-scale fish benefit from the kind of intell ectual rather different direction than Leys eries in southern India; institution effort Colin Leys calls for, an effort indicates. ' alized participatory development in to define and promote a political northern Nigeria. Others were stim and social analysis and vision "in A logical place to look for ideas about countering capitalist global ulated by a need to control mar which social surplus is used to serve ket relations: market vendors mak society, not destroy it." But when ization is in discussion with peo ple who are now taking such action. ing markets work in Uganda and he asserts that the aim of this effort Ecuador. Still others were mobiliz is to construct "a unified hegemonic In countries hooked into globaliza tion in many different ways there ing claims against political or hierar project" I am made uneasy. Leys chical power that seemed excessive appropriately takes the imperfect are thousands of activist groups ad dressing issues of conserving jobs or dangerous or misdirected: the hegemony of neo-liberalism as the case of southern Sudanese ref.ugees target of his critique, but he confines and livelihoods, community health, power of women, provision of hous in a camp in Kenya and of mosques his critique to the doctrines of in Pakistan. neo-liberalism without considering ing, functioning of local markets, the political implications of the availability of local social services, Readers of SAR will know of unified hegemony of ANY doctrine. provision and standards of edu many examples of local activism in I know that there is a special cation, and abusive and damag southern Africa. It turns out that Gramscian notion of hegemony that ing working conditions. People a wide variety of places afflicted by who work in industries threatened implies widespread real acceptance globalization still have sources of of a set of ideas, but to me with ecological collapse, like small leadership and networks of influence even that usage evades the crucial scale fisheries or marginal agricul sufficient to generate and sustain question: by what political process ture, have in some places, founded significant political action. And and under what rules of discussion organizations to protect themselves, people have an astonishing capacity and what distribution of power is and some of them have achieved to create spaces for discussion, that acceptance achieved? Unified practical successes (such as getting wrangling, and coordination of hegemony is a question, not an the government of India to cancel action. Leys is right to notice answer, for it implies the very force deep-sea fishing licences and to re the danger of localisms of tribe orient policy to support small-scale of hierarchy that I hope to see people and religion, but many local people struggle against. fisheries) . Even where they are of see those dangers clearly and work limited or purely localized effective hard to seek commonality of action * * * ness, they are still sources of highly across such social divides. It doesn't relevant analysis, information, and take an intellectual to recognize the Even if these four comments have moral thought about why and how threat of sectarian bloodletting. validity, the questions Leys raises for to project social interests and values The new kind of politics that is our consideration remain absolutely in the context of market globalism. crucial. How can progressives emerging may undermine globaliz construct a way of thinking that Leys writes of "the death of ing liberalism without replacing it gives meaning and direction to meetings," but recent research I with a coherent and hegemonic al concerted action? Where should we have been involved with over the ternative. To wish and to search for look for inspiration and ideas for a past few years with a group at _su_ch an outcome may lead to just counter-movement against capitalist the University of Toronto (Khamisa the kind of weaknesses I thought I fundamentalism? How , in fact, is Baya, Anne-Marie Cwikowski, detected in Leys's essay; in seek the discussion itself to be structured Christie Gombay, Katherine Is- ing to construct a new "hegemonic Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 21 ______@@~~~@------ ideology" intellectuals may miss the to "the task of analyzing globaliza The challenge is daunting, but rhythm of the double movement. tion, alerting our society to its real the pluralistic and multiform double The same actions and movements meaning, and working out and prop movement evidenced in myriad lo that are draining power from global agating a new post-capitalist social cal, national, and transnational ac liberalism and awakening doubt in project," but they are also called tions to control and resist globalizing the minds ofneo- liberal thinkers are to rethink the shape of politics and neo- liberal capitalism offers both also likely to deny power to unified to find new ways of constructing a hope and hard grist for the intellec party- type alternative hegemons of process of coherent action. I think tuals' mill. It also suggests that in the left. In other words, the chal it better and more realistic to re tellectuals carry on their important lenge Leys identifies goes deeper and gard the new social projects as plu work with an appropriate admixture further than he envisions. Progres ral rather than singular. of humility and willingness to look at SIVe intellectuals are indeed called and listen to the people. Colin Leys Replies Jonathan Barker raises some impor and reliable way with other strug power of the transnationals and the tant questions and I am in agree gles; working this out calls for draw states that back them, they will ment with him on many of them. ing historical comparisons, for theo ultimately fail. Above all , I agree on the impor retical analysis. tance of listening to activists in In saying that the capacity for volved in struggles against global We also need to acknowledge collective action is being