DOCSLIB.ORG

Changing Armenia-Turkish Relations February 2009

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Changing Armenia-Turkish Relations February 2009 Changing Armenia-Turkish Relations February 2009 01/09 Changing Armenia-Turkish Relations 1 by Richard Giragosian 2 Summary After nearly a decade and a half of tense relations, closed borders and a lack of diplomatic relations, Armenia and Turkey are moving quickly to normalize relations. Following an official invitation extended in July 2008 by Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian, Turkish President Abdullah Gul became the first-ever Turkish head of state to visit Armenia. The September 2008 visit marked the public opening of a new process of engagement after months of secret meetings between Armenian and Turkish officials in Switzerland. The changing relationship between Armenia and Turkey can result in a “win-win” situation for both countries. For Armenia, it provides a much-needed foreign policy success and a new economic opportunity. For Turkey a possible rapprochement in Turkish-Armenian relations would do much to improve Turkey’s standing in the eyes of both the European Union and the United States. A border opening and subsequent diplomatic relations would enhance Turkey’s record of domestic reform. Just as crucially, the regional landscape has also changed in the wake of the August 2008 conflict in Georgia, offering a new impetus for opening the Armenian-Turkish border and heralding a new level of Russian support for a breakthrough between Armenia and Turkey. 1 The views expressed in this paper do not necessarily represent the views of FES. 2 Richard Giragosian is Director of the Armenian Centre for National and International Studies (ACNIS) in Yerewan. 1 Changing Armenia-Turkish Relations February 2009 A Breakthrough in Armenian-Turkish outstanding issues. Second, Turkey Relations also wants Armenia to more clearly renounce any territorial claims on In July 2008, Armenian President Serzh Turkey or, at a minimum, to formally Sarkisian extended a public invitation to recognize the territorial integrity and his Turkish counterpart, President current borders of the Republic of Abdullah Gul, to attend a 2010 World Turkey. Cup qualifying match between the Armenian and Turkish soccer teams Turkey’s third goal, although a less hosted in the Armenian capital in stringent demand, centers on its desire September 2008. The invitation and for some progress from the Armenia subsequent visit by the Turkish side over the unresolved Nagorno president followed months of secretive Karabakh conflict. This third goal of closed meetings between Armenian and progress over the Nagorno-Karabakh Turkish officials in Switzerland. Those conflict is largely driven by Turkey’s talks, aimed at forging a preliminary strategic relationship with Azerbaijan, understanding of the issues dividing which lost control of the Armenian- both sides, culminated in the historic populated Nagorno-Karabakh enclave first-ever visit of a Turkish head of state along with several districts bordering to Armenia. Karabakh in the early 1990s. The unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh conflict Following the historic visit, the Armenian is seen as a “frozen” conflict that has and Turkish foreign ministers held two both impeded regional development and follow-up meetings, thereby pursuing a triggered Turkey’s initial imposition of a new, high level round of bilateral talks blockade of Armenia in support of and engagement. This engagement Azerbaijan. offers both countries a new opportunity to move forward in seeking to normalize The Evolution of Armenian-Turkish relations. Relations Although both Armenia and Turkey are Despite the fact that Turkey was one of committed to pursuing a new round of the first countries to recognize Armenian direct negotiations and dialogue, the independence in 1991, Turkish- division between the two sides remains Armenian relations have been marked far from resoled, however. Turkey by a period of tension and conflict. seeks three specific goals prior to a During the early 1990s, the war between normalization of relations. First, the Armenia and neighboring Azerbaijan Turkish Government is adamant in over Nagorno-Karabakh prompted demanding an end to international Turkey to seal its border with Armenia efforts to recognize the Armenian and withhold normal diplomatic relations. genocide, 3 offering to overcome the genocide issue by placing under the For both Turkey and Armenia, the last jurisdiction of a bilateral “historical decade and half has been a period of commission” empowered to tackle this stalemate. Turkey’s closure of the issue as part of a broader package of border failed to coerce Armenia and the lack of diplomatic relations only deprived both sides of options or dialogue. 