Addressing Food Security in Africa Via Multiple Livelihood Strategies of Women Farmers Christina H

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Addressing Food Security in Africa Via Multiple Livelihood Strategies of Women Farmers Christina H Food Policy 26 (2001) 177–207 www.elsevier.com/locate/foodpol Addressing food security in Africa via multiple livelihood strategies of women farmers Christina H. Gladwin a,*, Anne M. Thomson b, Jennifer S. Peterson c, Andrea S. Anderson d a Food and Resource Economics Department, Box 110240 IFAS, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611, USA b 66 Causewayhead Road, Stirling FK9 5EZ, UK c Africare, Niamey, Niger d Santa Fe Community College, Gainesville, FL, USA Received 17 November 1997; received in revised form 14 September 2000; accepted 5 December 2000 Abstract Because food insecurity is primarily a problem of low household incomes and poverty, and not just inadequate food production, projects and programs for food insecure African farmers which aim at increasing production of subsistence crops may be ineffective. Instead, govern- ment should look for ways to improve returns to farmers’ resources in a broader context, which may include expanded opportunities for non-farm microenterprises and agricultural labor. This has been the conventional wisdom since the writings of Amartya Sen. Still unclear, however, are the implications of his thinking for the roles of African women farmers who are tradition- ally the food-crop producers in Africa and are often food insecure. Immediate expansion of income-earning activities such as cash cropping and non-farm microenterprises may not be possible for women in male headed households in many African societies where cash income is seen as part of the male domain. In addition, women farmers may need a long adjustment period to diversify their income sources fully because most African countries are at the early stages of structural transformation. Different developmental interventions, both in policy and in technology, are therefore needed to address food security and economic transformations in Africa in the short and long term. 2001 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd. Keywords: Food security; Livelihood strategies; Women; Income diversification * Corresponding author. Tel.: +1-352-392-1881 ext. 326; fax: +1-352-392-9898. E-mail address: [email protected]fl.edu (C.H. Gladwin). 0306-9192/01/$ - see front matter 2001 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd. PII: S 03 06 -9192(00)00045-2 178 C.H. Gladwin et al. / Food Policy 26 (2001) 177–207 Introduction All too frequently the problem of improving food security in Africa has been addressed, both by governments and agricultural research institutes by programs aimed at increasing the production of subsistence crops by food-insecure African farmers1. However, food insecurity is primarily a problem of low household incomes and poverty, and not just inadequate food production. Instead, government should look for ways to improve returns to farmers’ resources in a broader context, which may include expanded opportunities for non-farm microenterprises, cash cropping, and agricultural labor. This has been the conventional wisdom since the writings of Amartya Sen (1981). Sen’s message, however, has still not been heard in sub-Saharan Africa where it is frequently assumed that the focus has to be on increasing aggregate food pro- duction. This goal, long the cornerstone of successful Green Revolutions in Asia and Latin America, has now inspired present-day attempts at technology transfer by programs such as Sasakawa Global 2000 (SG 2000) which operates in eight African countries (Borlaug and Dowswell, 1995). To encourage participation, Nobel prize winner Borlaug, President Jimmy Carter, and Rohei Sasakawa need only point to indicators such as per capita food production growth rates to show that Africa has lost the ability to feed itself. Occasionally, they highlight the differences between China’s recent successes and Africa’s recent failures: in 1992–94, China’s average cereal yields were 4482 kilograms per hectare (kg/ha) and the highest of the developing world; Africa’s were the lowest at 1023 kg/ha. In contrast, sub-Saharan Africa’s population growth rates in 1990–1995 were the highest in the world at 3% per annum, while China’s were a low 1.4% per annum. These indicators clearly show that Africa’s per capita food production has not kept up with its population growth rates. It is a continent of farmers which imports one-third of its food grains; nine of its ten largest countries are net importers of food. Yet most African countries are agriculturally-based, with 75–85% of the labor force still employed in agriculture and most of the GDP still generated by the agricul- tural sector. Tomich et al. (1995) term them CARLs, countries with abundant rural labor. Characteristically, they are at the earliest stages of structural transformation, which means they are years — even decades — away from a turning point when their economies will diversify from one mostly dependent on agriculture to one with 1 The common