Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures

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Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures N ikos Chiysoloras Department of Government, L S E Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures PhD Thesis London School of Economics and Political Science Nikolaos Chrysoloras 2010 A dissertation submitted in satisfaction of the requirements for a PhD in Government, awarded by the Department of Government of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). Student Number: 200217062 Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot 'Political Cultures 1 UMI Number: U615978 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615978 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Theses e H3S o 12.54^ 52. Nikos Chysoloras Department of Government, L S E To my Tather Religion and "National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures 2 Nikos Chysoloras Department of Government, L S E Religion and Nationalism in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures Table of Contents: Acknowledgements p. 5 Synopsis p. 7 Notes p. 8 Chapter I: Introduction p. 9 1.1 Prologue p. 10 1.11 Orthodoxy and Greek Public Culture p. 12 1.111 Greece, Cyprus and the Wider Picture p. 18 I.IV Research Questions and Hypotheses p. 24 I.V Organization of the Chapters p. 28 Chapter II: Theoretical Framework and Methodology p. 36 11.1 Existing Literature and its Limitations p. 37 11.11 Theoretical Framework and Methodology p. 57 Il.II.i. Ethno-symbolism and Nationalism p. 58 11.11.11. Discourse Theory and Nationalism p. 63 11.111 Applying Political Theory to the Study of Political Practices p. 71 II.IV Sources p. 73 Chapter III: The Period of National Identity Construction in Greece , 1830-1864 p. 78 111.1 Introduction p. 79 111.11 the Church before Independence p. 81 IILII.i. Orthodoxy during the Ottoman Rule in the Balkans p. 86 111.11.11. Orthodoxy during the 1821-29 War of Independence p. 92 111.111 Orthodoxy after the War of Independence p. 102 III.IV the Institutional Consolidation of the "Helleno-Christian" Thesis p. 108 II.V The ideological consolidation of the "Helleno-Christian" Thesis p. 113 III.VI Conclusions p. 121 III. VII The Church in the 20th Century p. 127 Chapter IV: Helleno-Christian Nationalism in Cyprus, 1950-2004 p. 133 IV.I A Political History of the Church of Cyprus p. 135 IV.II The Church in Cypriot Politics, 1950-1974 p. 147 IV.III Helleno-Christianity as an Impediment to Reconciliation: Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures 3 N ikos Chrysoloras Department of Government, L S E The Church, the People, and the United Nations Peace Plans p. 154 IV.IV Conclusions p. 161 Chapter V: Orthodoxy and Nationalism in Greece after 1974 p. 166 V.I Introduction p. 167 V.II PASOK and the Church p. 174 V.II.i. Christodoulos vs. PASOK p. 177 V.III Explaining the Persistence of Helleno-Christian Nationalism p. 194 Chapter VI: Conclusion p. 205 VI.I Summary of the Arguments p. 206 VI.II Empirical Conclusions p. 215 VLIII Theoretical Conclusions p. 217 VI.V Epilogue p. 223 Appendix p. 226 References and Bibliography p. 244 Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures 4 N ikos Chiysoloras Department of Government, L S E Acknowledgements Long treatises, like PhD dissertations, are usually the outcome of the work and the co-operation between many different people. Traditionally, there is only one, the author, who takes the credit- or the blame- for the result. Let me just name a few who undoubtedly deserve a credit. First, and foremost, I should emphasize that the writing of the present work would be impossible without the financial assistance of the 'National Bank of Greece Research Award' which was kindly offered to me by the Hellenic Observatory of the London School of Economics. I hope that the National Bank of Greece will continue to actively support academic research at the LSE and elsewhere. Additional financial aid was made available to me by the Department of Government through its 'Research Studentships' scheme. My gratitude goes to all those who decided to offer me this award. Finally, part of the costs for this study was covered by my family, to whom I am grateful for everything that they have done to support me since I started my studies in Great Britain. Obviously, all those sources of income would be meaningless without the administrative and academic support of my studies by the Department of Government and the Hellenic Observatory of the LSE. More specifically, the academic guidance of my supervisors, Dr. John Hutchinson and Prof. Kevin Featherstone, was priceless. Many thanks are also due to Dr. Yannis Stavrakakis. Throughout the