3 The Turkish Government does not recognize the World War I-era massacres and ethnic cleansings of The deadlock also deepened mutual the Armenian minority population of the Ottoman Empire as genocide. misunderstandings, largely centered on 2 Changing Armenia-Turkish Relations February 2009 Armenian Diaspora efforts to pursue Drivers and Determinants international recognition of the events of 1915 as genocide triggered a defensive In terms of assessing the recent Turkish reaction that tend to view the changes in Armenian-Turkish relations, same period as anything but genocide. there are several key factors that serve as drivers or determinants. In the early- to mid-1990s, there was an effort by the Armenia state to pursue a First, Turkey is undergoing a dynamic two-track effort aimed at establishing period of strategic reorientation, normal “neighborly” relations with involving Turkey’s role within the region, Turkey. On a state level, Armenian including is relations with its neighbors. diplomats held a series of meetings with As part of a broader Turkish initiative to their Turkish counterparts spurred by assert its geopolitical influence, Turkish the vision of then-President Levon Ter Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo ğ an Petrossian for a new chapter in has recently launched a new bid for Armenian-Turkish relations based more bolstering stability and security in the on the future than on the past. region. Hailed as the “Platform for Stability and Cooperation in the In addition, the diplomatic efforts of the Caucasus,” this new Turkish initiative Ter Petrossian Administration were seeks to forge a cooperative attempt at bolstered by a second, private “track- conflict-prevention, multilateral security two” attempt to engage Turkey. This and regional stability, as well as for private initiative, through the so-called securing the vulnerable energy export “Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation routes running from the Caspian basin Commission” (TARC), sought to provide to Europe. a closed arena for discussing the more controversial issues, including the Although Azerbaijan and Georgia have Armenian genocide, which divided both obvious vested interests in the Turkish sides. proposal driven by their shared energy ties, the exclusion of Armenia from the Although these early attempts at regional energy infrastructure will only engagement failed, they did provide an exacerbate the challenge of convincing important preliminary round of talks that Armenia of the need to accept and the more recent diplomatic engagement support the initiative. has been able to use as a foundation for dialogue. Although this challenge seems to be recognized by Ankara, Armenia seems Yet, the most powerful impetus for a by no means ready to follow Ankara’s possible breakthrough in relations lead without any serious improvement in between the two countries was not a the two countries’ non-existent relations state initiative, but arose in the wake of and closed borders. the tragic killing of prominent Turkish- Armenian journalist Hrant Dink in A second, related factor driving Turkey’s January 2007, with a mass outpouring engagement of Armenia relates to the of grief as over 100,000 ordinary Turks potential benefits from a much-need joined a public funeral in Istanbul. The economic opportunity. In this way, the tragedy of Dink’s death went beyond opening of the border has also acquired influencing Turkish public opinion, but a new significance for Turkey, as the also prompted a new opening within the need to stabilize the eastern Kurdish Turkish state. regions of Turkey has become an even 3 Changing Armenia-Turkish Relations February 2009 more essential element of Turkish In addition the lower labor costs on the national security. Armenian side may entice Turkish textile producers and small manufacturing to Yet equally important, the potential set up new factories within neighboring economic benefits for Armenia from an Armenia. opening of the border with Turkey are substantial. First, an open border with The August 2008 conflict in Georgia is Turkey would provide immediate relief to the third factor. As the most recent the years of isolation imposed from the determinant of Armenian-Turkish virtual blockade and embargo of engagement, the Georgia conflict Armenia resulting form the closure of its spurred a new breakthrough in talks, borders with both Turkey and Azerbaijan. with an added impetus for at least The opening of at least one of the two opening the