agro-technical assumption that more food crop production should give more food secur- ity does not always hold. The policy issues are rather more complicated, because increasing aggregate food production impacts on food-insecure households only indirectly and doesn’t answer the question: Whose food production are we talking about? Estimates of a national “food gap” have very limited relevance because food supplies are usually badly distributed in an economy. Food is wasted by the rich and often bypasses the hungry people, so that estimates of an aggregate food gap don’t tell us much about how many and which people are hungry. National production figures are often used by policy planners to calculate a “national food gap” in order to get food aid from donor countries. Unfortunately, the food aid then depresses local production by depressing its price or, if it enters the commercial sector, never gets to the poor who need it. C.H. Gladwin et al. / Food Policy 26 (2001) 177–207 179 developed agricultural, manufacturing, and service sectors, and in the process increase agricultural productivity (Tomich et al., 1995: 14). What are some of the causes of Africa’s low agricultural productivity? Among the factors mentioned besides high population growth rates are 25 years of mostly poor weather; too few roads, vehicles, and telephones; predatory governments and officials; public policies which lurch from extreme to extreme; and devastating regional and ethnic conflicts. In addition, there is a factor called “the invisible factor” by the women-in-development (WID) literature specializing in Africa. Women are the food producers in sub-Saharan Africa (Boserup, 1970) in contrast to the smallhol- ders of Latin America and Asia, most of who were men during their “Green Revol- utions”. The constraints facing women farmers are proving to be greater stumbling blocks than those faced by male smallholders in Latin America and Asia during the 1960s and 1970s. These include women’s lack of access to: land (women beg for land rather than own it), capital or credit or cash (women don’t usually raise cash crops which are in the male domain), fertilizer or manure, technological training and extension services, the political arena, and the non-farm labor markets (women lack education) (Gladwin, 1991; Gladwin and McMillan, 1989). Gender is called “an invisible factor” because gender-related constraints that lower women’s productivity are almost never mentioned as explanations of Africa’s food security problems (Eicher 1982, 1995; Smale, 1995), in spite of their being a major reason why the findings of Sen have not been taken on board by African policy makers. They are mentioned in the women in development (WID) literature, but are delinked from the food security literature. This is in spite of Boserup’s (1970) treatise that clearly situated her discussion of women’s roles and Africa’s “female farming systems” within an overall framework of economic development, as well as more recent evidence from nutritional studies that women’s schooling, women’s status relative to men’s, per capita food intake, and per capita incomes are important deter- minants of child nutrition in Africa (Pinstrup-Andersen et al., 1999; SCN/IFPRI, 1999). In the pre-Sen era, when development thinking could be summarized as “more food crop production should give more food security”, WID Africanists proposed straightforward solutions to food insecurity. Just as smallholder food producers in Asia and Latin America were targeted in the 1960s and 1970s with yield-increasing inputs of production (hybrid seeds, credit, fertilizer, manure) in order that Green Revolution yields might be produced, so African food producers — who just happen to be women — should be targeted in the 1980s and 1990s with the same. A few programs were developed to target credit, fertilizer, hybrid seeds, agroforestry seed- lings directly at women, usually through women’s clubs (e.g. the VEZA/HODESA program; D’Arcy, 1998). They were either failures in implementation because the men in male headed households (MHHs) decided if and to what extent the women would repay the credit, or they died when unsustainable credit programs failed (Adams and Von Pischke, 1995), or they were given the axe along with other good projects during the era of structural adjustment programs. The current thinking about food security, that it is an issue of household income and poverty and not just inadequate aggregate food production, challenges programs 180 C.H. Gladwin et al. / Food Policy 26 (2001) 177–207 which encourage women to just grow more food crops to improve their food security. In this paper, we propose a more complex strategy and suggest that different develop- mental interventions, both in policy and in technology, are needed to address the food insecurity of women farmers. What is needed, as a general rule, are interventions to increase women’s incomes and help make their livelihoods more sustainable. Yet African women farmers may need a long adjustment time period to diversify their income sources fully because most African countries are at the early stages of struc- tural transformation.
