Changing Armenia-Turkish Relations February 2009
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Doing Business Guide in EMEIA: Payroll Operations
Payroll Operations in Europe, the Middle East, India and Africa — essential compliance and reporting considerations Introduction This booklet contains market-by-market newly established, stand-alone guidance1 on key HR payroll matters to operations. Where the EMEIA operation be considered as you expand your is a regional headquarters or a holding operations across EMEIA. company for foreign subsidiaries, or if In our experience, careful consideration there are existing operations in EMEIA, of these matters at the outset is the other considerations must be taken into most effective way of avoiding any account. issues and ensuring an optimal setup In all situations, we recommend that you structure of your business and seek specific professional advice from employees in new EMEIA markets. the contacts listed in each chapter. They This booklet is general in nature and not will take into consideration your specific to be relied on as professional advice. circumstances and objectives. Furthermore, the chapters focus on NB: This guide will work best with Adobe Acrobat Pro. 1 This information was compiled in July 2019. 2 Payroll Operations in Europe, the Middle East, India and Africa — essential compliance and reporting considerations EY contacts Payroll Operate Services Sheri Sullivan Michael Van Den Brand EY Global Payroll Operate Leader EY EMEIA Payroll Operate Leader T: +17168435050 T: +34 933 666 340 E: [email protected] E: [email protected] Country Payroll leader Email address Armenia Kamo Karapetyan [email protected] -
Assessing the Development- Displacement Nexus in Turkey
Assessing the Development- Displacement Nexus in Turkey Working Paper Fulya Memişoğlu November 2018 Assessing the Development- Displacement Nexus in Turkey Working Paper Acknowledgements This report is an output of the project Study on Refugee Protection and Development: Assessing the Development-Displacement Nexus in Regional Protection Policies, funded by the OPEC Fund for Inter- national Development (OFID) and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD). The author and ICMPD gratefully acknowledge OFID’s support. While no fieldwork was conducted for this report, the author thanks the Turkey Directorate General of Migration Management (DGMM) of the Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of Development, ICMPD Tur- key and the Refugee Studies Centre of Oxford University for their valuable inputs to previous research, which contributed to the author’s work. The author also thanks Maegan Hendow for her valuable feedback on this report. International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) Gonzagagasse 1 A-1010 Vienna www.icmpd.com International Centre for Migration Policy Development Vienna, Austria All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission of the copyright owners. The content of this study does not reflect the official opinion of OFID or ICMPD. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with the author. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS \ 3 Contents Acknowledgements 3 Acronyms 6 1. Introduction 7 1.1 The Syrian crisis and Turkey 7 2. Refugee populations in Turkey 9 2.1 Country overview 9 2.2 Evolution and dynamics of the Syrian influx in Turkey 11 2.3 Characteristics of the Syrian refugee population 15 2.4 Legal status issues 17 2.5 Other relevant refugee flows 19 3. -
FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania
March 2017 FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania Liucija Verveckiene and Justinas Lingevicius, European Integration Studies Centre FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report: Lithuania 1. History of EU-Turkey Relations1 1.1. Turkish EU membership – no topic before Lithuania joined the EU Before evaluating Lithuania’s position on EU-Turkey relations historically, it is important to note two historical facts. Firstly, Lithuania accessed the EU in 2004. There was little debate on Turkey’s EU membership before Lithuania’s accession for all the attention was paid to Lithuania’s fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria and other integration issues. Secondly, Turkey was already a NATO member when Lithuania accessed the Alliance in 2004. Therefore, Lithuania considered Turkey as a strong partner in the security and defence area. 1.2. Building mutual partnership When we look at the public attitudes towards EU-Turkey relations after 2004, more positive than negative discourse is evident. Firstly, this could be explained by the fact that Turkey has supported Lithuania’s NATO membership and politicians have underlined a strategic partnership between the two countries. Thus, the security narrative played an important role and the Lithuanian government has also acknowledged Turkey’s geo-strategical position with regard to the whole continent. Secondly, economic relations between the EU and Turkey and the value of an already implemented free trade regime was acknowledged. Thirdly, via diplomatic channels a Turkish message has been transferred right after 2004: it is important for Turkey to be supported by Lithuania and all the attempts of support for the Turkish-EU dialogue are highly valued by the 2 Turkish people. -
Border Security: the Role of the U.S. Border Patrol