under market forces. Intellectuals - mean that popular struggles tend to be mined, I was referring to the coun ing not just professional researchers, reactive; their hallmark is resis tries of advanced industrial capi academics and the like, but any tance. Forging them into hegemonic talism; there, the individualisation one who is willing and able to think projects looking for long-run trans of life has broken up old solid ar through, sum up , and articulate formation, into movements capable ities, privatised people's thinking ideas about society - intellectuals of imposing themselves on events, and leisure activities, and made us have special responsibilities in the successfully displacing the power of into passive viewers of television construction of a new project (or the global mega-corporations and rather than citizens giving time to projects). But intellectual work will the handful of economic superpow the "public sphere." Conferences not accomplish anything useful if ers in the shaping of our world - this abound, but open meetings, either it is not closely linked to practice. is another matter. Barker is afraid to organize collectively for political It has to incorporate the lessons of of any "unified hegemonic project," change, or to hear from, challenge practice, and to respond to the moti saying any such project implies a hi and assess politicians, are becoming vations and hopes of the people who erarchy. rare, and this makes long-term col are engaged in practice; Barker IS I must say I don't see why it lective action difficult, although not absolutely right to insist on this. should; for example, the social (yet) impossible. In still underde democratic culture and institutional veloped countries the case is differ ent: there solidarities are still being On the other hand we should no system established in Sweden over formed and meetings certainly are more romanticize grass-roots strug three generations is certainly the gles than we should underrate their result of a unified hegemonic project central, as Barker points out. The importance. Ordinary people can but is about as un-hierarchical as danger is rather that if conditions show immense resourcefulness, or you can find in a complex industrial become too extreme these solidari ganising ability, leadership and vi society. But I disagree that the sort ties can become last-resort defences against disaster, based on ethnicity - sion; but popular movements can of "unified hegemonic project" we or even on violent, atavistic forms of also make mistakes, become narrow need cannot be based on some new bonding, as in the so-called "rebel" in their goals, backward-looking, "totalising" doctrine on the lines armies of teenagers in Mozambique tired, excl usivist, and so on. It of historical communism (or neo or northern . Uganda, held together is not self-evident how the various liberalism). Looked at in one way by fear and forced complicity in ap kinds of popular movements can de it will necessarily be a multiplicity palling mutilations and murders. velop the potential to become self of projects, in different sectors, sustaining, to be inclusive not exclu nations, and regions, the aspirations But in saying that the capacity sive, to avoid factionalism and per of different groups, movements and for collective action is being under sonalism, to go beyond their origi peoples. Yet unless these unite to mined I was also referring to the fact nal goals and link up in a principled confront the political and economic that re-regulating capital - resu bor- 22 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT ______@@@@~@------dinating it to social goals, making it exploitation and oppressiOn, and says. The problem is not really con serve society and not the other way bloody liberation wars. This is trolling markets; it is controlling the round - now requiFes joint action by true. I didn't say we always used forces that operate in them, i.e. huge the world's nation states that only the collective control over our lives firms and all the interests vested in yesterday authorised its deregula well , or that we had enough control them, from shareholders and corpo tion. This is not going to be easy. As (we didn't - the effective power of rate executives to bankers, lawyers, a minimum, it will require nation even social-democratic parliaments insurers, forex dealers and so on and wide movements and/or parties ca was very limited). But does Barker on. Perhaps "transnational market pable of exercising state power, and really prefer not having any control? relations" may act as counter-forces making it felt in supra-national in Surely not? to nationalist conflicts, as Barker stitutions. Barker doesn't mention hopes, though the historical record this problem; as it stands, his sug And second, on markets. Barker is not reassuring on this point (is the gestion that "the new kind of politics argues that they "make possible the arms industry currently readying it that is emerging [b ased on multiple non-hierarchical regulation of many self to disappear?); but what is hard forms of local activism) may under important social transactions" and to deny is that "transnational mar mine globalizing liberalism" seems that we need to control them, not ket relations" are meantime driving rather unconvincing. do without them. I would only developed societies towards levels of say that we need to confront mar inequality, insecurity and social ten Two final points. First, on kets a.'3 they are, not as they ex sion not seen since early Victorian the history of the 1950s and '60s , ist in textbooks. One French an Britain, and African societies to- when, I suggested, people had - alyst estimates that a dozen firms wards forms of social disintegration in the industrialised democracies - now strategically control much of - Liberia, Somalia, Angola, Mozam some collective control over their the world's markets - and tell any bique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Zaire lives . Barker