Recommended publications
  • Politics, Democracy and Governance in Independent
    POLITICS, DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE IN INDEPENDENT MALAWI: The dichotomy between promises and reality Art of Larisa: Mask from Malawi By WEBSTER SIAME KAMEME A Dissertation submitted to The University of Birmingham in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY Centre of West African Studies School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham January 2011 1 POLITICS, DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE IN INDEPENDENT MALAWI: The dichotomy between promises and reality MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY Dissertation By WEBSTER SIAME KAMEME 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents ……………………………………………………….. 3-6 Acronyms ……………………………………………………………….. 7 Dedication ……………………………………………………………….. 8 Acknowledgements ……………………………………………….. 8 Abstract ……………………………………………………………….. 9 Chapter 1: Introductory ……………………………………………….. 10 1.0 Introduction ……………………………………………………….. 10 1.1 Background information ……………………………………….. 11 1.2 Objectives and Scope of Research ……………………….. 15 1.3 Conclusion ……………………………………………………….. 16 Chapter 2: Review of Literature ……………………………………….. 17 2.0 Introduction ……………………………………………………….. 17 2.1 The Politics of Democracy in Contemporary Malawi ……….. 17 2.2 Parliamentary Politics and Accountability ……………….. 19 2.2.1 Legitimisation ……………………………………….. 19 2.2.2 Political Accountability ……………………………….. 20 2.2.3 Abuse of Political Power ……………………………….. 21 2.3 Parliamentary Democracy ……………………………………….. 22 2.3.1 The will of the people ……………………………….. 23 2.3.2 Authority of Government ……………………………….. 24 2.4 Critical issues of governance in Malawi Parliament ……….. 25 2.4.1 Accountability of Parliament and its Members ……….. 27 2.4.2 The importance of transparency ……………………….. 29 2.4.3 Parliament and the rule of law ……………………….. 30 2.4.4 Participatory Democracy ……………………………….. 31 2.4.5 Consensus ……………………………………………….. 33 2.4.6 A responsive Parliament ……………………………….. 34 2.5 The dichotomy between regime and state ……………….
    [Show full text]
  • Meaning of Umunthu
    MEANING OF UMUNTHU COMMUNITY SPIRIT FOR THE BUILDING OF THE HUMAN COMMUNITY ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE SOCIO –POLITICAL SITUATION OF MALAWI submitted by Mennas Vincent Mukaka for the Academic Degree of Doctor of Theology at the Karl-Franzens University of Graz Institute/Department of Catholic Theology under the Supervision of Prof. Dr. Leopold Neuhold (1. Supervisor) Prof. DDr. Reinhold Easterbauer (2. Supervisor) © 2015 Mennas Vincent Mukaka iii DECLARATION I DECLARE THAT THIS DISSERTATION IS MY OWN WORK AND ALL THE SOURCES HAVE BEEN QUOTED AND ACKNOWLEDGED BY MEANS OF COMPLETE REFERENCES AND NO PART OF THE DISSERTATION HAS BEEN SUBMITTED FOR ANY OTHER DEGREE. Mennas Vincent Mukaka…………………………………………….. Date:…………………………………………… Place:………………………………………….. iv ACKNOWLEGEMENT “I am because you are, since you are therefore I am”. This thesis is achieved with the assistance of others without whom it could not have been accomplished. There are many people who have contributed to this work and I cannot manage to mention all of them, but all should know and feel that I greatly appreciate their contribution. I would like to acknowledge my deep indebtedness and thanks to the following people in particular: Dr Leopold Neuhold, my doctorate father, and DDr Reinhold Esterbauer, my second supervisor. I have benefited, at different stages of the project, from their contributions and friendly guidance. They are crucially responsible for the actions which led to the completion of this thesis. In addition, this work could not have been completed without the support offered by the Comboni Missionaries of the German Speaking Province (DSP). In particular I thank Mag. Fr. Joseph Altenburger, once my formator in Innsbruck, the then Provincial Superior of the German speaking Province who accepted that I do my studies in Graz.