Border Security: The Role of the U.S. Border Patrol Chad C. Haddal Specialist in Immigration Policy August 11, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32562 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Border Security: The Role of the U.S. Border Patrol Summary The United States Border Patrol (USBP) has a long and storied history as our nation’s first line of defense against unauthorized migration. Today, the USBP’s primary mission is to detect and prevent the entry of terrorists, weapons of mass destruction, and illegal aliens into the country, and to interdict drug smugglers and other criminals along the border. The Homeland Security Act of 2002 dissolved the Immigration and Naturalization Service and placed the USBP within the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Within DHS, the USBP forms a part of the Bureau of Customs and Border Protection under the Directorate of Border and Transportation Security. During the last decade, the USBP has seen its budget and manpower more than triple. This expansion was the direct result of congressional concerns about illegal immigration and the agency’s adoption of “Prevention Through Deterrence” as its chief operational strategy in 1994. The strategy called for placing USBP resources and manpower directly at the areas of greatest illegal immigration in order to detect, deter, and apprehend aliens attempting to cross the border between official points of entry. Post 9/11, the USBP refocused its strategy on preventing the entry of terrorists and weapons of mass destruction, as laid out in its recently released National Strategy. -
The Geopolitics of Support for Turkey's EU Accession: a View from Lithuania
THE GEOPOLITICS OF SUPPORT FOR TURKEY’S EU ACCESSION: A VIEW FROM LITHUANIA The Geopolitics of Support for Turkey’s EU Accession: A View from Lithuania AZUOLAS BAGDONAS* ABSTRACT o join the European Union (EU), Why does Lithuania support Turkey in time needs to over- Turkey’s accession to the European Tcome two obstacles. First, it Union? The article analyzes some PGGFUVQEQPVKPWGHWNſNNKPIVJGTGSWKTG- of the key domestic factors and the OGPVUQHVJG%QRGPJCIGPETKVGTKCKG strategic thinking behind Lithuania’a continuous support. Domestically, the formal political, institutional, and the political culture of the foreign economic conditions for membership. policy elite and the permissiveness 9JKNG UWUVCKPKPI VJG EQOOKVOGPV VQ of public opinion allow treating OGGV VJGUG TGSWKTGOGPVU OC[ DG EJCN- Turkey’s accession as a foreign NGPIKPI VJG UGEQPF QDUVCENG Ō QDVCKP- policy issue, subject to cost-bene!t KPIVJGCITGGOGPVQHCNNCPFGCEJQHVJG calculations. Short-term calculations OGODGTUVCVGUVQ6WTMG[ŏUCEEGUUKQPŌ involve mutually advantageous deals between Turkey and Lithuania. may prove to be even harder to over- Long-term assessments focus on come. In the calculations of the political how Turkey’s membership would elites of certain European countries, a a"ect global, regional, and intra- number of perceived obstacles to Tur- European dynamics of power MG[ŏU CEEGUUKQP UGGO VQ QWVYGKIJ VJG relations. The article suggests that, in QDXKQWU DGPGſVU QH 6WTMG[ŏU OGODGT- the context of lasting foreign policy objectives and concerns, Turkey is ship. There are worries about the po- attractive to Lithuania primarily due NKVKECNCPFGEQPQOKEKORCEVQHCEEGRVKPI to its geopolitical roles: its traditional UWEJCNCTIGEQWPVT[CUYGNNCUEQPEGTPU transatlantic alignment, its function TGICTFKPIEJCPIGUKPVJGHQTOCNCPFKP- as a transit hub for energy supplies HQTOCN FGEKUKQP OCMKPI RTQEGFWTGU KP to Europe, and its potential to the EU. -
H. Khachatrian. Economic Impacts of Re-Opening the Armenian-Turkish
Economic Impacts of Re-Opening the Armenian-Turkish Border By Haroutiun Khachatrian 1 The economic consequences of the possible re-opening of the Armenian-Turkish border will appear quickly and will mean a rapid improvement for both countries, but especially for Armenia. The current economic relationships between Armenia and Turkey can be characterized in short as follows: Turkey exports goods to Armenia worth some 260 million dollars a year, whereas imports of Armenian goods to Turkey are worth a mere 1.9 million dollars (data of 2008). In other words, the Armenian market is open for Turkish goods, while the opposite is not true, as Turkey applies a de-facto embargo (not declared officially) to imports from Armenia. All of this cargo transfer is chanelled through third countries, mainly Georgia. This shows the first possible benefit for Armenia once the de-facto embargo is lifted. The huge Turkish market, a country of 70 million, would become available for Armenian exporters. Meanwhile, today the immediate markets available for Armenian goods are only the market of Armenia itself (3.2 million people) and Georgia (4.5 million), both being poor countries which restricts the volume of the market. Two other neighbors of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Iran are practically inaccessible for Armenian exports, the former for political reasons and the latter because of high trade barriers. Along these lines, opening the Turkish market to Armenia would greatly improve the investment rating of Armenia as the limited volumes of markets nearby make it a risky site for investments, today. 1 The author is an analyst and editor with the Yerevan based news agency Noyan Tapan. -
Open Or Closed: Balancing Border Policy with Human Rights Elizabeth M
Kentucky Law Journal Volume 96 | Issue 2 Article 3 2007 Open or Closed: Balancing Border Policy with Human Rights Elizabeth M. Bruch Valparaiso University Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, Immigration Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits you. Recommended Citation Bruch, Elizabeth M. (2007) "Open or Closed: Balancing Border Policy with Human Rights," Kentucky Law Journal: Vol. 96 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj/vol96/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Kentucky Law Journal by an authorized editor of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Open or Closed: Balancing Border Policy with Human Rights Elizabeth M. Bruch' "We are living in a time when civil rights, meaning basic human rights, are being reformulated, redefined, and extended to new categories of people." Roger Nett (1971) "We should not be afraid of open borders." 3 Bill Ong Hing (2006) INTRODUCTION O PEN borders have not been a popular idea in the United States for at least a century.4 Since the federal government became involved in immigration regulation in the late 1800s, the history of immigration policy has generally been one of increasing restrictions and limitations.5 I Associate Professor of Law, Valparaiso University School of Law; Visiting Scholar, Centre for Feminist Legal Studies, Law Faculty, University of British Columbia. -
