DOCSLIB.ORG

The Political Economy of Food Price Policy in Malawi

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Political Economy of Food Price Policy in Malawi WIDER Working Paper No. 2013/30 Dealing with the 2007/08 global food price crisis The political economy of food price policy in Malawi Ephraim Chirwa and Blessings Chinsinga* March 2013 Abstract The paper examines the underlying political economy motivations of the government’s policy responses to food price increases in 2007/08 focusing particularly on maize as the main staple crop. The main government policy responses to the food price spikes in 2007/08 were price control, bans on domestic and international trade. We argue that although there has been increased openness in policy debates and dialogue relating to the question of food security since the transition to democracy in May 1994, the process continues to be unclear, dominated by presidential interventions, and tends to be highly motivated by electoral politics and considerations. Keywords: food policy, price policy, food security, policy processes, political economy Copyright UNU-WIDER 2013 *University of Malawi, corresponding author email: [email protected] This study has been prepared within the UNU-WIDER project ‘Political Economy of Food Price Policy’ directed by Per Pinstrup-Andersen. UNU-WIDER gratefully acknowledges the financial contributions to the research programme from the governments of Denmark, Finland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. This publication was supported by an agreement with Cornell University Division of Nutritional Sciences under Subagreement No. 60891-9461. ISSN 1798-7237 ISBN 978-92-9230-607-6 JEL classification: Q18, E64, P 48 The World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER) was established by the United Nations University (UNU) as its first research and training centre and started work in Helsinki, Finland in 1985. The Institute undertakes applied research and policy analysis on structural changes affecting the developing and transitional economies, provides a forum for the advocacy of policies leading to robust, equitable and environmentally sustainable growth, and promotes capacity strengthening and training in the field of economic and social policy making. Work is carried out by staff researchers and visiting scholars in Helsinki and through networks of collaborating scholars and institutions around the world. www.wider.unu.edu [email protected] UNU World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) Katajanokanlaituri 6 B, 00160 Helsinki, Finland Typescript prepared by Lisa Winkler at UNU-WIDER. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s). Publication does not imply endorsement by the Institute or the United Nations University, nor by the programme/project sponsors, of any of the views expressed. 1 Introduction This paper examines the underlying political economy motivations of the government’s policy responses to the 2007/08 dramatic global food price spikes. Although periodic food spikes are not a new phenomenon in Malawi, the uniqueness of the 2007/08 experiences is that the country experienced sustained price increases when it had registered a historic record surplus of its maize harvest. The country reportedly recorded 1.3 million metric tonnes (MT) of maize over and above annual food requirements estimated at 2.8 MT (Dorward and Chirwa 2009). The record maize harvest followed the implementation of the Farm Input Subsidy Programme (FISP) which provides smallholder farmers with highly subsidized fertilizer and seed using a voucher system. Although the FISP was launched against fierce resistance among development partners, it turned out to be a huge success which, for several years, put Malawi at the centre of the global debates about the desirability of subsidies in reviving the fledging agricultural sector across the African continent. Malawi was actually touted as a model for the rest of the countries on the continent to emulate for achieving and accelerating the attainment of a uniquely African green revolution (Chinsinga 2010). As a predominantly agro-based economy, Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world. The 2012 Integrated Household Survey (IHS) estimates that the incidence of headcount poverty is as high as 52 per cent (GoM 2012). A large proportion of Malawians are vulnerable since the IHS estimates that up to 25 per cent are ultra-poor. This vulnerability is reinforced by the predominance of rain-fed agriculture which makes smallholder farmers vulnerable to erratic weather patterns and conditions often leading to unforeseen changes in food supplies. The food production