    [Show full text]
  • Operation Bwezani”: the Army, Political Change, and Dr
    Nordic Journal of African Studies 13(2): 146–163 (2004) “OPERATION BWEZANI”: THE ARMY, POLITICAL CHANGE, AND DR. BANDA’S HEGEMONY IN MALAWI REUBEN CHIRAMBO University of Malawi, Malawi ABSTRACT When the Malawi Army violently disarmed the Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP), a paramilitary wing of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), in Operation Bwezani at the height of the political transition in December 1993, their action was hailed as marking a turning point in Malawi Army relationship to politics. It was also cheered as a profoundly significant catalyst for the political transition to democracy from Banda’s autocracy. This article, however, argues that the fact that for close to thirty years the army did not act against Banda or his repressive machinery even when the army itself was a victim indicates the extent of Banda’s hegemony in Malawi. Banda’s hegemony undermined the Army’s potential for resistance to oppression in Malawi. It concludes that the Army’s action to disarm MYP was the result of the civilian political transition and not necessarily the cause. The, Army, therefore, was more of a beneficiary of the political transition than a catalyst. Keywords: hegemony, oppression, political change INTRODUCTION Political change from former life president Dr. H.K. Banda’s autocracy to democracy in Malawi in the early 1990s was remarkably peaceful. This, given the repressive nature of Banda’s regime, was contrary to fears that Banda would not easily give up power. Dr. Banda led Malawi to independence from British colonial rule in 1964 and ruled the country as a single-party dictatorship of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) up to 1993.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs
    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project ROBERT J. KOTT Interviewed by: Raymond Ewing Initial interview date: November 21, 2000 Copyright 2007 AD T TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born and raised in Ne York City University of Oregon St. John's University, NYC Peace Corps, India (1,--.1,-,/ 0ntered the Foreign Service in 1,11 State Department of State, FSI2 Indonesian language study 1,11 Djakarta, Indonesia, Consular Officer 1,11.1,13 0nvironment 4uslim population Country description Department of Commerce2 training 1,13.1,15 State Department2 FSI2 French language study 1,15 6om7, Togo, 8eneral Officer 1,15.1,1- Ambassador Self Help Fund Use of Peace Corps volunteers Ambassador Nancy Ra ls 0nvironment Coup attempts 0yadema coup The French US interests UN Development Program Ambassador Shirley Temple Black (8hana/ 4rs. Kott and the American School State Department2 Nigeria Desk Officer 1,1-.1,1, 1 Petroleum Human Rights Policy US visit of Dictator Olusegun Obasanjo President Carter visit to Nigeria US commercial interests US investment in Nigeria Corruption US Trade and Development Program Chinese activity French economic activity State Department2 FSI2 0conomic training 1,1, Yaound7, Cameroon2 0conomic/Commercial Officer 1,80.1,81 0nvironment French influence 4ilitary assistance Self Help Committee US commercial interests Chad evacuation 6ilong e, 4ala i2 Deputy Chief of 4ission 1,81.1,85 0nvironment The British Tobacco US regional objectives Foreign embassies Relations President Hastings Banda 0xiled opposition Orton and 4rs. Chir a US aid UN voting record Foreign assistance to 4ala i Self Help Program 4ala i military State Department2 South Africa Desk Officer 1,85.1,85 Office environment US Policy State Department2 Personnel.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism and Politics of Narrating the Malawian Nation In
    NATIONALISM AND POLITICS OF NARRATING THE MALAWIAN NATION IN LEGSON KAYIRA’S NOVELS AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY By JOSHUA ISAAC KUMWENDA (Student Number 0718647G) Thesis submitted to the Department of African Literature, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfillment for the award of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in African Literature Supervisor: Professor Isabel Hofmeyr Date of submission: 4th November, 2019 Declaration I declare that this thesis is submitted to the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfillment for the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as an original work done by me. This work has not been submitted to any other university or examined for any other degree before. I further declare that the various materials used in the study have been duly acknowledged. SIGNED: Joshua Isaac Kumwenda: Signature Date (Candidate) APPROVED: Professor Isabel Hofmeyr: Signature Date (Supervisor) I understand that my thesis will become part of the permanent collection of the University of the Witwatersrand libraries. My signature below authorizes release of this thesis to any reader who would like to use the information for academic purposes. No part of this thesis may be reproduced by any means without prior permission from the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Joshua Isaac AUTHOR: 0718647G Signature Date Kumwenda: (Candidate) (Student Number) i Dedication To my mother, Mama Ethel Nyasindani Nkhoswe who did everything to ensure that I attained education when the situation was very tough for her as a single parent, I say that this thesis is for you. May the Almighty God bless you with more years ahead to enjoy the fruits of my sweat and witness my rise to positions of prominence and influence in society.
