DOCSLIB.ORG

SWP Research Paper 2010/RP 05

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
SWP Research Paper 2010/RP 05 SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Uwe Halbach Russia’s Internal Abroad The North Caucasus as an Emergency Zone at the Edge of Europe RP 5 November 2010 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), 2010 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the directing staff of the Institute. They express exclusively the per- sonal views of the author(s). SWP SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, und Politik Berlin German Institute is the German Institute for for International International and Security Affairs and Security Affairs SWP comprises 8 research divisions and 60 researchers Ludwigkirchplatz 3­4 provides in-depth analysis and 10719 Berlin policy-oriented recommenda- Germany tions to the German Parliament Phone +49 30 880 07-0 and government on the full Fax +49 30 880 07-100 range of international and www.swp-berlin.org European affairs [email protected] produces English-language analysis of issues being dealt Brussels Office with at an EU and international Rue du Commerce 31 level B–1000 Bruxelles bundles analysis of global issues Phone: +32 2 792 10 20 with expertise on the EU, US and [email protected] other world regions www.swp-berlin.org/en/brussels ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Robert Blasiak (English version of SWP-Studie 27/2010) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Conclusions 8 Russia’s Internal Abroad 10 Effects for the Near Abroad and Beyond 11 Escalating Violence on the Edge of Europe 15 Factors Causing Instability 15 Socio-economic Problems and Corruption 16 Jihad, Jama’at, Emirate: Islamist Mobilisation 19 The External Dimension of North Caucasian Jihadism 21 Islamic Traditionalism versus Islamist Radicalisation 22 Renaissance of Ethnic Nationalism: Danger of Separatism? 25 The Federal Vertical of Power and Subnational Authoritarianism 26 The New North Caucasian Government and Its Viceroy 29 The Political Regimes in the Caucasian Republics 29 The Private Kadyrovian State 31 Dagestan: From Model of Ethnic Concordance to Power Vertical 33 Outlook: Europe and the North Caucasus 34 List of Abbreviations Dr. Uwe Halbach is researcher at SWP’s Russian Federation / CIS division Problems and Conclusions Russia’s Internal Abroad The North Caucasus as an Emergency Zone at the Edge of Europe Over the past 15 years, developments in the North Caucasus, which belongs to the Russian Federation, have primarily been viewed within the context of the military conflict in Chechnya. The entire region was understood as being proximate to the war zone and security deficits across the region were interpreted as having emanated from this conflict. After the fighting in Chechnya ceased and was replaced by a reconstruc- tion phase, international interest in the North Cauca- sus evaporated. Since 2009, however, international attention to the region has returned. In April 2009, Moscow lifted the special designation as an anti- terrorism operation zone, which it had placed ten years earlier on Chechnya. Russia thereby put its stamp of approval on transferring responsibility away from the federal level and putting local authorities in charge of fighting Chechen armed resistance groups and for rebuilding the war-ravaged republic. This cannot, however, be considered to represent regional appeasement. The North Caucasus’s appearance as a zone characterised by instability and violence on the periphery of Russia and Europe extends far beyond the borders of Chechnya, and the factors causing instabil- ity are no longer solely linked with Chechnya. During his state-of-the-nation address to the Federal Assembly in November 2009, President Medvedev declared that the entire region constituted Russia’s primary domes- tic problem. In a report from June 2010, the Council of Europe also characterised the situation there as the most sensitive within its membership zone. The continued confrontation between state security forces and armed resistance groups draws into ques- tion a proclaimed goal of Vladimir Putin’s presidency (2000–2008): long-term peace in the region through the reintegration of Chechnya into Russia’s constitu- tional space. In addition to larger areas of land like the Far East, Russia counts the North Caucasus among its most strategically important territories. It includes seven republics stretching from Adygea near the Black Sea to Dagestan on the Caspian Sea. The region ac- counts for 6.5% of Russia’s entire population and consists mainly of Muslims belonging to dozens of different ethnic groups. Important North-South trans- portation routes and pipelines extend across this SWP Berlin Russia’s Internal Abroad November 2010 5 Problems and Conclusions exposed border region. This is where Russia extends oped western regions and the area surrounding the into the greater Caucasus region, the southern half ambitious projects associated with the Sochi 2014 of which contains the three independent states of Winter Olympics. At the same time, counter-terrorism Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan and is characterised would continue to dominate politics