closed Armenian-Turkish closed borders would result in a border and offering both countries a significant alternative to Armenia’s potentially important new economic and reliance on Georgia as its sole external trade route alternative to Georgia. And outlet, thereby lowering excessive side from the Georgian factor, another transit costs for Armenian importers and key to this new diplomatic opening, exporters. however, was Russia’s support for such a breakthrough between Armenia and Second, an open border with Turkey Turkey. would provide greater market access, even beyond the Turkish market, with For Turkey, the process of engaging potential market penetration into the Armenia is also important in terms of European and Middle Eastern markets. foreign policy, as for far too long, Turkey was actually limited in its options for The third economic benefit is the dealing with Armenia due to its close promise of greater competition from an partnership with Azerbaijan. Many open border, a crucial development to Turkish officials are trying to balance counter the power of import and export their desire for closer relations with monopolies within Armenia.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Doing Business Guide in EMEIA: Payroll Operations
    Payroll Operations in Europe, the Middle East, India and Africa — essential compliance and reporting considerations Introduction This booklet contains market-by-market newly established, stand-alone guidance1 on key HR payroll matters to operations. Where the EMEIA operation be considered as you expand your is a regional headquarters or a holding operations across EMEIA. company for foreign subsidiaries, or if In our experience, careful consideration there are existing operations in EMEIA, of these matters at the outset is the other considerations must be taken into most effective way of avoiding any account. issues and ensuring an optimal setup In all situations, we recommend that you structure of your business and seek specific professional advice from employees in new EMEIA markets. the contacts listed in each chapter. They This booklet is general in nature and not will take into consideration your specific to be relied on as professional advice. circumstances and objectives. Furthermore, the chapters focus on NB: This guide will work best with Adobe Acrobat Pro. 1 This information was compiled in July 2019. 2 Payroll Operations in Europe, the Middle East, India and Africa — essential compliance and reporting considerations EY contacts Payroll Operate Services Sheri Sullivan Michael Van Den Brand EY Global Payroll Operate Leader EY EMEIA Payroll Operate Leader T: +17168435050 T: +34 933 666 340 E: [email protected] E: [email protected] Country Payroll leader Email address Armenia Kamo Karapetyan [email protected]
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the Development- Displacement Nexus in Turkey
    Assessing the Development- Displacement Nexus in Turkey Working Paper Fulya Memişoğlu November 2018 Assessing the Development- Displacement Nexus in Turkey Working Paper Acknowledgements This report is an output of the project Study on Refugee Protection and Development: Assessing the Development-Displacement Nexus in Regional Protection Policies, funded by the OPEC Fund for Inter- national Development (OFID) and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD). The author and ICMPD gratefully acknowledge OFID’s support. While no fieldwork was conducted for this report, the author thanks the Turkey Directorate General of Migration Management (DGMM) of the Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of Development, ICMPD Tur- key and the Refugee Studies Centre of Oxford University for their valuable inputs to previous research, which contributed to the author’s work. The author also thanks Maegan Hendow for her valuable feedback on this report. International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) Gonzagagasse 1 A-1010 Vienna www.icmpd.com International Centre for Migration Policy Development Vienna, Austria All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission of the copyright owners. The content of this study does not reflect the official opinion of OFID or ICMPD. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with the author. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS \ 3 Contents Acknowledgements 3 Acronyms 6 1. Introduction 7 1.1 The Syrian crisis and Turkey 7 2. Refugee populations in Turkey 9 2.1 Country overview 9 2.2 Evolution and dynamics of the Syrian influx in Turkey 11 2.3 Characteristics of the Syrian refugee population 15 2.4 Legal status issues 17 2.5 Other relevant refugee flows 19 3.