    [Show full text]
  • Interview with Mr. Robert J. Kott
    Library of Congress Interview with Mr. Robert J. Kott Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project ROBERT J. KOTT Interviewed by: Raymond Ewing Initial interview date: November 21, 2000 Copyright 2007 ADST [Note: This interview was not edited by Mr. Kott] Q: This is an Oral History interview with Robert J. Kott. It's the 21st of November 200. This is being conducted under auspices of Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training. My name is Raymond Ewing. Bob, I see that you entered the Foreign Service in 1971, but it looks like you perhaps had some prior government or military service before that. But, let me sort of back you up. If you could tell us first a little bit about where you grew up, and how you got interested in the Foreign Service. KOTT: Fairly easy answer, Ray. Born and raised in New York City, went to school in New York City. Joined the Peace Corps after college, and went to India for two years and that sort of changed my life and gave me some direction as a young pup. From there I went back to graduate school at the University of Oregon to do a Masters program in International Studies focusing mainly on South Asian studies. I took the Foreign Service exam while I was out there, somewhat of a lark because I was really more interested in development work, either with an NGO (non-governmental organization) or USAID (United States Agency for International Development). In fact I had applied to USAID and had been accepted for I think it was their Vietnam refugee relief program, something to that Interview with Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Election Update 2004 Malawi
    ELECTION UPDATE 2004 MALAWI number 1 · 28 april 2004 contents Constitutional Perspective Constitutional and Institutional Context 1 Pre –Elections Political Setting 7 Local Government Elections 10 Presidential Open Term Bill 13 Political Parties 15 National Elections Consultative Forum 19 Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA CONSTITUTIONAL PERSPECTIVE CONSTITUTIONAL held by Rhodesia and elections held as such. On 6 & INSTITUTIONAL Nyasaland. The Malawi July 1964, Nyasaland Congress Party (MCP) won became the independent state CONTEXT all the seats and thereafter, of Malawi. After attaining Background its leader, Dr. Kamuzu independence in 1964, Banda, consolidated his Malawi installed a In 1962, Malawi, then called authoritarian leadership. In parliamentary system of Nyasaland had its first April 1964, all members of government. A new multiparty elections. This the Parliament were returned Constitution was introduced was in fact, a referendum unopposed and there were no in 1966. This new constitutional arrangement scheduled for May 1994 was powers in the hands of the led to the abolition of both passed. A National President. the parliamentary system and Consultative Council was set the multiparty system. All up to make The President is directly constitutional powers were recommendations to the elected by the people for a vested in Dr. Banda as Parliament on the new term of five years, renewable executive State President, a electoral laws and for another term by popular position he held from 1971 procedures, constituency election. He is both the Head to 1992. The end of the Cold boundaries, and drafting a of State and Head of War and the Wind of Change new Constitution that would Government.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of Democrats in Sub-Saharan Africa