points out that worker that labour markets are non . .. - not seen since King Leopold's this was also an age of imperialist hierarchical and see what he or she Congo. Southern Africa REPORT'§ Southern Africa 1985 to imudlex ~@ill~ 1995 covering Volume 1 Number 1 t.o Volume 11 Number 1 is still available • 56 pages • Indexed by SUBJECT COUNTRY AUTHOR Price: $18.00 institutional, $10.00 individual (postage and taxes included) Orderfrom Southern Africa Report, 427 Bloor Street West, Toronto, Ontario M5S 1X7, Canada fax 416-922-8587, email [email protected] Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 23 ------~nlliill@~@~ ------~~-- Going it Alone Opposition Politics in Zimbabwe BY SARA RICH Mbare (Harare's oldest township) of Chitungwiza's population. Affi and Sunningdale (part of Dongo's Sara Rich, who is p ursuing a D. Phil at davits filed with the court also called Oxford, has recently been working with constituency). MIC's significance, into question the accuracy of the however, has come more from its ZimRight and with the Ecumenical housing records. The High Court Support Services in Zimbabwe. She high-profile court cases which con ruling stated that " . . . at the very sistently reveal the irregularities in wishes to acknowledge the assistance of least, the preparation of the voter's herent in Zimbabwe's electoral sys William J. Dorman in the writing and roll was so defective that it cannot editing of the article. tem. Dongo's seat in Parliament, for be said that the electoral process example, was won through a High was itself not flawed." Accordingly, Say "opposition party" in Zimbabwe the election was declared invalid and and people either laugh or cry. a new registration of voters was con There has been little opposition in ducted in May and June, to be fol Parliament since the 1987 ZANU lowed by an election in August. ZAPU Unity Accord. This alliance gave ZANU-PF virtually complete Another beneficiary of Zimba control of Zimbabwean political bwe's judicial system is Priscilla space. To date, few opposition Misihairabwi. Misihariabwi won a parties have shown any potential Supreme Court ruling in August for mounting a concerted challenge declaring her to have been a legiti to ZANU(PF). They are widely mate contender in the February 1997 perceived as weak and having little Harare municipal election, despite grass-roots support. having been excluded from the elec tion because of ZANU(PF) interfer The recent phenomenon of "in ence. Another court battle is loom dependent" candidates contesting ing to have the election over-turned power in local elections, however, -5 and re-run. suggests that the situation may be changing. As we shall see, through ~ skilled use of the courts and Zim ~ Politically significant chal- lengers? babwe's electoral laws and constitu Margaret Dongo tion, opposition politicians - loosely The judicial system has been the organized as the Movement of Inde Court challenge in which she suc cornerstone of the independent can pendent Candidates (MIC) - have cessfully showed that the voter's roll didates' success, enabling them to begun to challenge the ruling party's used was full of irregularities, such prevent the more obnoxious abuses monopoly on political access, mak as the registration of voters who did of power during elections. The ing incremental gains in 'leveling' not reside in the constituency. In the MIC's narrow focus on running spe the political arena. At the same ensuing by-election she won by over cific, local-level candidates, espe time, the long-term prognosis for 1000 votes. cially in by-elections, rather than a more democratic and pluralistic running multiple candidates or can Zimbabwean polity is unclear for Similarly, Fidelis Mhashu - who didates in presidential campaigns reasons which shall be discussed in contested the mayoral election in has also been remarkably effective. this article. Chitungwiza, the second largest city Still, with only a few isolated rep in Zimbabwe and a bedroom sub Indep e ndents in court resentatives .and no large grass-roots urb of Harare - also challenged the movement behind them, MIC is in Organized around Margaret Dongo, accuracy of the voter's roll . The danger of becoming an elite organi the lone independent member of roll used in Chitungwiza had been zation with little political influence the Zimbabwean parliament, MIC "constructed" from a list of house has successfully waged a series of or "stand" owners, which eliminated Dongo, however, has skilfully municipal election campaigns, in thousands of lodgers and renters used the rules of the House to ex stalling independent candidates in who comprise a high percentage pose critical issues. Most recently, 24 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT ------~~lliill@~@WW@ ______she unleashed the largest scandal in Adding insult to injury, the Min presenting a baptismal certificate Zimbabwe's post-independence his ister of Local Government is seek (and the priest who baptized her) tory when she tabled a partial list ing to prevent the close scrutiny used proving that she was born before 5 of those who had received payments so effectively by MIC, announcing in May 1967 (the date of her baptism), under the War Veterans Compensa July that the Chitw1gwiza election the High Court judge - alleged to tion Act, intended to benefit those (and all other municipal elections) be a ZANU(PF) appointee- refused injured during the liberation war. will not use the newly prepared mu to issue a declaration that she was Cabinet Ministers and party elite, nicipal register of voters as planned, 30 and therefore eligible to stand. some whom had allegedly never seen but will instead use the (unscruti This cleared the way for ZANU(PF) combat, featured prominently on the nized) nationa1 roll. Mhashu is cur victory. Misihairabwi appealed the list. This has triggered a govern rently challenging this action in the decision to the Supreme Court which ment investigation and, ironically, High Court. unanimously