in the eastern by unresolved secessionist conflicts and competition parts of the region. among external actors rallying for influence. The bor- In Europe, one should not overlook these develop- der to Russia’s “near abroad” runs through a zone in ments in Russia’s “internal abroad” even if interna- which Russia faces more acute strategic challenges tional policy has in the past had scant access to the than in any other part of its enormous territory. This North Caucasus, in contrast to the South Caucasus. As context provides the backdrop for the disastrous Rus- stated by the Council of Europe, the region is an ex- sian-Georgian relations, which drew global attention posed hot spot on Europe’s borders. In two of the post- in August 2008. Following the five-day war, Russia Soviet space’s sub-regions, there has been Islamist instituted protectorate rule across portions of the mobilisation based on unstable regional structures, South Caucasus in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, even namely in the Central Asian areas close to Afghanistan though it continues to struggle with security issues on and in the North Caucasus at Europe’s back door. If its own state territory in the North Caucasus. one uses the number of acts of terrorism as a point of This Russian Caucasus is an area of precarious state- reference, the North Caucasus is the more explosive hood and unfinished decolonisation. Its federal sub- area. jects constitute a political crisis zone, which is charac- Still, acts of terrorism invoking jihad are not the terised to a large degree by corruption and bad govern- only decisive factors causing the spiral of violence. ance. No other portion of the Russian Federation pres- Literature on the North Caucasus also presents a series ents such a harsh collision between the “Illusion of of explanatory paradigms, which pin the blame entire- Putinism” and reality, namely the idea that the cen- ly on Islamic groups or state security bodies; or place tral government can steer politics and society even in absolute blame solely on individual factors like pover- the most distant corners of the country. The vertical of ty, inter-ethnic conflicts, and corruption. The author power which has come to epitomise the Putin era, has of this study, on the other hand, analyses precisely thus far affected territories and political bodies in the this diverse range of factors, which are responsible for North Caucasus that had escaped the central govern- the destabilisation and diffusion of violence in the ment’s direct control. The Russian government is North Caucasus. The author also deals with develop- therefore now looking for new ways to gain control ments that have caused large portions of the North over this region. In January 2010, the government Caucasus to become Russia’s “internal abroad”, ana- took fundamental steps towards administrative re- lyses the most commonly cited factors causing destabi- form in the region. An independent Caucasian entity lisation in the region, and assesses the chances for a was separated off from the larger Southern Federal realignment of Russia’s Caucasus policy. Increased District and was formed into the new North Caucasus European attention for this Russian problem-zone Federal District. To head this eighth district, the Russian should constitute an element of the partnership for government named Alexander Khloponin, who was modernisation that President Medvedev wants to once the governor of Krasnoyarsk, a region of Siberia, establish between Russia and Europe. Berlin and prior to which he served as the chairman of a com- Brussels should support approaches aimed at modern- modities company. He is now meant to act as the new ising Russia’s Caucasus policy as well as self-criticism “Manager of the Caucasus”. for the path pursued in the region in previous years. The administrative reform is being accompanied by a new Caucasus strategy based on business and socio- economic development. In light of continued attacks from armed resistance groups, it remains doubtful whether this new path will take the place of the rather counter-productive past strategy of violent crack- downs, and lead instead to sustainable development policies. A split in policies towards the North Caucasus is also possible. Intensified business development could take place in the calmer and more highly devel- SWP Berlin Russia’s Internal Abroad November 2010 6 asus c au th C Map Nor SWP Berlin Russia’s Internal Abroad November 2010 7 Russia’s Internal Abroad Russia’s Internal Abroad The North Caucasus, which is comprised on seven now say that Russia should have stayed away from the republics1 and is home to dozens of ethnic groups, renegade republic. If the pollsters had replaced constitutes the Islamic southern periphery of the “Chechnya” with “Caucasus”, the response may have European part of the Russian Federation.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Ethnic Competition, Radical Islam and Challenges to Stability in the Republic of Dagestan