    Ani Dineva s1365879 MAIS The Making of Democrats in Sub-Saharan Africa Education and Political Culture in Malawi and Ghana Graduate Thesis MA International Relations (International Studies) Leiden University Word count (including bibliography): 9,709 / 10,000 Student: Supervisor: Second reader: Ani Dineva Dr. M. de Goede Dr. A. O‘Malley S1356879 [email protected] February, 2017 1 Leiden University Ani Dineva s1365879 MAIS 2 Leiden University Ani Dineva s1365879 MAIS Content: 1. Introduction 2. Chapter 1: Conceptual Framework 3. Chapter 2: Literature Review 4. Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework and Methodology 5. Chapter 4: The Cases of Malawi and Ghana 6. Chapter 5: The Birth of New Citizens in Malawi and Ghana: 1999 – 2011 1) Educative Dimension: Understanding and Political Attitudes 2) Integrative Dimension: Active Participation 7. Chapter 6: Conclusion 8. Sources Abbreviations: NGO – Non-Governmental Organization; UPE – Universal Primary Education; Key words: Citizenship, democrats, political culture, primary education; 3 Leiden University Ani Dineva s1365879 MAIS Introduction “Education is widely seen as the means for constructing citizens” (Kamens, 1988: 117). Both scholars and practitioners agree on this very purpose of education. The idea that education is a tool for turning people into citizens is not new (ibid.). The idea that education is a tool for turning citizens into democrats, however, is quite recent. Democrats, as defined in this paper, are citizens who not only belong to a certain state but who actively participate in its political life. The notion that education can construct not just citizens but democrats firstly emerged in the 1990s and ever since countless number of governments, non-governmental organizations as well as scholars have endorsed the expansion of Universal Primary Education (UPE) programs throughout developing countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Legacy of One Party Dictatorship: Collective Memory and Contestation in Malawi 1994-2004
    LEGACY OF ONE PARTY DICTATORSHIP: COLLECTIVE MEMORY AND CONTESTATION IN MALAWI 1994-2004 By CLEMENT MWESO MWSCLE001 Thesis submitted in partial fulfilmentTown of the requirements for the degree of M.Phil. in African Studies Cape of CENTRE FOR AFRICAN STUDIES FACULTY OF HUMANITIES University UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN 17th FEBRUARY, 2014 i The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DECLARATION FORM - MASTERS DEGREE CANDIDATES Name CLEMENT MWESO Student No: MWSCLEOO1 Tel numbers: 0768003591 Email address: [email protected] Word count 24730 No. of pages 61 DECLARATION: 1. I am presenting this dissertation in FULL/PARTIAL fulfilment of the requirements for my degree. 2. I know the meaning of plagiarism and declare that all of the work in the dissertation, save for that which is properly acknowledged, is my own. 3. I hereby grant the University of Cape Town free licence to reproduce for the purpose of research either the whole or any portion of the contents in any manner whatsoever of the above dissertation. Signature Date: ii SUPERVISOR’S APPROVAL OF SUBMISSION OF DISSERTATION FOR EXAMINATION I confirm that I have seen/have not seen the final version of (candidate’s name) dissertation and that it is submitted for examination with/without my approval.