ruled that she was has led to the suspension of pay clearly 30 years of age, despite any Although not physically threat ments to mainly landless and impov questions that might remain as to ened, Misihairabwi also faced several erished veterans, causing many peo her place of birth. hurdles after she mobilized over 2000 ple to question the commitment of voters to register in her ward and During the hearing, presiding the "chiefs" to the "povo." then instigated the removal of ap judge Justice Korsah exclaimed: The implications of Dongo's ac proximately 1400 "voters" by prov "The facts are screaming out from tion have been felt far outside Par ing that they had registered at non the page; why did the judge below liament. Groups of embittered existent addresses or in office-blocks. [in the High Court] not declare war veterans have been demonstrat Misihairabwi's success in the elec it? What is the motive for his ing against the withholding of pay tion seemed even more likely when resistance?" ments and perceived corruption, in the ZANU(PF) candidate was found The "dirty-tricks" used against front of the President's mansion, to be in the middle of a court case Misihairabwi and the outright vio at high-profile celebrations marking involving allegations of fraud and lence with which Mhashu was in the achievements of the Liberation was withdrawn. The party, however, timidated have also served to in War heroes, and in the ZANU(PF) merely changed tactics, and sought dicate to the average Zimbabwean headquarters in Harare, which they to remove her by legal chicanery. what lengths the government is will ransacked in mid-August as riot po Misihairabwi was vulnerable be ing to go to in order to retain control lice stood helplessly outside. cause her birth certificate and ID of the political process. listed her date of birth as 31 Decem Retaliation and resistance ber 1967, making her only 29 years Democrats or opportunists? The MIC victories have not been old at the time of the election, while In light of the recent experiences of without risks. In May, while in electoral law requires municipal can Zambian and Kenyan "democrati vestigating a missing voter regis didates to be at least 30 years old. zation" experiences - which merely tration record, Mhashu was set In the period leading up to the elec recycled old faces as new parties upon and badly beaten by a group tion, her parents signed an affidavit in government and opposition - an of ZANU(PF) supporters who had that she had actually been born one other issue that must be raised con been holding a' rally attended by year earlier, on 31 December 1966. cerns the democratic credentials of four MPs, including Cabinet Min Her nomination was also accepted those who have been "forced out" ister Witness Mangwende, in the publicly by the Town Clerk, Edward of ZANU(PF). Dongo, a liberation Chitungwiza municipal buildings. Kanengoni and a police investiga tion established that there had been war veteran and former Central In Trapped inside the municipal enclo no wrong-doing. However, after telligence Organization (CIO) oper sure, he was chased by 30-40 peo ative went into Parliament on the ple. Trying to escape the mob by consultations with ZANU(PF) the ZANU(PF) slate in the 1990 elec climbing over the surrounding fence, Registrar-General, Tobaiwa Mud tions and proved to be an outspoken he was pulled down and kicked until ede, nullified her new birth certifi critic. he lost consciousness and might have cate alleging that the place of birth been killed if not for the intervention given on the affidavit signed by her As a result, she was not re of a police officer who removed him parents - Mount Darwin Hospital - selected by the party to contest from the scene and called an ambu differs from the place of birth given the 1995 election. Deciding to lance. Mhashu sustained internal in on her birth certificate - Mutundwe run as an "independent" candidate, juries and cuts to his head and face, School - a village school some 5 km she was expelled from the party. requiring treatment in hospital and from the hospital. Mhashu is also a former ZANU(PF) leaving him with hearing problems Although Misihairabwi contes cadre, pushed aside in favour of an and persistent headaches. ted Mudede's action in court by alternative candidate. Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 25 ------~nmm@@@ww® ______~-- - The Balancing Rocks of Zimbabwe appear on MIG's logo Dongo and Mhashu counter peal remains limited, especially as perceived as rewards for "good be allegations of opportunism, claiming few people fo llow the technicalities haviour." to have worked from within to bring of the court challenges. Moreover, Kempton Makamure, about change, but finally being too Conclusion a law lecturer at the University frustrated with the system to stay of Zimbabwe and founding member inside. Dongo emphasizes that In a country where most media of MIC, emphasizes that while the her experience within ZANU (PF) is government controlled or subject Anglo-Saxon traditions of the judi has made it possible for her to to self-censorship, large campaigns cial system have kept it indepen confront the governing party: "I dependent on either media exposure dent from ZANU (PF), many of the knew the strengths and weaknesses or campaign funding are impractical black judges have political links to of the system, that has made for opposition groups. MIC has the party which may have under it possible for me to challenge recognized these constraints and mined their independence. He says it effectively." Mhashu makes a worked within them to contest sadly, "It is ironic, that I, a black similar argument that having been power. man, must seek justice from a white a ZANU(PF) member gives him a Yet, there is concern among po man." special advantage, because " .. . we litical analysts and observers that know all the dirty tricks they use." these limits are being further tight Despite all the stumbling blocks In addition, MIC has made re