    [Show full text]
  • FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania
    March 2017 FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania Liucija Verveckiene and Justinas Lingevicius, European Integration Studies Centre FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report: Lithuania 1. History of EU-Turkey Relations1 1.1. Turkish EU membership – no topic before Lithuania joined the EU Before evaluating Lithuania’s position on EU-Turkey relations historically, it is important to note two historical facts. Firstly, Lithuania accessed the EU in 2004. There was little debate on Turkey’s EU membership before Lithuania’s accession for all the attention was paid to Lithuania’s fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria and other integration issues. Secondly, Turkey was already a NATO member when Lithuania accessed the Alliance in 2004. Therefore, Lithuania considered Turkey as a strong partner in the security and defence area. 1.2. Building mutual partnership When we look at the public attitudes towards EU-Turkey relations after 2004, more positive than negative discourse is evident. Firstly, this could be explained by the fact that Turkey has supported Lithuania’s NATO membership and politicians have underlined a strategic partnership between the two countries. Thus, the security narrative played an important role and the Lithuanian government has also acknowledged Turkey’s geo-strategical position with regard to the whole continent. Secondly, economic relations between the EU and Turkey and the value of an already implemented free trade regime was acknowledged. Thirdly, via diplomatic channels a Turkish message has been transferred right after 2004: it is important for Turkey to be supported by Lithuania and all the attempts of support for the Turkish-EU dialogue are highly valued by the 2 Turkish people.
    [Show full text]
  • Border Security: the Role of the U.S. Border Patrol
    Border Security: The Role of the U.S. Border Patrol Chad C. Haddal Specialist in Immigration Policy August 11, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32562 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Border Security: The Role of the U.S. Border Patrol Summary The United States Border Patrol (USBP) has a long and storied history as our nation’s first line of defense against unauthorized migration. Today, the USBP’s primary mission is to detect and prevent the entry of terrorists, weapons of mass destruction, and illegal aliens into the country, and to interdict drug smugglers and other criminals along the border. The Homeland Security Act of 2002 dissolved the Immigration and Naturalization Service and placed the USBP within the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Within DHS, the USBP forms a part of the Bureau of Customs and Border Protection under the Directorate of Border and Transportation Security. During the last decade, the USBP has seen its budget and manpower more than triple. This expansion was the direct result of congressional concerns about illegal immigration and the agency’s adoption of “Prevention Through Deterrence” as its chief operational strategy in 1994. The strategy called for placing USBP resources and manpower directly at the areas of greatest illegal immigration in order to detect, deter, and apprehend aliens attempting to cross the border between official points of entry. Post 9/11, the USBP refocused its strategy on preventing the entry of terrorists and weapons of mass destruction, as laid out in its recently released National Strategy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Geopolitics of Support for Turkey's EU Accession: a View from Lithuania
    THE GEOPOLITICS OF SUPPORT FOR TURKEY’S EU ACCESSION: A VIEW FROM LITHUANIA The Geopolitics of Support for Turkey’s EU Accession: A View from Lithuania AZUOLAS BAGDONAS* ABSTRACT o join the European Union (EU), Why does Lithuania support Turkey in time needs to over- Turkey’s accession to the European Tcome two obstacles. First, it Union? The article analyzes some PGGFUVQEQPVKPWGHWNſNNKPIVJGTGSWKTG- of the key domestic factors and the OGPVUQHVJG%QRGPJCIGPETKVGTKCKG strategic thinking behind Lithuania’a continuous support. Domestically, the formal political, institutional, and the political culture of the foreign economic conditions for membership. policy elite and the permissiveness 9JKNG UWUVCKPKPI VJG EQOOKVOGPV VQ of public opinion allow treating OGGV VJGUG TGSWKTGOGPVU OC[ DG EJCN- Turkey’s accession as a foreign NGPIKPI VJG UGEQPF QDUVCENG Ō QDVCKP- policy issue, subject to cost-bene!t KPIVJGCITGGOGPVQHCNNCPFGCEJQHVJG calculations. Short-term calculations OGODGTUVCVGUVQ6WTMG[ŏUCEEGUUKQPŌ involve mutually advantageous deals between Turkey and Lithuania. may prove to be even harder to over- Long-term assessments focus on come. In the calculations of the political how Turkey’s membership would elites of certain European countries, a a"ect global, regional, and intra- number of perceived obstacles to Tur- European dynamics of power MG[ŏU CEEGUUKQP UGGO VQ QWVYGKIJ VJG relations. The article suggests that, in QDXKQWU DGPGſVU QH 6WTMG[ŏU OGODGT- the context of lasting foreign policy objectives and concerns, Turkey is ship. There are worries about the po- attractive to Lithuania primarily due NKVKECNCPFGEQPQOKEKORCEVQHCEEGRVKPI to its geopolitical roles: its traditional UWEJCNCTIGEQWPVT[CUYGNNCUEQPEGTPU transatlantic alignment, its function TGICTFKPIEJCPIGUKPVJGHQTOCNCPFKP- as a transit hub for energy supplies HQTOCN FGEKUKQP OCMKPI RTQEGFWTGU KP to Europe, and its potential to the EU.
