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The Anti-Spanish Layer

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The Anti-Spanish Layer Chapter 8 The Anti-Spanish Layer The following discussion will focus on the conscious linking of the wave of executions in Brussels1 in 1568 with the already prevailing image of the “blood- thirsty Spaniard,” which, from 1913, would become known under the term ley- enda negra.2 This idea first circulated in Italian intellectual circles in the 14th and 15th century. While Spain’s negative reputation was especially influenced early on by Catalonia’s commercial boom and the associated experiences of deception and fraud, the Italian perception of the Iberian Peninsula following the Aragonesian conquest a century later already exhibited the stereotype of the pagan, perverted Jewish-Moorish mongrel Christians.3 Due to the rumors of the infamous practices of the Spanish Inquisition as well as Spain’s plans to also introduce in Northern Europe a faith surveillance system, the perception of the intrinsic evilness of the Spanish only increased. The image of the innate cruelty of the Spanish had been particularly cultivated in the Netherlands, for it helped form – in contrast to a strictly religious in- fluenced obverse – an ideal foundation for the young, fragile Dutch identity across all denominational boundaries.4 Countries abroad played an especially important role in the dissemination of these stereotypes in Holland. The writ- ings of the Spanish and French Protestants, among others, informed the resi- dents of the Lage Landen of both the nature of the Inquisition and the Spanish 1 In early June 1568, dozens of other nobles and citizens were executed along with Egmont and Hoorne. For the exact numbers, see: A.L.E. Verheyden, Le conseil des troubles: liste des condamnés (1567–1573), Brussels 1961. 2 For the emergence of the term leyenda negra and the most important related literature, see: P. Schmidt, Spanische Universalmonarchie oder “teutsche Libertet.” Das spanische Imperium in der Propaganda des Dreißigjährigen Krieges, habilitation thesis Stuttgart 2001. 3 See: Schmidt, Spanische Universalmonarchie, p. 270; and K.W. Swart, The Black Legend during the Eighty Years War, in: J.S. Bromley / E.H. Kossmann (eds.), Britain and the Netherlands. Volume V: Some political mythologies, The Hague 1975, pp. 36–58, esp. p. 36. 4 See: J. Pollmann, Eine natürliche Feindschaft: Ursprung und Funktion der schwarzen Legende über Spanien in den Niederlanden, 1560–1581, in: F. Bosbach (ed.), Feindbilder. Die Darstellung des Gegners in der politischen Publizistik des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, Cologne / Weimar / Vienna 1992, p. 73–95, esp. pp. 89–91. With regard to the Inquisition aspect, see: Swart, The Black Legend during the Eighty Years War, pp. 38–43; and B. Becker-Cantarino, Die “Schwarze Legende.” Zum Spanienbild in der deutschen Literatur des 18. Jahrhunderts, in: Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 94 (1975) no. 2, pp. 183–203, esp. p. 186. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004345850_0�0 88 chapter 8 aspirations toward a universal European monarchy. In Germany, on the occa- sion of the use of Spanish soldiers in the Smalcald War (1546–47), early critics also soon suspected Emperor Charles V of Hispanic-Catholic power politics at the expense of German electoral capitulation.5 The actual climax of the black legend, however, occurred in relation to an element that had the least to do with religious and political life in Europe: the Spanish crimes in America. In this respect as well – which only further worsened the reputation of the Iberian people – the primary source of infor- mation turned out to be a Spanish author. Yet, unlike the Spanish Protestant news on the Inquisition, it did not emerge this time of its own accord. Though Bartholome de las Casas intended his treatise Brevissima relacion de la destrvy- cion de las Indias to criticize colonial practice in America, his aim was entirely constructive. His account was nonetheless grist for the mill of the anti-Span- ish. After appearing in Seville in 1552, the book was immediately distributed around the world and exploited for political ends. Nowhere did the mislead- ing image of the horrible, bloodthirsty Spaniard set deeper roots than in the Netherlands, where the Brevissima relacion was most regularly circulated.6 Although the concept of the leyenda negra was mainly related to the figure of the cruel Spaniard, the following will also discuss under the rubric of “anti- Spanish” the untrustworthiness of the Spanish king in politicis. The “infidelity” of Philip II was especially exploited by William of Orange in his numerous pamphlets.7 Initially, though, he actually vented his spleen for political rea- sons in regard to the king’s deputy in the Netherlands: Fernando Alvarez de Toledo.8 This in fact began before the mass execution of the Dutch nobility in June 1568 in a published pamphlet that already appeared three months earlier and which served as a response to his summons to the special Spanish court in Brussels overseen by Alba. The prince complained about the unlawful manner 5 See: Schmidt, Spanische Universalmonarchie, pp. 252–253; Pollmann, Eine natürliche Feindschaft, pp. 85–87, 91. The aspect of universal monarchy will be discussed in the following. 6 See for information about Las Casas: Schmidt, Spanische Universalmonarchie, pp. 273–283; and on the verisimilitude of all aspects of the black legend: Swart, The Black Legend during the Eighty Years War, passim. 7 It was not always Orange himself, it should be mentioned, who wrote these pamphlets and treatises. He had secretaries and advisers, such as the court chaplain and comrades like Jacob van Wesembeecke, Philip Marnix of Sint Aldegonde, Loyseleur Pierre de Villiers, who wrote and / or edited the texts for him. See: Geurts, De Nederlandse Opstand in de pamfletten, pp. 26–28, 32, 64–65, 105, 109. 8 See: Pollmann, Eine natürliche Feindschaft, pp. 87–88..
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