ened. In addition to the attack on in their way, the independent cent attempts to broaden its mem Mhashu and political interference in candidates have demonstrated to a bership and appeal, emphasizing in Misihairabwi 's case, there is increas jaded public that there is room for the process its democratic principles ing concern around the impartiality opposition even within Zimbabwean through the creation of a logo which of the judicial system. Generally the politics. ·With determination, shows the famous balancing rocks judicial system has been considered strategy, and skill they have not only of Zimbabwe and a slogan which relatively impartial if somewhat er used the judicial and parliamentary reads: "for political balance and sta ratic at lower levels, but recent polit systems to fight their cases but are, bility." MIC candidates have also ical appointments to the bench and for the first time in many years, forged close ties with NGOs and the award of luxurious Mercedes giving voters a choice at the ballot church groups. Nevertheless, its ap- Benzes to judges have been widely box. 26 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT 0 ------~@W~@~~------When JQe Slovo, by then a Minister in Nelson Mandela's Family Matters cabinet, died of cancer in 1995 one of the most extraordi nary family histories in South African politics came to an end. Slovo's death was pre ceded, thirteen years earlier, by the murder of his first wife, Ruth First, victim of a government-dispatched bomb to her office at Eduardo Mond lane University in Maputo. Both had been at the centre of the liberation struggle for their entire adult lives. The public forms of mourn ing and commemoration mark the enormous distance trav elled between these two events. When Ruth First was killed, her death was mourned by an exile movement and, in South Africa, in illegal meet ings broken up by security po lice. Slovo's death was marked by massive public gatherings presided over by the leadership of the ANC and the SACP, now installed in government. This story - of the transfor mation of an embattled libera GILLIAN SLOVO tion movement into a majority based government - is itself one of the most dramatic and important political events of 'An extraordinary expression of the very narurc of loving, the century. The lives and which illuminates, with the: anger and tenderness of deep deaths of Ruth First and Joe emotion, rhar human territory we all occupy, and where Slovo are woven through it. we conceal so much from ourselves' Their daughter Gillian's new book, Every Secret Thing, is Nadine Gordimer the latest of several accounts of the family. Ruth First's own memoir of her imprison EVERY SECRET T HING ment under the Suppression of Communism Act in 1963, pub my family, my country lished in 1965 as 117 Days is a compelling and self-probing description of the experience of a political pnsoner. Its final sentence is also horri bly prophetic, recogmzmg a A REVIEW BY DAVID Gillian Slovo. Every Secret Thing. threat suspended for nearly GALBRAITH My Family, My Country. London: twenty years: "I was convinced David Galbraith teaches in the English Little, Brown and Company, 1997. that it was not the end, that Department at the University of Toronto. vi+282pp. ISBN 0 316 63998 2. they would come again." Joe Sou ther n Africa REPOR T september 1997 27 Slovo never finished his memoirs; day when he had gone to hug his dynamics. Slovo, I suspect, tries to Slovo: The Unfinished A utobiogra grown-up daughter she had flinched preempt this response in one of her phy was published in 1996. Gillian's away from him and burst out, 'You few allusions to her sister's screen elder sister, Shawn, wrote the are the father to all our people, play. She recalls a conversation with screenplay for Chris Menges' 1988 but you have never had the time Mac Maharaj, who tells her that "he film, A World Apart, which focuses to be a father to me.' " This had enjoyed the film but then he on the young girl's reactions to her is psychic territory her sister had added something different: some of mother's imprisonment and the en already triangulated in A World his African comrades, he said, had croaching political pressures on their Apart. In her account, with its more decided that what the young girl in life as a family. expansive time frame, Slovo is able the film needed was 'a good slap'." to paint guilt and estrangement, as Maharaj goes on to acknowledge the Readers looking for a political well as much more benign emotional injustice of this, particularly in the narrative, or for significant insights affects, on a much larger canvas. face of the children's isolation within into the history of the liberation If her parents were often removed their own community. Most readers struggle in Every Secret Thing are from their children, the children too would too. However something re likely to be disappointed. The were moving into worlds very distant mains - at very least an uneasy sense book's subtitle is either misleading from their parents' commitments of disproportion. But this response or overly subtle. The comma sepa and responsibilities. She recognizes is probably too hasty. It may well be rating "my family" and "my coun "in hindsight ... how different were that the stories of white activists are try" doesn't align the two paratacti the worlds that we have inhabited: best told with such a personal and cally. If anything, their relationship while I was busy trying to pretend restricted focus, in a manner which is appositional. Slovo's family is her that South Africa had nothing to do registers obliquely the peculiar place country. And it's primarily family with me, my father was learning to of individual whites in the struggle. secrets that she tells: of Ruth and live with danger and with death." Here, the precedent of Gordimer's Joe's marriage and of her own of Some readers may be a little un Burger's Daughter is compelling, al ten difficult relationship to her ex easy at the book's circumscribed