trends have greatly affected food prices which, in some cases, lead to sharp increases in the prices of food. Food price swings in Malawi are therefore not uncommon due to the seasonality of the agricultural system. Food prices tend to rise sharply during the lean season which stretches between December and March when most households run out of their own-produced food stocks. As depicted in Figure 1, there is a very close relationship between the movement in the general price level and the food price level due to the relative weight of the food index in the price index. The importance of maize in the food policy debates is illustrated by the fact that it is the dominant commodity in the food basket accounting for 58 per cent of the weights. According to Figure 1, Malawi experienced rising levels of inflation in the 1990s mainly due to deficit spending following the suspension of donor aid in 1991 and the devaluation and floatation of the Malawi Kwacha against major currencies (Chirwa 2011). Both general and food inflation declined dramatically from the turn of the millennium reaching single digit in 2007. This trend is clearly in marked contrast to the rising international food prices in 2007/08. The declining food inflation was attributed to low maize prices facilitated by the successful implementation of the FISP which benefited from generally good rains for a period of five consecutive years since its launch in the 2005/06 growing season. 1 Figure 1: General and food inflation in Malawi, 1990–2010 90.0 80.0 Inflation (General) 70.0 Inflation (food) 60.0 50.0 40.0 Percent 30.0 20.0 10.0 0.0 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Source: authors’ computation based on quarterly economic reviews between 1990 and 2010. Malawi is one of the countries that rely heavily on foreign aid and debts to finance its development programmes. Grants as a proportion of the fiscal budget have remained a significant source of funding for government operations, reaching as high as 41 per cent in 2006. Most of the foreign aid is channelled towards the development budget in form of project support, although more recently there has been an increase in direct budget support particularly since 2006 (Africa Forum and Network on Aid and Development 2007). Such inflows have helped to keep the fiscal budget deficit under control. For instance, in 2007, the fiscal deficit before grants was as high as 16 per cent of the GDP but only 1.6 per cent after taking into account foreign aid (Chirwa 2011). Actually, Chinsinga and Chirwa (2011) note that in the context of Malawi’s international trade position, with a narrow export base, foreign aid and foreign debt in addition to budgetary support also bring foreign exchange that support most imports of goods and services in Malawi. The suspension of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme in mid-2011 and the suspension of budget support by the British government, Malawi’s major and most predictable bilateral donor and other donors due to concerns about democracy and governance seriously undermined the growth potential of the economy. This saw the growth rate plummet from about 7 per cent in 2010 to 1.4 per cent in 2012. Although there are several food crops in Malawi such as rice, cassava, and beans, the government’s policy responses to the 2007/08 dramatic global food price spikes focused exclusively on maize. In addition to existing price support mechanisms such as input subsidies, safety nets, and strategic grain reserves, the government responded by introducing price control, domestic trade restrictions, and an export ban policy on maize. The government responded as such because maize is a very important political crop due to the fact that the legitimacy of politicians in government is closely linked to the availability and accessibility of maize to the people at the grassroots at prices they can afford, either through their own production or buying from the market (Harrigan 2003). It is against this backdrop that food security in Malawi is defined primarily in terms of the availability and accessibility of maize. Furthermore, it is consumed by almost all Malawians on a daily basis and accounts for about 97 per cent of the total land area planted with crops. It 2 is thus the most basic of all basic needs for the majority of the poor people and is closely associated with their definition of poverty. As expressed by Levy (2005: 23) maize is very important so much that nothing would ‘... dispel the widespread state of gloom and insecurity as much as a bumper maize harvest shared by all of Malawian farmers, and delivered to consumers in the form of lower maize prices’. Consequently, food policy debates focus almost exclusively on policies relating to maize production, marketing, trade, and consumption (Chirwa 2009). It is therefore not surprising that the question of food security is a major policy issue in electoral politics especially since the transition to democracy in May 1994. A critical analysis of the government’s policy responses to the 2007/08 global food price crisis reveals that the president’s direct involvement in food policy-making, national food security considerations as a key electoral issue, and vibrant private media were very important in influencing the shape, form, and nature of the government’s reactions, actions, and strategies.