    [Show full text]
  • H. Khachatrian. Economic Impacts of Re-Opening the Armenian-Turkish
    Economic Impacts of Re-Opening the Armenian-Turkish Border By Haroutiun Khachatrian 1 The economic consequences of the possible re-opening of the Armenian-Turkish border will appear quickly and will mean a rapid improvement for both countries, but especially for Armenia. The current economic relationships between Armenia and Turkey can be characterized in short as follows: Turkey exports goods to Armenia worth some 260 million dollars a year, whereas imports of Armenian goods to Turkey are worth a mere 1.9 million dollars (data of 2008). In other words, the Armenian market is open for Turkish goods, while the opposite is not true, as Turkey applies a de-facto embargo (not declared officially) to imports from Armenia. All of this cargo transfer is chanelled through third countries, mainly Georgia. This shows the first possible benefit for Armenia once the de-facto embargo is lifted. The huge Turkish market, a country of 70 million, would become available for Armenian exporters. Meanwhile, today the immediate markets available for Armenian goods are only the market of Armenia itself (3.2 million people) and Georgia (4.5 million), both being poor countries which restricts the volume of the market. Two other neighbors of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Iran are practically inaccessible for Armenian exports, the former for political reasons and the latter because of high trade barriers. Along these lines, opening the Turkish market to Armenia would greatly improve the investment rating of Armenia as the limited volumes of markets nearby make it a risky site for investments, today. 1 The author is an analyst and editor with the Yerevan based news agency Noyan Tapan.
    [Show full text]
  • Open Or Closed: Balancing Border Policy with Human Rights Elizabeth M
    Kentucky Law Journal Volume 96 | Issue 2 Article 3 2007 Open or Closed: Balancing Border Policy with Human Rights Elizabeth M. Bruch Valparaiso University Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, Immigration Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits you. Recommended Citation Bruch, Elizabeth M. (2007) "Open or Closed: Balancing Border Policy with Human Rights," Kentucky Law Journal: Vol. 96 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj/vol96/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Kentucky Law Journal by an authorized editor of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Open or Closed: Balancing Border Policy with Human Rights Elizabeth M. Bruch' "We are living in a time when civil rights, meaning basic human rights, are being reformulated, redefined, and extended to new categories of people." Roger Nett (1971) "We should not be afraid of open borders." 3 Bill Ong Hing (2006) INTRODUCTION O PEN borders have not been a popular idea in the United States for at least a century.4 Since the federal government became involved in immigration regulation in the late 1800s, the history of immigration policy has generally been one of increasing restrictions and limitations.5 I Associate Professor of Law, Valparaiso University School of Law; Visiting Scholar, Centre for Feminist Legal Studies, Law Faculty, University of British Columbia.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
    FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period.