    Ethnic Competition, Radical Islam, and Challenges to Stability in the Republic of Dagestan Edward C. Holland Doctoral Candidate Institute of Behavioral Science and Department of Geography Campus Box 487 University of Colorado Boulder, CO. 80309-0487 USA Email: [email protected] Phone: 1-303-492-4347; fax 1-303-492-3609 John O’Loughlin College Professor of Distinction and Professor of Geography Institute of Behavioral Science Campus Box 487 University of Colorado Boulder, CO. 80309-0487 USA Email: [email protected] Phone: 1-303-492-1619; fax 1-303-492-3609 Forthcoming COMMUNIST AND POST-COmMUNIST STUDIES 2010 Acknowledgements: This research was supported by a grant from the Human and Social Dynamics Initiative of the U.S. National Science Foundation, grant number 0433927. Thanks to Vladimir Kolossov, and Gearoid Ó Tuathail for help with the survey and the fieldwork in Dagestan, to our Dagestani colleagues, Eldar Eldarov, Shakhmardan Muduyev, Sharafudin Aliyev, and Zagir Atayev for their overwhelming hospitality on two field expeditions and to Nancy Thorwardson of the Institute of Behavioral Science for preparing the map for publication. We also acknowledge Alexei Grazhdankin and his colleagues of the Levada Center, Moscow for their timely, professional and friendly cooperation that ensured the success of the complex survey in Dagestan. Abstract Previous academic work on stability in Dagestan has focused on two potential cleavages, the republic’s ethnic diversity and the challenge from radical Islamist groups. Using results from a December 2005 survey, and focusing on Dagestan’s six main ethnic groups, this paper investigates attitudes towards the dual topics of the politicization of ethnicity and the relationship between terrorism and Islamism.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption in Russia: Reasons for the Growth
    Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 336 5th International Conference on Social Science and Higher Education (ICSSHE 19) Corruption in Russia: Reasons for the Growth V.V. Moiseev I. V. Goncharova Belgorod State Technological University named after V.G. Orel State University named after I.S. Turgenev Shukhov Orel, 302026, Russia Belgorod, 308012, Russia [email protected] G. S. Chuvardin Orel State University named after I.S. Turgenev Orel, 302026, Russia Abstract—The scale of increased corruption in Russia is such Council did not bring tangible results, since its composition that it began to threaten the national security of our country. was practically no longer assembled, and soon it was abolished, This conclusion belongs not only to the authors of this article, without becoming a viable political institution. who have been conducting research in this field for a long time, but also to the head of state, who recently signed a special Pursuant to the President’s instructions, a special directive on national security. The main goal of the authors of the commission of the State Duma was created to prepare article was to show why corruption in Russia acquired such a proposals for amending existing legislation in order to enhance wide scope, what reasons contributed to its growth in 2000-2019. legal mechanisms to combat corruption. However, a legal In accordance with the purpose of the study, the following main mechanism to combat corruption was not created in 2000-2008: questions were identified: 1) showing the increase in the scale and the State Duma twice passed a law on combating corruption, level of corruption in the country in 2000-2019; 2) to analyze the and both times, President Vladimir Putin rejected it, using the causes of weak anti-corruption in Russia; 3) showing the role of right of veto.
    [Show full text]
  • POLITICS 315 Nationalism and Identity
    POLITICS 315 Nationalism and Identity Course syllabus Course coordinator: Dr James Headley Semester 2 2014 Course description This course explores the major debates and themes in the study of nations and nationalism. The first half of the course examines the notion of identity, the concepts of nation and ethnicity, the origins of nations and nationalism, and the historical development of nationalism from the nineteenth century to the post-Cold War period. The second half of the course examines contemporary debates about nationalism, including the basis of national identity, national identity in an international context, poly-ethnic and multinational states, and self-determination and secession. A variety of examples from around the world are used to illustrate. Course details Lecturer: Dr James Headley Office Hours: Mon 2-3, Thurs 1-2 (or by appointment) Room 4S1, 4th Floor, Arts Building Tel: 479 8616 Email: [email protected] Lectures and tutorials: There are two lectures per week, on Tuesdays and Thursdays, 10:00-10:50am. The lectures are designed to give an introduction to the main themes and issues of the course. They combine theoretical and empirical analysis of nationalism and associated issues, using a range of examples. I will give a skeletal handout for each lecture, but it is up to you to take relevant notes. Sometimes it may be necessary to complete the topic of a lecture in the following lecture as they do not always fit conveniently into 50-minute time slots. There will also be one tutorial per week (times/groups to be arranged), starting week two, for student-centred discussion and debate of readings relating to topics covered in the lectures.