fo beit paradoxical. This latter be ceptional parents. This is a story cus on her family and its internal cause, in both Gordimer's evocation of exile, and ultimately of return - most obviously in her parents' flight and struggle but also in her own es trangement and provisional reconcil iation. In many respects this is a deeply rewarding book. Gillian Slovo is ht better known as a novelist, whose work includes several detective nov els and works of historical fiction. Her sense of narrative shape and her grasp of emotional nuance put her in good stead. Her descriptions of the events surrounding both her par ents' deaths are often deeply mov ing. Her evocation of the culture and the style of her parents and their comrades is also very finely ob served. The personal, we 're told, is the political. Here, though, Slovo often tries to keep them at some distance, refracting political events through an intense focus on the dynamics of the family. She is more concerned lL"' with the costs extracted by politics ..... 0 on family members. Slovo recounts a ..,, ""'(!) story Nelson Mandela told her, just .Y. Robvn Slovo(2) Gillian Slovo(4) Shawn Slovo(6) g after her father's death, of "how one ~:2::-'.:::::=.~ ______::=::::.:...:=.:::~------=-~=.:..:.;~ ·--, 28 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT 0 ------~®\W n ®ww~ ------ of Bram Fischer and Slovo's account at first members of the Communist transition period, when the party of her parents, the technique also Party of South Africa and, after its was no longer dependent on Soviet runs the risk of understating their banning in 1950, when (as Jeremy material support. In this respect subjects' crucial contribution to the Cronin put it in a poetic account of he resembles Palmira Togliatti, the struggle. It's a difficulty which isn't the period): Italian communist leader of the easily overcome. Membership becomes a punishable previous generation, for whom the transformation of the party itself There is also a real falling off en me. was the object of a subtle, long-term towards the end of Slovo's narrative. But laws only Gramscian war of position. In part, this is deliberate. Slovo postpone matters -somewhat, wants to avoid the comfortable leading figures in the reconstituted Slovo's daughter emphasizes the symmetry of concluding, as she South African Communist Party. naivete of the communists in the had begun, with a description Like many communists of their pre-Rivonia period, in the build-up of a parent's funeral. Instead, generation, they were almost born to the repression which would be she tries to confront unfinished into the party: First, whose father unleashed after Sharpeville. Cer business: a half-brother whose had been elected Chairman of the tainly, in hindsight, they do seem in status had been unknown to her, party in 1923 and whose mother credibly optimistic about the pace a compelling and deeply resonant and the means of defeating apart episode from her grandmother's was a long-time activist and Slovo, the child of Lithuanian Jews who heid. But I think she misses some of past, and most crucially, her emigrated to South Africa when he the other sources of this optimism. mother's murder. But the force was nine. I suspect that white South African of this investigation is blunted radicals must have had a sense of Their affiliation was obviously by the lack of resolution in her their own uniqueness and, paradox central to their relationship. It interview with Craig Williamson, ically, of their good fortune in the was also a source of tension, one whose admission to having been world communist movement of the to which their daughter returns on "in the loop, that killed your 1950s. Elsewhere, their comrades several occasions. She points to mother" fails to resolve many of were increasingly disconnected from the larger questions. In part, this their arguments after the Soviet real politics, retreating or pushed failure is attributable to the utter invasion of Czechoslovakia. It is also back into cold war ghettos. In South perfidy and moral bankruptcy of well known that First's Marxism was Africa, on the other hand, in the deeply touched by her encounters Williamsont. Whining and self-pity face of state represswn, the party with feminism and with the new simply don't carry enough dramatic had become a major actor in a dy Marxist theory of the sixties. Joe weight-. Then, too, one might reread namic movement whose moral force Slovo's position was more equivocal. the book's downturn as a refusal to was unquestionable. impose a banal closure on what so Although the SACP was widely many South Africans have come to reputed to be a bastion of Stalinist In comparison to their comrades see as the ongoing traumatic effects orthodoxy and conformity, Slovo's in other English-speaking countries, of apartheid. This past may not, own flexibility bespoke a more many of whom they resemble strik in fact, be "another country;" many critical perspective, one which was ingly in social origins and lifestyle, South Africans continue, perforce, able to come to fruition in the these South Africans had much fur to live at least partially within its ther to travel - into jail in many borders. cases, into exile and ultimately into a world in which their own most im Throughout their adult lives portant poli tical points of reference First and Slovo were communists - had collapsed before the final vic tory over apartheid. Ruth First was t Lest we forget: Craig Williamson ARTCRAFT I ACTION PRINT killed before she reached this point, was one of the main collaborators with - though in another political sense Specialists in Multicolour and Peter Worthington in the pro-apartheid Black & White pre-press, she had already moved much further video, The ANC Method - Violence, printing and finishing than her husband. Reading their distributed by the racist Citizens Newsletters * magazines * brochures daughter's memoirs, I found myself for Foreign Aid Reform throughout Envelopes of all sizes are our forte often wondering how her relation Canada in 1988. Amnesty may Business and Personal Stationery ship to Joe Slovo and to the ANC be necessary in South Africa in the movement might have unfolded in interests of national reconciliation; Desktop output *& *camerawork·* services those intervening years. Certainly, in Canada, however, we have an 2370 Midland Ave ., Unit C-10, Scarborough, and this is very high praise, I found Ont MIS SC6 (416) 412-o4121F'.IX 412-o414 obligation to remember apartheid's myself closer to them than ever be CaJI today for estimate and advice! collaborators and apologists. fore. Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 29 0 ------~®wn®~~ ------~--- These are troubled times for South Africans attempting to come to terms with the barbarous legacy of white politics, particularly during FORTY LOST the period of National Party rule, for South Africa's future. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission has provided one forum to address some of these issues. Dan O'Meara's recent book, Forty Lost Years, likewise seeks to expose apartheid's troubled past, in order to overcome its legacy. For "(a]s in other regions of the world divided by their histories," he argues, "South Africa is quite literally haunted by the manifold unresolved issues of its tragic and vioient past. The problem ... is that the collective minds of different groups of South Africans are living the nightmares of different histories." The key, O'Meara suggests, is to understand the politics of the apartheid era: the processes and conflicts within the apartheid state, and the role of the National Party in South African politics during its tenure. To this end, O'Meara exposes the internal politics of the NP ruling circles, and describes how these shaped the politics of the South African state from 1948 to 1989. He also seeks to present some of the discourse of Afrikaner nationalist politics to the reader who is not familiar with it, and therefore, O'Meara believes, is m1ssmg a component of South African culture vital to understanding the rise, and ultimate demise of the Afrikaner state. Most of the book is comprised of a very detailed study of the per sonali ties, and personal conflicts, of the leading National Party politi cians. Interspersed with occasional Whites Only sections and brief chapters that out li ne the impact and implications of changing social, economic and inter A REVIEW BY CAROLY N Dan O'Meara. Forty Lost Years: national trends during the period on BASSETT The Apartheid State and the Pol the capacity of the NP to govern, Carolyn Bassett is a Ph.D. candidate itics of the National Party, 1948- the book describes the main political at York University in Toronto. Her 1994. Randberg, South Africa: events of NP rule from Die Doktor research focuses on the South African Ravan Press, 1996. 579pp. (D.F. Malan] to Die Groot Krokodil transition. ISBN 0 8214 1173 X. (the great crocodile, P. W. Botha] 30 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT 0 ------~®Wn®WW~ ------primarily through their personali "theoretical appendix" is an explo ters of each chapter), to a deeper ties, capabilities, and ruling styles. ration of the theoretical relationship .and more nuanced understanding of between "agency" and "structure" how and why they could have pro On this level, the book is very in explaining poli tical questions. In moted Afrikaner ethno-nationalism successful. Undoubtedly some sec brief, while O'Meara describes him and white racial superiority. tions of the book will be contested self primarily as a structuralist, an O'Meara does indeed show that by other scholars of South African approach which certainly character the NP was not monolithic, that in national politics, but for the non ized the analysis of his earlier ma South African reader, with just a stead there were numerous interper jor work, Volkskapitalisme, he now sonal rivalries and tensions, and that good general knowledge of the coun argues that structural explanations these, at times, explained the partic try's history and politics, the book merely determine the boundaries of ular decisions of policy-makers. In fills a needed gap in the English the possible and that one must look sofar as he is attempting to demon language material. Although at to "agents" to explain particular strate that ethnic politics is not nat 418 pages plus a theoretical ap processes and particular outcomes. pendix, the book cannot be consid ural, and that it is, in fact, ex Yet this central concern for O'Meara tremely challenging to create and ered brief, O'Meara's extremely de is only partially, and rather prob tailed overview of the key personali perpetuate a national government lematically, resolved by the material based on ethno-national mobiliza ties, events and scandals of 46 years presented in the book itself. tion and exclusion, then he has suc of NP rule is very readable. The O'Meara's premise is that to as ceeded. O'Meara's study demon book is likely to become as useful sess the prospects of South Africa's strates convincingly that such ethnic a reference tool as Jeremy Baskin's political future, one must come to political movements are just as dif study of COSATU Striking Back, terms with the 1980s "crisis of ficult to hold together as any other or Martin Murray's overview of the apartheid" which ultimately ended form of poli tical movement. In this main South African political actors white rule in South Africa. To do respect, it stands in contrast to the at the time of the elections, Revolu this, one must move beyond cari .more sweeping, but less informed tion Deferred. catures of the major fig ures of this claims of analysts such as Samuel But the book has much grander period (and this point is punctu P. Huntington - and too many re ambitions. The main theme out ated by the series of political car cent South African commentators lined in his introduction and 70-page toons depicting the main charac- - that "ethnic rivalries" are