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Addressing Food Security in Africa Via Multiple Livelihood Strategies of Women Farmers Christina H
    Food Policy 26 (2001) 177–207 www.elsevier.com/locate/foodpol Addressing food security in Africa via multiple livelihood strategies of women farmers Christina H. Gladwin a,*, Anne M. Thomson b, Jennifer S. Peterson c, Andrea S. Anderson d a Food and Resource Economics Department, Box 110240 IFAS, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611, USA b 66 Causewayhead Road, Stirling FK9 5EZ, UK c Africare, Niamey, Niger d Santa Fe Community College, Gainesville, FL, USA Received 17 November 1997; received in revised form 14 September 2000; accepted 5 December 2000 Abstract Because food insecurity is primarily a problem of low household incomes and poverty, and not just inadequate food production, projects and programs for food insecure African farmers which aim at increasing production of subsistence crops may be ineffective. Instead, govern- ment should look for ways to improve returns to farmers’ resources in a broader context, which may include expanded opportunities for non-farm microenterprises and agricultural labor. This has been the conventional wisdom since the writings of Amartya Sen. Still unclear, however, are the implications of his thinking for the roles of African women farmers who are tradition- ally the food-crop producers in Africa and are often food insecure. Immediate expansion of income-earning activities such as cash cropping and non-farm microenterprises may not be possible for women in male headed households in many African societies where cash income is seen as part of the male domain. In addition, women farmers may need a long adjustment period to diversify their income sources fully because most African countries are at the early stages of structural transformation.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics, Democracy and Governance in Independent
    POLITICS, DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE IN INDEPENDENT MALAWI: The dichotomy between promises and reality Art of Larisa: Mask from Malawi By WEBSTER SIAME KAMEME A Dissertation submitted to The University of Birmingham in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY Centre of West African Studies School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham January 2011 1 POLITICS, DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE IN INDEPENDENT MALAWI: The dichotomy between promises and reality MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY Dissertation By WEBSTER SIAME KAMEME 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents ……………………………………………………….. 3-6 Acronyms ……………………………………………………………….. 7 Dedication ……………………………………………………………….. 8 Acknowledgements ……………………………………………….. 8 Abstract ……………………………………………………………….. 9 Chapter 1: Introductory ……………………………………………….. 10 1.0 Introduction ……………………………………………………….. 10 1.1 Background information ……………………………………….. 11 1.2 Objectives and Scope of Research ……………………….. 15 1.3 Conclusion ……………………………………………………….. 16 Chapter 2: Review of Literature ……………………………………….. 17 2.0 Introduction ……………………………………………………….. 17 2.1 The Politics of Democracy in Contemporary Malawi ……….. 17 2.2 Parliamentary Politics and Accountability ……………….. 19 2.2.1 Legitimisation ……………………………………….. 19 2.2.2 Political Accountability ……………………………….. 20 2.2.3 Abuse of Political Power ……………………………….. 21 2.3 Parliamentary Democracy ……………………………………….. 22 2.3.1 The will of the people ……………………………….. 23 2.3.2 Authority of Government ……………………………….. 24 2.4 Critical issues of governance in Malawi Parliament ……….. 25 2.4.1 Accountability of Parliament and its Members ……….. 27 2.4.2 The importance of transparency ……………………….. 29 2.4.3 Parliament and the rule of law ……………………….. 30 2.4.4 Participatory Democracy ……………………………….. 31 2.4.5 Consensus ……………………………………………….. 33 2.4.6 A responsive Parliament ……………………………….. 34 2.5 The dichotomy between regime and state ……………….