    [Show full text]
  • Passports Into Credit Cards: on the Borders and Spaces of Neoliberal Citizenship
    Passports into credit cards: On the borders and spaces of neoliberal citizenship Matthew Sparke University of Washington Forthcoming in Joel Migdal ed. Boundaries and Belonging (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) Copyright protected under Matthew Sparke. Permission to cite may be directed to the Author. "We have included in our design the necessary technological platforms to ensure that the card will have a useful life of approximately five years. Most importantly for commercial users today, it will sport the ubiquitous magnetic strip which the government will not use, making it completely available to the commercial sector. We have also included a microchip in the design as we will require some of the available storage space for automated inspections. We will make the remainder of the chip’s storage available to our commercial partners. We think this is especially significant because of the recent announcement by Visa, MasterCard and Europay of their joint specification for chip- based credit cards. To further the appeal of this idea to the commercial sector, we will also allow cards prepared by our partners to display the logo of the partner. This would create in the mind of the card holder an instant link between our high technology application and the sponsoring corporation. Just think of the possibilities for a frequent traveler pulling out a card bearing the IBM or United Airlines logo, for example. Now potentiate that image by seeing the card as a charge card, an airline ticket, a medium by which you access telecommunications systems, an electronic bank, and/or any other card- based application you can conceive." Ronald Hays1 1 These plans for a new kind of passport using credit card and biometric technology are not the plans of a banker, a commercial web systems designer, or some other corporate planner.
    [Show full text]
  • Bordering Two Unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics de Mars, Sylvia; Murray, Colin; O'Donoghue, Aiofe; Warwick, Ben Book — Published Version Bordering two unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit Policy Press Shorts: Policy & Practice Provided in Cooperation with: Bristol University Press Suggested Citation: de Mars, Sylvia; Murray, Colin; O'Donoghue, Aiofe; Warwick, Ben (2018) : Bordering two unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit, Policy Press Shorts: Policy & Practice, ISBN 978-1-4473-4622-7, Policy Press, Bristol, http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv56fh0b This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/190846 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen
    [Show full text]
  • Armenia and Turkey: Bridging the Gap
    POLICY CARNEGIE BRIEF ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE 87 A p r i l 2 0 1 0 Armenia and Turkey: Bridging the Gap THOMAS DE WAA l Senior Associate, Russia and Eurasia Program S u m m a r y n Armenia and Turkey have embarked on a historic normalization process, but it is now in trouble and the United States needs to take a lead in rescuing it. n If Armenia and Turkey succeed in opening their closed border it will transform the South Caucasus region. But Azerbaijan, Turkey’s ally and the losing side to Armenia in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, has understandable fears. The international community must invest more resources in resolving the Karabakh conflict and breaking the regional deadlock it has created. n The annual debate over the use of the word genocide to describe the fate of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915 has turned into an ugly bargaining process. It is time to take a longer view. President Obama should look ahead to the centenary of the tragedy in 2015 and encourage Turks to take part in commemorating the occasion. THE ArMENiA–TUrKEY the House International Affairs Committee prOTOCOlS voted on March 4 to call the 1915 killings In October 2009 Armenia and Turkey began genocide, causing Turkey to recall its ambas- a historic rapprochement, signing two pro- sador from Washington. Turkey’s outspoken tocols on normalizing their relations that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo˘gan fur- showed them a way to escape their tragic ther undermined hopes for normalization past. In 2010, the process has run into trou- in a March 17 BBC interview in which he ble.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Relations with Italy (1932-39)
    TURKEY’S RELATIONS WITH ITALY (1932-39): REALITIES AND PERCEPTIONS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY MEHMET DOĞAR IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS JULY 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Yaşar Kondakçı Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Oktay Fırat Tanrısever Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Ebru Boyar Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı (METU, IR) Prof. Dr. Ebru Boyar (METU, IR) Assist. Prof. Dr. Onur İşçi (Bilkent Uni., IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Mehmet Doğar Signature : iii ABSTRACT TURKEY’S RELATIONS WITH ITALY (1932-39): REALITIES AND PERCEPTIONS Doğar, Mehmet M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ebru Boyar July 2020, 233 pages This thesis examines Turkey’s relations with Italy between 1932 and 1939 through key historical events and analyses the role of Italy in Turkish foreign policy making.
    [Show full text]