form- Chapter Two Chapter Eighteen SEEK YE FIRST THE POLITICAL KINGDOM! THE PURSUIT OF WAR BY OTHER MEANS The National Party and the politics of Afrikaner nationalism ...., ...., 0"' "'0 _j _j B C"-"'-- ~ b P W·mobilc ( Kragdadtghetd means de1errmnauon 10 use forceful means) b 0 0 lL lL Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 31 0 ______~®Wdl®Wf/~------~-- ing, unproblematically and appar corded the explanatory weight that white men and but one woman, mar ently ineluctably, the basis of a new, intra-elite NP struggles are. In the tyred Afrikaner poet Ingrid Jonker. more deeply rooted and more inher process, the inability of the NP to Not that O'Meara should have pre ently conflictual politics. perpetuate its rule becomes more tended that women were more im Nonetheless, in O'Meara's book, the failure of its own strategy than portant in the NP, nor that there this particular subtlety of argument the result of struggles between it were people of colour who were in is achieved at the expense of present self and the black population, white fluential within the party. What is ing other variables - popular protest business and global economic forces. to be noted here is rather that the book concerns itself only with those (white and particularly black), the For most of the study amounts to closest to the corridors of power changing class composition of the a "big man in history" explanation within the NP government, and in Afrikaner volk, and South African of the type once so prevalent in the terms of addressing O'Meara's the economic development and trade re study of politics. Resurrecting this oretical question of the relationship lations - primarily as "problems" for approach to conceptualize "agency" between structure and agency, this the still apparently omnipotent, if results in a preoccupation with elite, now deeply conflictual, NP to over insider politics. The book is very can provide at best only a very par tial explanation, for it is a very nar come. Notwithstanding the recog much a study of political personal row conceptualization of agency in nition at times in the text (particu ities, consistent with O'Meara's as deed. In seeking to explain the larly when noting the autonomy and sertion in an article we published in NP, O'Meara has to some extent ac power of white capital) and in his Southern Africa Report in January, cepted its parameters of who counts theoretical appendix that power and 1996, that "the only politics that re "agency" were not concentrated ex ally mattered [was] confli ct within as "agents" as his own . clusively in the upper echelons of the the government and the National Yet clearly for O'Meara himself, government, struggles between the Party." His cast of characters at the these personali ty confli cts can only state and "civil society" are not ac- beginning of the book comprises 55 provide a partial explanation - for Chapter Four Chapter Eight ENEMIES ON THIS SIDE OF THE ROCK ... IS GONE! THE HOUSE * The first verligte /Verkrampte war The struggle for nationalist hegemony, 1948-58 ...... VJ VJ 0 0 _j _j ~ · Q) >-"' The Li on of the Nonh b The many faces of John Yorster 0 lL 32 september 1997 Southern Africa REPORT 0 ------~~--~:· ~®W~®WW~ ------,- ;· ) . . Chapter Fifteen Chapter Nineteen I'LL TAKE THE HIGH ROAD! ASINAMALI!* The end of volkseenheid The structural crisis of the apartheid economy '"'tJ) '"'tJ) 0 0 _j _j Power-sharing: The 1984 Constitution 'We have no money!· Governor of the Reserve Bank to P W Botha why else would the main narrative O'Meara will continue to turn his general lessons for us. The question be interspersed with sections out formidable talents to this question, stands: how will understanding the lining the intrusion of the economy, however, perhaps relying less on dynamics of Afrikaner politics and trade, white business leaders and the methodological guidance of the the complicity of capitalism "have black protesters, which appear al theoretically limited and historically crucial bearing" on the "capacity [of most like dei ex machinae to stymie discredited works of Graham Alli the 'new South Africa'] to dismantle the plans of the NP. Only occasion son. the terrible legacy of apartheid"? ally, however, do, they appear to be Does O'Meara simply wish to ensure in a reciprocal relationship; too of that the history of this dark period ten , "structural features" (some of What are the implications of - and the complicity of so many which , like blacks engaged in po O'Meara's shortcomings? Certainly members of South African society - litical protest against the apartheid the book falls somewhat short of is exposed , so that South African regime, would seem to be at least the "non-deterministic, materialist politics of this type will never be potentially "agents" in their own theory of politics" that he seeks. repeated? But surely that is not right) are simply brought in as re This is hardly surprising, and a real issue, for no matter how quired by the narrative of person does not take away from the difficult the future political terrain ality conflict. Attempting to ad fact that the book is a major of South Afri ca becomes - and even dress the complexities of the rela English-language contribution to the if the resignation of F. W . de Klerk tionship between agency and struc literature on South African politics foreshadows the National Party's ture by seeking to blend micro in the apartheid era. Yet to return from the political wilderness historical personality studies with return to the political questions - there will be no going back to the occasional acknowledgement of that frame the book, what would 1948. It is on such questions that the rather sweepingly-defined structural O'Meara like us to learn from the study's limited conceptualization of imperatives does not provide a con past? Forty Lost Years does not, agents and agency becomes most vincing resolution. One hopes that in the end, draw out any more pronounced. Southern Africa REPORT september 1997 33