The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period. -
Passports Into Credit Cards: on the Borders and Spaces of Neoliberal Citizenship
Passports into credit cards: On the borders and spaces of neoliberal citizenship Matthew Sparke University of Washington Forthcoming in Joel Migdal ed. Boundaries and Belonging (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) Copyright protected under Matthew Sparke. Permission to cite may be directed to the Author. "We have included in our design the necessary technological platforms to ensure that the card will have a useful life of approximately five years. Most importantly for commercial users today, it will sport the ubiquitous magnetic strip which the government will not use, making it completely available to the commercial sector. We have also included a microchip in the design as we will require some of the available storage space for automated inspections. We will make the remainder of the chip’s storage available to our commercial partners. We think this is especially significant because of the recent announcement by Visa, MasterCard and Europay of their joint specification for chip- based credit cards. To further the appeal of this idea to the commercial sector, we will also allow cards prepared by our partners to display the logo of the partner. This would create in the mind of the card holder an instant link between our high technology application and the sponsoring corporation. Just think of the possibilities for a frequent traveler pulling out a card bearing the IBM or United Airlines logo, for example. Now potentiate that image by seeing the card as a charge card, an airline ticket, a medium by which you access telecommunications systems, an electronic bank, and/or any other card- based application you can conceive." Ronald Hays1 1 These plans for a new kind of passport using credit card and biometric technology are not the plans of a banker, a commercial web systems designer, or some other corporate planner. -
Bordering Two Unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics de Mars, Sylvia; Murray, Colin; O'Donoghue, Aiofe; Warwick, Ben Book — Published Version Bordering two unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit Policy Press Shorts: Policy & Practice Provided in Cooperation with: Bristol University Press Suggested Citation: de Mars, Sylvia; Murray, Colin; O'Donoghue, Aiofe; Warwick, Ben (2018) : Bordering two unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit, Policy Press Shorts: Policy & Practice, ISBN 978-1-4473-4622-7, Policy Press, Bristol, http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv56fh0b This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/190846 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen -
Armenia and Turkey: Bridging the Gap
POLICY CARNEGIE BRIEF ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE 87 A p r i l 2 0 1 0 Armenia and Turkey: Bridging the Gap THOMAS DE WAA l Senior Associate, Russia and Eurasia Program S u m m a r y n Armenia and Turkey have embarked on a historic normalization process, but it is now in trouble and the United States needs to take a lead in rescuing it. n If Armenia and Turkey succeed in opening their closed border it will transform the South Caucasus region. But Azerbaijan, Turkey’s ally and the losing side to Armenia in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, has understandable fears. The international community must invest more resources in resolving the Karabakh conflict and breaking the regional deadlock it has created. n The annual debate over the use of the word genocide to describe the fate of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915 has turned into an ugly bargaining process. It is time to take a longer view. President Obama should look ahead to the centenary of the tragedy in 2015 and encourage Turks to take part in commemorating the occasion. THE ArMENiA–TUrKEY the House International Affairs Committee prOTOCOlS voted on March 4 to call the 1915 killings In October 2009 Armenia and Turkey began genocide, causing Turkey to recall its ambas- a historic rapprochement, signing two pro- sador from Washington. Turkey’s outspoken tocols on normalizing their relations that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo˘gan fur- showed them a way to escape their tragic ther undermined hopes for normalization past. In 2010, the process has run into trou- in a March 17 BBC interview in which he ble. -
Turkey's Relations with Italy (1932-39)
TURKEY’S RELATIONS WITH ITALY (1932-39): REALITIES AND PERCEPTIONS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY MEHMET DOĞAR IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS JULY 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Yaşar Kondakçı Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Oktay Fırat Tanrısever Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Ebru Boyar Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı (METU, IR) Prof. Dr. Ebru Boyar (METU, IR) Assist. Prof. Dr. Onur İşçi (Bilkent Uni., IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Mehmet Doğar Signature : iii ABSTRACT TURKEY’S RELATIONS WITH ITALY (1932-39): REALITIES AND PERCEPTIONS Doğar, Mehmet M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ebru Boyar July 2020, 233 pages This thesis examines Turkey’s relations with Italy between 1932 and 1939 through key historical events and analyses the role of Italy in Turkish foreign policy making.