course of my postgraduate studies, Yannis has been a good friend, a helpful colleague, and a supportive teacher. My field research in Cyprus was guided and supported by Dr. Victor Roudometof of Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures 5 N ikos Chiysoloras Department of Government, L S E the University of Cyprus, to whom I am grateful. Last but not least, I should mention that this research project started as an M.A. dissertation in Political Theory at the Department of Government of the University of Essex. My supervisors there, Dr. David Howarth and Dr. Jason Glynos, were those who supported me in my first steps and encouraged me to apply for a PhD in the same subject. Much of the credit for what is written in the following pages goes to the persons and institutions named above, and, naturally, all of the blame for possible shortcomings and fallacies to me. Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures 6 Nikos Chysoloras Department of Government, L S E Synopsis This thesis investigates the reasons for the idiosyncratic politicization of religion and the Church in Greece and Cyprus, and seeks to account for the production, development and propagation of religious nationalism and the sacralisation of politics in these two countries. It is a study of the birth (1830- 1864), development, and contemporary mutation (1974-2000) of the 'Helleno- Christian' nationalist discourse, which reached its zenith, not in Greece, where it was born, but in Cyprus, immediately before and after independence (1950- 1974). The aim of the project is to explain the political processes whereby this ideology (Helleno-Christianism) attained a hegemonic status in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot political cultures, and to account for the present eminence of this prominent type of Greek nationalism. Hopefully, this thesis fulfils a threefold purpose: firstly, it covers important gaps in the relevant historiography on Greek and Greek-Cypriot nationalisms. This 'historical' task is carried out through the analysis of the important role of the Orthodox Church in the consolidation of Greek and Greek-Cypriot national identities. Secondly, this case study is used as a test ground for an alternative theoretical framework in the study of nationalism which may offer solutions to the practical and theoretical problems of the dominant modernist paradigm. Thirdly, a comparative approach to the study of Greek nationalism in mainland Greece and in Cyprus is adopted- to my knowledge, for the first time- in the following pages. There are two main research questions to be answered by this project: Why and how religion in Greece and Cyprus has been politicized in such manner so that Orthodoxy and nationalism became so closely associated? And, what are the results of this politicization in terms of contemporary Church policy, and national identity awareness in contemporary Greece and Cyprus? In other words, the logic that will be underlying my argument is that in order to understand contemporary Greek nationalism, one has to look back at its formative period. Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures 1 N ikos Chiysoloras Department of Government, L S E Acronyms: AKEL [A.K.E.A]: Communist Party of Cyprus EOKA [E.O.K.A]: National Union of Cypriot Fighters KEK [K.E.K.]: Free Citizens Rally (Greek centrist party) KKE [K.K.E]: Communist Party of Greece LAOS [AA.O.Z]: People's Orthodox Rally (Greek far right party) ND [N.A]: New Democracy (Greek centre-right party) PASOK [IIA.ZO.K]: Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement (Greek centre left party) SYRIZA [ZY.PIZ.A]: Coalition of the Radical Left (Greek leftist party) Notes: * The names of Greek and Greek-Cypriot authors are transliterated * Greek titles are translated by the author. Original titles in Greek are cited in parentheses * Quotes from Greek are translated by the author, unless stated otherwise. The original Greek texts are cited in footnotes, whenever there is a possibility of ambiguity in the translation. Keligion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures 8 N ikos Chiysoloras Department of Government, L S E Chapter I: Introduction Religion and National Identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot Political Cultures 9 N ikos Chtysoloras Department of Government, L S E LI Prologue The first article of the first constitutional text of modern Greece, the "Epidaurus Constitution" of 1 8 2 1 , classifies as Greeks "all natives [autochthonous] who believe in Christ".1 The phraseology of this sentence is indicative of the views of the first revolutionaries regarding the components of Neo-Hellenic identity.
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