    [Show full text]
  • LACK of ALTERNATIVE LEADERSHIP in DEMOCRATIC MALAWI: SOME REFLECTIONS AHEAD of the 2004 GENERAL ELECTIONS BLESSINGS CHINSINGA University of Malawi, Malawi
    Nordic Journal of African Studies 12(1): 1-22 (2003) LACK OF ALTERNATIVE LEADERSHIP IN DEMOCRATIC MALAWI: SOME REFLECTIONS AHEAD OF THE 2004 GENERAL ELECTIONS BLESSINGS CHINSINGA University of Malawi, Malawi ABSTRACT This article, drawing on Malawi’s experience with intra party politics, argues that quality, dynamic and visionary leadership is extremely vital in propping up budding democracies on the winding road to mature democracies. It is thus widely recognized that the success or failure of any organized group effort whether at organizational, community or national level is critically dependent on leadership, understood as a collective endeavour within a permissive and enabling framework. The major problem in most democratizing polities, however, is that leadership is essentially understood as rulership. This implies that leaders make every effort to ensure that decisions must either be made or reviewed at a single, known, predetermined and consistent position. Unless leaders extricate themselves from the perils of the centrist tendencies and work to facilitate participative governance, in which they primarily serve as agents or trustees for a broad community of persons, democratizing polities risk disintegrating into dysfunctional political entities along the way. Keywords: leadership, rulership, third term, open terms bill, participative governance INTRODUCTION This paper argues that the lack of alternative leadership presents a serious constraint to the ultimate consolidation of democracy much as Malawi is, in the eyes of the international community, often flagged as a success story of democratic transition1 (Wiseman 1995; Schmidt 2001). It has especially been 1 Note that Malawi reverted to political pluralism after almost three decades of authoritarian rule under Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • MAL 3 Written Evidence Submitted by Michael King O.B.E. F.R.C.S – Chief Government Surgeon in Malawi 1976-94, Volunteer Surgeo
    MAL 3 Written evidence submitted by Michael King O.B.E. F.R.C.S – Chief Government Surgeon in Malawi 1976-94, Volunteer Surgeon in North Malawi 1994 – 2009, and Mrs.Elspeth King Ph.D (London) - University of Malawi lecturer 1980-94 1) CONDITIONS under which the UK could provide development assistance to MALAWI British Aid to any country should be conditional on Budget Transparency and on the protection of Civil Liberties by Government. Malawi is no exception. DFID should now prioritize (1) Universal Family Planning, the provision of Basic Health Services for all the Rural Poor, and providing drugs for curable diseases (2) Private Sector development. British Aid should terminate (1) Budget Support, (2) Support for fertilizer subsidy (3) Funding for HIV/AIDS. Britain should require Malawian health staff in UK to return to work in Malawi and provide incentives for them to do so. THE DEVELOPMENT SITUATION in MALAWI Donor Aid has been based on optimistic and politically correct ideas from wealthy countries. But this foreign funding has saved Malawian leaders from addressing the causes of the deteriorating plight of their people. Britain cannot solve those problems; that responsibility must now be passed to the numerous educated and professional Malawians – the doctors, nurses, engineers, teachers, accountants, businessmen, lawyers, civil servants, clergy, civic leaders and farmers etc . The President must co-operate with them, and with elected MPs. If he and they cannot manage to perceive all these facts, then disaster will soon come. The problems are huge – but united they must tackle them. 1) MDGs concerning Poverty, Maternal Mortality, Child Mortality, Gender and the Environment A) Population and Land - 85% of Malawians live in villages as subsistence farmers.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 3: Patterns in Governance and Constitutionalism in Malawi
    CHAPTER 3: PATTERNS IN GOVERNANCE AND CONSTITUTIONALISM IN MALAWI 3.1 Introduction 3.2 A brief history of constitutionalism and governance in Malawi 3.2.1 The pre-colonial period 3.2.2 The colonial period 3.2.3 The post-colonial period 3.2.3.1 The immediate post-independence: 1964 -1966 3.2.3.2 The First Republic: 1966 -1994 3.2.3.3 The Second Republic: 1994 to date 3.3 Trends in constitutionalism and governance in Malawi 3.3.1 An evaluation of governance and constitutionalism in colonial Malawi 3.3.2 An evaluation of post-colonial governance in Malawi: The First Republic 1964-1994 3.4 An evaluation of governance and constitutionalism in post-colonial Malawi: The Second Republic (1994 to date) 3.4.1 Managing the transition to multi-partyism in Malawi 3.4.2 Governance and constitutionalism in Malawi beyond the transition 3.4.3. The relations between the branches of government 3.4.3.1 The executive 3.4.3.2 The legislature 3.4.3.3 The judiciary 3.4.4 The approach to public resource management 3.4.5 Accountability of public functionaries and the empowerment of the citizenry 3.5 Conclusion 3.1 Introduction Malawi has been an independent nation for over 45 years with a ‘stable’ and functioning central authority. This, arguably, is evidence that governance, in some form, has been practised in the country. Even more ubiquitous in the post-independence period has been the existence of a constitution as the basic framework for governance in Malawi at every point in the country’s post-independence history.
    [Show full text]