    [Show full text]
  • Meaning of Umunthu
    MEANING OF UMUNTHU COMMUNITY SPIRIT FOR THE BUILDING OF THE HUMAN COMMUNITY ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE SOCIO –POLITICAL SITUATION OF MALAWI submitted by Mennas Vincent Mukaka for the Academic Degree of Doctor of Theology at the Karl-Franzens University of Graz Institute/Department of Catholic Theology under the Supervision of Prof. Dr. Leopold Neuhold (1. Supervisor) Prof. DDr. Reinhold Easterbauer (2. Supervisor) © 2015 Mennas Vincent Mukaka iii DECLARATION I DECLARE THAT THIS DISSERTATION IS MY OWN WORK AND ALL THE SOURCES HAVE BEEN QUOTED AND ACKNOWLEDGED BY MEANS OF COMPLETE REFERENCES AND NO PART OF THE DISSERTATION HAS BEEN SUBMITTED FOR ANY OTHER DEGREE. Mennas Vincent Mukaka…………………………………………….. Date:…………………………………………… Place:………………………………………….. iv ACKNOWLEGEMENT “I am because you are, since you are therefore I am”. This thesis is achieved with the assistance of others without whom it could not have been accomplished. There are many people who have contributed to this work and I cannot manage to mention all of them, but all should know and feel that I greatly appreciate their contribution. I would like to acknowledge my deep indebtedness and thanks to the following people in particular: Dr Leopold Neuhold, my doctorate father, and DDr Reinhold Esterbauer, my second supervisor. I have benefited, at different stages of the project, from their contributions and friendly guidance. They are crucially responsible for the actions which led to the completion of this thesis. In addition, this work could not have been completed without the support offered by the Comboni Missionaries of the German Speaking Province (DSP). In particular I thank Mag. Fr. Joseph Altenburger, once my formator in Innsbruck, the then Provincial Superior of the German speaking Province who accepted that I do my studies in Graz.
    [Show full text]
  • Operation Bwezani”: the Army, Political Change, and Dr
    Nordic Journal of African Studies 13(2): 146–163 (2004) “OPERATION BWEZANI”: THE ARMY, POLITICAL CHANGE, AND DR. BANDA’S HEGEMONY IN MALAWI REUBEN CHIRAMBO University of Malawi, Malawi ABSTRACT When the Malawi Army violently disarmed the Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP), a paramilitary wing of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), in Operation Bwezani at the height of the political transition in December 1993, their action was hailed as marking a turning point in Malawi Army relationship to politics. It was also cheered as a profoundly significant catalyst for the political transition to democracy from Banda’s autocracy. This article, however, argues that the fact that for close to thirty years the army did not act against Banda or his repressive machinery even when the army itself was a victim indicates the extent of Banda’s hegemony in Malawi. Banda’s hegemony undermined the Army’s potential for resistance to oppression in Malawi. It concludes that the Army’s action to disarm MYP was the result of the civilian political transition and not necessarily the cause. The, Army, therefore, was more of a beneficiary of the political transition than a catalyst. Keywords: hegemony, oppression, political change INTRODUCTION Political change from former life president Dr. H.K. Banda’s autocracy to democracy in Malawi in the early 1990s was remarkably peaceful. This, given the repressive nature of Banda’s regime, was contrary to fears that Banda would not easily give up power. Dr. Banda led Malawi to independence from British colonial rule in 1964 and ruled the country as a single-party dictatorship of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) up to 1993.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs
    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project ROBERT J. KOTT Interviewed by: Raymond Ewing Initial interview date: November 21, 2000 Copyright 2007 AD T TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born and raised in Ne York City University of Oregon St. John's University, NYC Peace Corps, India (1,--.1,-,/ 0ntered the Foreign Service in 1,11 State Department of State, FSI2 Indonesian language study 1,11 Djakarta, Indonesia, Consular Officer 1,11.1,13 0nvironment 4uslim population Country description Department of Commerce2 training 1,13.1,15 State Department2 FSI2 French language study 1,15 6om7, Togo, 8eneral Officer 1,15.1,1- Ambassador Self Help Fund Use of Peace Corps volunteers Ambassador Nancy Ra ls 0nvironment Coup attempts 0yadema coup The French US interests UN Development Program Ambassador Shirley Temple Black (8hana/ 4rs. Kott and the American School State Department2 Nigeria Desk Officer 1,1-.1,1, 1 Petroleum Human Rights Policy US visit of Dictator Olusegun Obasanjo President Carter visit