    [Show full text]
  • Dancing the Nation in the North Caucasus
    _______________________________________________________________________ ARTICLES Dancing the Nation in the North Caucasus Sufi an Zhemukhov and Charles King In the realm of nations and nationalism, what are the limits of invention? With the upsurge in writing on Eurasian and east European nation building, we now know a great deal about the formulation and remaking of national categories, from the work of state-sponsored ethnographers to the struggle be- tween incumbent and oppositional politicians.1 Yet the persistent challenge, to paraphrase Karl Marx, is to understand exactly how and why people are unable to make their histories just as they please. Even though traditions may be invented and communities imagined, it is no simple task to identify the specifi c moments when these phenomena actually occur, especially when the inventing and imagining are not the mere result of government fi at or ethno- graphic creativity. Moreover, in our enthusiasm for deconstructing national belonging, it is easy to lose sight of the ways in which large numbers of people perform the ethnonational categories that scholars now assiduously unbuild. How might we map those precise points in time when decisions about national forms get negotiated by actors with little to gain from the process—apart from, so far as we can tell, a sincere wish to be somehow true to a collectively imag- ined past? What is at stake—culturally, historically, and even politically— when people decide to “do being ethnic” in one way and not another, and all within the context of a globalized, post-Soviet world? 2 There is no clearer illustration of these phenomena than what might be called ethnokinetics, that is, forms of human motion that are locally catego- rized as essential to collective belonging—from “ethnic dance,” to the forms of posture thought to be exemplary of a particular ethnonational category, to virtually any collective performance that valorizes bodies in motion.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption in Russia
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Schulze, Günther G.; Suharnoko Sjahrir, Bambang; Zakharov, Nikita Working Paper Corruption in Russia Discussion Paper Series, No. 22 Provided in Cooperation with: Department of International Economic Policy (iep), University of Freiburg Suggested Citation: Schulze, Günther G.; Suharnoko Sjahrir, Bambang; Zakharov, Nikita (2013) : Corruption in Russia, Discussion Paper Series, No. 22, University of Freiburg, Department of International Economic Policy (iep), Freiburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/86176 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der
    [Show full text]
  • The North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union
    Building Stability in the North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union SIPRI Policy Paper No. 16 Neil J. Melvin Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Map of the North Caucasus vi Table A.1. Data on the North Caucasus and the Russian Federation vii 1. Introduction: instability in the North Caucasus 1 The structure of this Policy Paper 6 2. The roots of instability in the North Caucasus 7 Incorporation and pacification 7 The North Caucasus in the Soviet Union 9 World War II and Stalin 11 The post-Stalin era and perestroika 12 The North Caucasus in the Russian Federation 15 Nationalist mobilization 15 The failure of state building in the North Caucasus 17 Religious revival 18 The first Chechen war 21 3. The North Caucasus in the Putin era 24 Putin’s new course 24 Replacing local elites 26 The second Chechen war 28 Russia’s ‘war on terrorism’ 31 The role of the international community 35 4. Prospects for the North Caucasus 37 National–territorial issues 37 Islam and Islamism 40 Governance in the North Caucasus 43 Socio-economic issues 44 Russia’s security policies 45 The North Caucasus and the European Union 46 5. Recommendations 48 Recommendations for the Russian Federation 48 Recommendations for the European Union 54 About the author 59 Preface For most people, the notion of conflict in the North Caucasus—a region within the Russian Federation, as distinct from the independent states of the South Cau- casus—is synonymous with Chechnya.
    [Show full text]
  • Renewed Circassian Mobilization in the North Caucasus 20-Years After the Fall of the Soviet Union
    Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 11, No 2, 2012, 103-135 Copyright © ECMI 21 December 2012 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/publications/detail/issue-22012-vol-11-254/ Renewed Circassian Mobilization in the North Caucasus 20-years after the Fall of the Soviet Union Lars Funch Hansen* University of Copenhagen The renewed ethnic mobilization among Circassians in the North Caucasus region in Russia that has unfolded since the latter half of the 2000s is illustrated by the establishment of new civil society organizations and a substantially increased number of internet-based initiatives. All of this reflects a new and increased form of agency and unity among the Circassians in which youth activism has played key role. It also illustrates how Circassian civil society actors and cyber-activists have not only been able to establish a counter-public sphere or develop a new space for action, but also increasingly have been able to move key issues from Circassian spheres into the wider public sphere of mainstream Russian media and politics. The upcoming 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, Russia, in particular, has functioned as a lever in this process, which has also resulted in increasing support among Circassians for calls for recognition of the nineteenth century forced expulsion of the majority of the Circassians from the Caucasus as an act of genocide. In this manner, a mega-event such as the Sochi Olympics has contributed to generating a more radical or politicized understanding or framing of the Caucasian exodus that, since the fall of the Soviet Union, has generally been known as “our national tragedy”.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 When the Crime-Terror Nexus Does Not Materialize: Drug Trafficking