to Nigeria US commercial interests US investment in Nigeria Corruption US Trade and Development Program Chinese activity French economic activity State Department2 FSI2 0conomic training 1,1, Yaound7, Cameroon2 0conomic/Commercial Officer 1,80.1,81 0nvironment French influence 4ilitary assistance Self Help Committee US commercial interests Chad evacuation 6ilong e, 4ala i2 Deputy Chief of 4ission 1,81.1,85 0nvironment The British Tobacco US regional objectives Foreign embassies Relations President Hastings Banda 0xiled opposition Orton and 4rs. Chir a US aid UN voting record Foreign assistance to 4ala i Self Help Program 4ala i military State Department2 South Africa Desk Officer 1,85.1,85 Office environment US Policy State Department2 Personnel.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism and Politics of Narrating the Malawian Nation In
    NATIONALISM AND POLITICS OF NARRATING THE MALAWIAN NATION IN LEGSON KAYIRA’S NOVELS AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY By JOSHUA ISAAC KUMWENDA (Student Number 0718647G) Thesis submitted to the Department of African Literature, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfillment for the award of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in African Literature Supervisor: Professor Isabel Hofmeyr Date of submission: 4th November, 2019 Declaration I declare that this thesis is submitted to the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfillment for the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as an original work done by me. This work has not been submitted to any other university or examined for any other degree before. I further declare that the various materials used in the study have been duly acknowledged. SIGNED: Joshua Isaac Kumwenda: Signature Date (Candidate) APPROVED: Professor Isabel Hofmeyr: Signature Date (Supervisor) I understand that my thesis will become part of the permanent collection of the University of the Witwatersrand libraries. My signature below authorizes release of this thesis to any reader who would like to use the information for academic purposes. No part of this thesis may be reproduced by any means without prior permission from the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Joshua Isaac AUTHOR: 0718647G Signature Date Kumwenda: (Candidate) (Student Number) i Dedication To my mother, Mama Ethel Nyasindani Nkhoswe who did everything to ensure that I attained education when the situation was very tough for her as a single parent, I say that this thesis is for you. May the Almighty God bless you with more years ahead to enjoy the fruits of my sweat and witness my rise to positions of prominence and influence in society.
    [Show full text]
  • Interview with Mr. Robert J. Kott
    Library of Congress Interview with Mr. Robert J. Kott Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project ROBERT J. KOTT Interviewed by: Raymond Ewing Initial interview date: November 21, 2000 Copyright 2007 ADST [Note: This interview was not edited by Mr. Kott] Q: This is an Oral History interview with Robert J. Kott. It's the 21st of November 200. This is being conducted under auspices of Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training. My name is Raymond Ewing. Bob, I see that you entered the Foreign Service in 1971, but it looks like you perhaps had some prior government or military service before that. But, let me sort of back you up. If you could tell us first a little bit about where you grew up, and how you got interested in the Foreign Service. KOTT: Fairly easy answer, Ray. Born and raised in New York City, went to school in New York City. Joined the Peace Corps after college, and went to India for two years and that sort of changed my life and gave me some direction as a young pup. From there I went back to graduate school at the University of Oregon to do a Masters program in International Studies focusing mainly on South Asian studies. I took the Foreign Service exam while I was out there, somewhat of a lark because I was really more interested in development work, either with an NGO (non-governmental organization) or USAID (United States Agency for International Development). In fact I had applied to USAID and had been accepted for I think it was their Vietnam refugee relief program, something to that Interview with Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Election Update 2004 Malawi
    ELECTION UPDATE 2004 MALAWI number 1 · 28 april 2004 contents Constitutional Perspective Constitutional and Institutional Context 1 Pre –Elections Political Setting 7 Local Government Elections 10 Presidential Open Term Bill 13 Political Parties 15 National Elections Consultative Forum 19 Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA CONSTITUTIONAL PERSPECTIVE CONSTITUTIONAL held by Rhodesia and elections held as such. On 6 & INSTITUTIONAL Nyasaland. The Malawi July 1964, Nyasaland Congress Party (MCP) won became the independent state CONTEXT all the seats and thereafter, of Malawi. After attaining Background its leader, Dr. Kamuzu independence in 1964, Banda, consolidated his Malawi installed a In 1962, Malawi, then called authoritarian leadership. In parliamentary system of Nyasaland had its first April 1964, all members of government. A new multiparty elections. This the Parliament were returned Constitution was introduced was in fact, a referendum unopposed and there were no in 1966. This new constitutional arrangement scheduled for May 1994 was powers in the hands of the led to the abolition of both passed. A National President. the parliamentary system and Consultative Council was set the multiparty system. All up to make The President is directly constitutional powers were recommendations to the elected by the people for a vested in Dr. Banda as Parliament on the new term of five years, renewable executive State President, a electoral laws and for another term by popular position he held from 1971 procedures, constituency election. He is both the Head to 1992. The end of the Cold boundaries, and drafting a of State and Head of War and the Wind of Change new Constitution that would Government.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of Democrats in Sub-Saharan Africa
    Ani Dineva s1365879 MAIS The Making of Democrats in Sub-Saharan Africa Education and Political Culture in Malawi and Ghana Graduate Thesis MA International Relations (International Studies) Leiden University Word count (including bibliography): 9,709 / 10,000 Student: Supervisor: Second reader: Ani Dineva Dr. M. de Goede Dr. A. O‘Malley S1356879 [email protected] February, 2017 1 Leiden University Ani Dineva s1365879 MAIS 2 Leiden University Ani Dineva s1365879 MAIS Content: 1. Introduction 2. Chapter 1: Conceptual Framework 3. Chapter 2: Literature Review 4. Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework and Methodology 5. Chapter 4: The Cases of Malawi and Ghana 6. Chapter 5: The Birth of New Citizens in Malawi and Ghana: 1999 – 2011 1) Educative Dimension: Understanding and Political Attitudes 2) Integrative Dimension: Active Participation 7. Chapter 6: Conclusion 8. Sources Abbreviations: NGO – Non-Governmental Organization; UPE – Universal Primary Education; Key words: Citizenship, democrats, political culture, primary education; 3 Leiden University Ani Dineva s1365879 MAIS Introduction “Education is widely seen as the means for constructing citizens” (Kamens, 1988: 117). Both scholars and practitioners agree on this very purpose of education. The idea that education is a tool for turning people into citizens is not new (ibid.). The idea that education is a tool for turning citizens into democrats, however, is quite recent. Democrats, as defined in this paper, are citizens who not only belong to a certain state but who actively participate in its political life. The notion that education can construct not just citizens but democrats firstly emerged in the 1990s and ever since countless number of governments, non-governmental organizations as well as scholars have endorsed the expansion of Universal Primary Education (UPE) programs throughout developing countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Legacy of One Party Dictatorship: Collective Memory and Contestation in Malawi 1994-2004
    LEGACY OF ONE PARTY DICTATORSHIP: COLLECTIVE MEMORY AND CONTESTATION IN MALAWI 1994-2004 By CLEMENT MWESO MWSCLE001 Thesis submitted in partial fulfilmentTown of the requirements for the degree of M.Phil. in African Studies Cape of CENTRE FOR AFRICAN STUDIES FACULTY OF HUMANITIES University UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN 17th FEBRUARY, 2014 i The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DECLARATION FORM - MASTERS DEGREE CANDIDATES Name CLEMENT MWESO Student No: MWSCLEOO1 Tel numbers: 0768003591 Email address: [email protected] Word count 24730 No. of pages 61 DECLARATION: 1. I am presenting this dissertation in FULL/PARTIAL fulfilment of the requirements for my degree. 2. I know the meaning of plagiarism and declare that all of the work in the dissertation, save for that which is properly acknowledged, is my own. 3. I hereby grant the University of Cape Town free licence to reproduce for the purpose of research either the whole or any portion of the contents in any manner whatsoever of the above dissertation. Signature Date: ii SUPERVISOR’S APPROVAL OF SUBMISSION OF DISSERTATION FOR EXAMINATION I confirm that I have seen/have not seen the final version of (candidate’s name) dissertation and that it is submitted for examination with/without my approval.