    When the Crime-Terror Nexus Does Not Materialize: Drug Trafficking, Militants and the State in Russia Mariya Y. Omelicheva and Lawrence P. Markowitz Introduction This article examines the conditions under which a crime-terror nexus fails to emerge and explains what may arise in its place. The lack of a nexus in many “hot spots” around the globe is often overlooked in the comparative literature, which tends to emphasize its prevalence rather than its absence (Dishman, 2001; Sanderson, 2004; Shelley, 2005). A study on why a nexus does not materialize, therefore, is not only valuable for its intrinsic importance to international peace and security, but also because it constitutes a “negative case” that tests the explanatory power of existing theory on the crime-terror nexus (Mahoney and Goertz 2004). Through the example of Russia, utilizing a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, we demonstrate that the nature of organized criminal networks, drug trafficking, state authority, and non-state violence – both within a country and transnationally – can undercut the emergence of a stable, consolidated crime-terror nexus. By most accounts, Russia’s North Caucasus appears to epitomize the convergence of terrorist networks with the criminal world, according to the scholarship on the crime-terror nexus (Dishman, 2001; Makarenko, 2004). In the Chechen republic, in particular, separatist groups with ties to the global jihadi movement have been known for their deep involvement in crime that provided revenue for their violent operations (Pauli 2001; Hahn 2012). Today, the broader North Caucasus is plagued by the phenomenon of “Afghanization” – an explosive situation produced by a combination of militancy, poverty, organized crime, and externally sponsored Islamic radicalization (Cornell 2012).
    [Show full text]
  • On Strategies for Combating Corruption in Russia
    On Strategies for Combating Corruption in Russia VITALY A. NOMOKONOV T he scale and scope of corruption in Russia are well known, and most observers agree that a new approach to fighting corruption is needed. In early 1998, the government newspaper, Rossiiskaya Gazeta, published a draft of a gov- ernment anticorruption program, but it was blocked by Russian president Boris Yelstin. Now, while the state Duma debates two different strategies for combat- ing corruption, the absence of a definite program still harms the country.' For years, the highest echelons of power in the country have seemed neither ready nor willing to combat the dangerous phenomenon of corruption. The rea- son for this is no secret here or even abroad. American legislators view Russian President Boris Yeltsin and his circle as a corrupt clan, occupied primarily with their own survival.2 Russian crime statistics illustrate the growth in crimen of corruption. In 1998, the number of cases of taking and giving bribes increased by 6 percent, misuse of power by 9.8 percent, and illegal participation in enterprise activity by 32 per- cent. According to Ministry of Internal Affairs data for 1999, the number of cases of bribery by public officials increased by 18.3 percent last year, while the num- ber of cases of "commercial bribery"-bribery by officers of non-state organiza- tions-increased by 26.9 percent. The second half of 1999 was marked by enor- mous scandals tied to the publication by international media of numerous details of money laundering through the Bank of New
    [Show full text]
  • North Caucasus: Views from Within People’S Perspectives on Peace and Security
    REPORT North Caucasus: views from within People’s perspectives on peace and security March 2012 North Caucasus: views from within People’s perspectives on peace and security SAFERWORLD MARCH 2012 Acknowledgements This report was written by Anna Matveeva, Honorary University Fellow, University of Exeter, with contributions from Igor Savin, Research Fellow, the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences. It was edited by Craig Oliphant (Senior Advisor, Saferworld). Editorial contributions and comments were also provided by Luitgard Hammerer (Head of Europe and Central Asia, Saferworld). The report draws on participatory research conducted in five North Caucasus republics by Zhanna Khamdokhova (Kabardino-Balkaria), Igor Dulaev (North Ossetia), Musa Yusupov (Chechnya), Akhmet Yarlykapov (Dagestan), Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin (Ingushetia). The methodology for the research was developed by Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin with contributions from the Institute of Oriental Studies, Saferworld and the four researchers from the North Caucasus. For further reading, case studies from the individual republics can be accessed on the Saferworld website: www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/chechnya www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/northossetia www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/kabardino-balkaria www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/ingushetia www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/dagestan The republic chapters were translated from Russian into English by Sophia Matveeva. John Newman copy-edited the report. The research was a collaboration between Saferworld and the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The People’s Peacemaking Perspectives project The People’s Peacemaking Perspectives project is a joint initiative implemented by Conciliation Resources and Saferworld and financed under the European Commission’s Instrument for Stability.
    [Show full text]
  • Caucasian Review of International Affairs (CRIA) Is a Quarterly Peer-Reviewed Free, Non-Profit and Online Academic Journal Registered in Germany
    CAUCASIAN REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Vol. 3 (4) autumn 2009 ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS RENÉE GENDRON THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE 1993 U.N. SECURITY COUNCIL ACTION FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF THE ARMENIA -AZERBAIJAN CONFLICT ROVSHAN SADIGBAYLI POLITICAL ECONOMY OF OLD -AGE PENSION REFORMS IN GEORGIA ALEXI GUGUSHVILI CORRUPTION IN RUSSIA : A MODEL EXPLORING ITS ECONOMIC COSTS MICHAEL P. BARRY EXPERIMENTS IN SOFT BALANCING : CHINA - LED MULTILATERALISM IN AFRICA AND THE ARAB WORLD NICOLA P. CONTESSI BETWEEN NATO & RUSSIA : UKRAINE ’S FOREIGN POLICY CROSSROADS REVISITED MYKOLA KAPITONENKO “A RMENIA & GEORGIA : CORRUPTION , THE STATE , AND CHANGE ” INTERVIEW WITH DR. CHRISTOPH H. STEFES , UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO DENVER , US “I F TURKISH -ARMENIAN BORDER REOPENS , GEORGIA WILL BECOME LESS IMPORTANT ” INTERVIEW WITH DR. HANS GUTBROD AND KOBA TURMANIDZE , CAUCASUS RESEARCH RESOURCE CENTERS , TBILISI , GEORGIA ISSN: 1865-6773 www.cria -online.org EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: Nasimi Aghayev, LL.M.Eur. EDITORIAL BOARD: Dr. Tracey German (King’s College Dr. Robin van der Hout (Europa-Institute, London, United Kingdom) University of Saarland, Germany) Dr. Andrew Liaropoulos (Institute for Dr. Jason Strakes (Analyst, Research European and American Studies, Greece) Reachback Center East, USA) Dr. Martin Malek (National Defence Dr. Cory Welt (Georgetown University, Academy, Austria) USA) INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD: Prof. Hüseyin Bagci , Middle East Prof. Elkhan Nuriyev , Director of the Technical University, Ankara, Turkey Centre for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Prof. Hans-Georg Heinrich, University of Vienna, Austria Dr. Roy Allison, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, Prof. Edmund Herzig , Oxford University, UK UK Dr. Michael Emerson , Centre for Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Situation of Residents of Chechnya in the Russian Federation
    MEMORIAL Human Rights Center Migration Rights Network Edited by Svetlana A. Gannushkina On the Situation of Residents of Chechnya in the Russian Federation August 2006 – October 2007 Moscow 2007 1 Этот материал выпущен МОО ПЦ "Мемориал", который внесен в реестр, предусмотренный ст. 13.1.10 ФЗ "Об НКО". Мы обжалуем это решение. The project is funded by the European Commission Based on the materials gathered by the Migration Rights Network, Memorial Human Rights Center, Civic Assistance Committee, Internet Publication Caucasian Knot, SOVA Information and Analysis Center, and others S.A. Gannushkina, Head of the Migration Rights Network, Chairwoman of the Civic Assistance Committee L.Sh. Simakova, compiler of the Report Other contributors to the Report included: E. Burtina, S. Magomedov, Sh. Tangiyev, N. Estemirova The Migration Rights Network of Memorial Human Rights Center has 56 offices providing free legal assistance to forced migrants, including five offices located in Chechnya and Ingushetia (www.refugee.memo.ru). In Moscow lawyers from the Migration Rights Network use the charitable Civic Assistance Committee for Refugee Aid as their base (www.refugee.ru). ISBN 978-5-93439-246-9 Distributed free of charge 2 Этот материал выпущен МОО ПЦ "Мемориал", который внесен в реестр, предусмотренный ст. 13.1.10 ФЗ "Об НКО". Мы обжалуем это решение. CONTENTS I. Introduction............................................................................................................5 II. Svetlana Gannushkina’s speech at the seminar for administrative law judges in Hohenheim, Germany (November 25, 2006): Chechen refugees and the EU qualification rules....................................................................................................6 III. Living conditions and security situation of internally displaced persons and residents of the Chechen Republic......................................................................18 IV. Situation of people from Chechnya in the Republic of Ingushetia......................42 V.
    [Show full text]