    [Show full text]
  • LACK of ALTERNATIVE LEADERSHIP in DEMOCRATIC MALAWI: SOME REFLECTIONS AHEAD of the 2004 GENERAL ELECTIONS BLESSINGS CHINSINGA University of Malawi, Malawi
    Nordic Journal of African Studies 12(1): 1-22 (2003) LACK OF ALTERNATIVE LEADERSHIP IN DEMOCRATIC MALAWI: SOME REFLECTIONS AHEAD OF THE 2004 GENERAL ELECTIONS BLESSINGS CHINSINGA University of Malawi, Malawi ABSTRACT This article, drawing on Malawi’s experience with intra party politics, argues that quality, dynamic and visionary leadership is extremely vital in propping up budding democracies on the winding road to mature democracies. It is thus widely recognized that the success or failure of any organized group effort whether at organizational, community or national level is critically dependent on leadership, understood as a collective endeavour within a permissive and enabling framework. The major problem in most democratizing polities, however, is that leadership is essentially understood as rulership. This implies that leaders make every effort to ensure that decisions must either be made or reviewed at a single, known, predetermined and consistent position. Unless leaders extricate themselves from the perils of the centrist tendencies and work to facilitate participative governance, in which they primarily serve as agents or trustees for a broad community of persons, democratizing polities risk disintegrating into dysfunctional political entities along the way. Keywords: leadership, rulership, third term, open terms bill, participative governance INTRODUCTION This paper argues that the lack of alternative leadership presents a serious constraint to the ultimate consolidation of democracy much as Malawi is, in the eyes of the international community, often flagged as a success story of democratic transition1 (Wiseman 1995; Schmidt 2001). It has especially been 1 Note that Malawi reverted to political pluralism after almost three decades of authoritarian rule under Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • MAL 3 Written Evidence Submitted by Michael King O.B.E. F.R.C.S – Chief Government Surgeon in Malawi 1976-94, Volunteer Surgeo
    MAL 3 Written evidence submitted by Michael King O.B.E. F.R.C.S – Chief Government Surgeon in Malawi 1976-94, Volunteer Surgeon in North Malawi 1994 – 2009, and Mrs.Elspeth King Ph.D (London) - University of Malawi lecturer 1980-94 1) CONDITIONS under which the UK could provide development assistance to MALAWI British Aid to any country should be conditional on Budget Transparency and on the protection of Civil Liberties by Government. Malawi is no exception. DFID should now prioritize (1) Universal Family Planning, the provision of Basic Health Services for all the Rural Poor, and providing drugs for curable diseases (2) Private Sector development. British Aid should terminate (1) Budget Support, (2) Support for fertilizer subsidy (3) Funding for HIV/AIDS. Britain should require Malawian health staff in UK to return to work in Malawi and provide incentives for them to do so. THE DEVELOPMENT SITUATION in MALAWI Donor Aid has been based on optimistic and politically correct ideas from wealthy countries. But this foreign funding has saved Malawian leaders from addressing the causes of the deteriorating plight of their people. Britain cannot solve those problems; that responsibility must now be passed to the numerous educated and professional Malawians – the doctors, nurses, engineers, teachers, accountants, businessmen, lawyers, civil servants, clergy, civic leaders and farmers etc . The President must co-operate with them, and with elected MPs. If he and they cannot manage to perceive all these facts, then disaster will soon come. The problems are huge – but united they must tackle them. 1) MDGs concerning Poverty, Maternal Mortality, Child Mortality, Gender and the Environment A) Population and Land - 85% of Malawians live in villages as subsistence farmers.
    [Show full text]