Introduction to Ziad ABU-AMR

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Introduction to Ziad ABU-AMR Ziad ABU-AMR Palestine PhD in Comparative Politics, Georgetown University, Washington DC, USA Professor of Political Sciences at Birzeit University, Palestine Chairman of Political Committee in the Palestinian Legislative Council (Parliament) “Human endeavour and creativity in all spheres of life have brought the peoples and cultures of the world closer to one another. The world itself has become a small village. I had to go through several phases of remoulding my consciousness to cope with the change. I am excited about this human experience.” Ziad ABU-AMR Ziad ABU-AMR graciously replaced Hanan ASHRAWI at shortest notice. Hannan Ashrawi had to cancel participation for a political emergency. Hanan ASHRAWI Bild fehlt! Born in 1946 in Nablus, Palestine PhD in English: Medieval and Comparative Literature, University of Virginia, USA Minister of Higher Education, Palestinian National Authority “If we lose faith, there will be no peace solution to the conflict. Peace will be very difficult and very painful, but I think we have to do it.” Hanan Ashrawi Introduction by Gottlieb GUNTERN Ziad ABU-AMR Born to a traditional Palestinian family, Ziad Abu Amr’s life was to take a different turn after the 1967 Arab-Israeli war. In the aftermath of the war, Ziad had to be on his own, attending high school in Alexandria, Egypt, college at the University of Damascus in Syria, and graduate school in the USA. Thanks to his studies abroad and his extensive travelling, Ziad was exposed to the rest of the world, undergoing a process of transformation through which he became more of a world citizen, yet without losing his national identity. Today a leading Palestinian academic, intellectual and elected parliamentarian, Ziad Abu-Amr is committed to building a new Palestinian society and a state that 1 are predicated on pluralism, democracy and human rights. Ziad is also committed to the pursuit of peace based on the universal principles of justice and equality. 2 .
Recommended publications
  • Indictment of Al-Arian
    UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT MIDDLE DISTRICT OF FLORIDA TAMPA DIVISION UNITED STATES OF AMERICA : : v. : CASE No. 8:03-CR- -T- : 18 U.S.C. § 1962(d) SAMI AMIN AL-ARIAN, : 18 U.S.C. § 956(a)(1) a/k/a “Amin,” : 18 U.S.C. § 2339B a/k/a “The Secretary,” : 18 U.S.C. § 371 a/k/a “Abu Abdullah,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1952(a)(2) and (3) RAMADAN ABDULLAH SHALLAH, : 18 U.S.C. § 1425(b) a/k/a “Ramadan Abdullah,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1546(a) a/k/a “Rashad,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1505 a/k/a “Mohamad El-Fatih,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1621 a/k/a “Mahmoud,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1963 a/k/a “Radwan,” : a/k/a "Al-Shaer," : BASHIR MUSA MOHAMMED NAFI, : a/k/a “Ahmed,” : a/k/a "Abu Mohammed," : a/k/a "Basheer Musa," : SAMEEH HAMMOUDEH, : a/k/a "Sameeh Hamouda," : a/k/a “Abu Anas,” : MUHAMMED TASIR HASSAN AL-KHATIB,: a/k/a “Abu Hassan,” : a/k/a “Mohamed T. El-Khatib,” : a/k/a “Tariq,” : a/k/a “Diyab,” : a/k/a “The Treasurer,” : ABD AL AZIZ AWDA, : a/k/a “Sheik Odeh,” : a/k/a “Abdel Aziz Odeh,” : a/k/a "Abu Ahmad," : a/k/a “Fadl Abu Ahmed,” : a/k/a “Al Sheik,” : a/k/a “The Sheik,” : a/k/a "Mawlana," : GHASSAN ZAYED BALLUT, : a/k/a “Abu Fadi,” : and, : HATIM NAJI FARIZ, : a/k/a "Abu Obayada," : a/k/a “Abu Obaida” : INDICTMENT COUNT ONE (Conspiracy to Commit Racketeering) The Grand Jury charges: A.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with with permission permission of the of copyright the copyright owner. owner.Further reproductionFurther reproduction prohibited without prohibited permission. without permission. SURVEY RESEARCH IN PALESTINE: POLITICS AND ACADEMIA by Christina Zacharia Hawatmeh Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology Chair: Samih K.
    [Show full text]
  • The Palestinians: Background and U.S
    The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Jim Zanotti Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs January 31, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34074 The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world—including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance in West Bank areas administered by the Fatah-led PA. Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development while trying to prevent the funds from benefitting Palestinians who advocate violence against Israelis. Since the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993, Congress has committed more than $5 billion in bilateral assistance to the Palestinians, over half of it since mid-2007. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society, which is divided between the Fatah-led PA in parts of the West Bank and Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization) in the Gaza Strip.
    [Show full text]
  • Civilian Protection and Middle East Armed Groups: in Search of Authoritative Local Voices
    Civilian Protection and Middle East Armed Groups: In Search of Authoritative Local Voices By Joe Stork The Middle East has over many years been wracked by political violence and armed conflicts in which governments and armed groups alike have shown a pernicious disregard for the lives of civilians. When they do so during armed conflict, they violate the core principle of international humanitarian law—civilian immunity—which requires a warring party to distinguish between the civilian population and military targets, and to direct attacks only against military targets. Outside of armed conflicts, such attacks on civilians may amount to crimes against humanity. Many of the armed groups in the Middle East responsible for breaching this core principal by deliberately or indiscriminately killing civilians assert an Islamic identity, and some justify their decision to take up arms in Islamic terms. Exception to the principle of civilian immunity is invoked on political and sometimes religious grounds. It would be hard to exaggerate the impact of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on the evolution of popular views of political violence and armed conflict in the region, including attitudes toward civilian protection. And owing in large measure to the prominent international dimension of the conflict, human rights proponents as well as governments and groups resistant to human rights criticism have scrutinized the stance of outside actors, particularly the United States, for evidence of partisanship and double standards in monitoring and protesting
    [Show full text]
  • International Reaction to the Palestinian Unity Government
    Order Code RS22659 May 9, 2007 International Reaction to the Palestinian Unity Government Paul Morro Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary The new Palestinian unity government established in March 2007 complicates U.S. policy toward the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the peace process. When Hamas took power last year, the Bush Administration, along with its Quartet partners and Israel, responded by cutting off contact with and halting assistance to the PA. The Administration sought to isolate and remove Hamas while supporting moderates in Fatah, led by President Mahmud Abbas. The international sanctions have not driven Hamas from power, and instead, some assert they may have provided an opening for Iran to increase its influence among Palestinians by filling the void. Now that Hamas and Fatah are sharing power, it will be harder to isolate Hamas. The United States and European countries have held meetings with non-Hamas members of the new government, while Israel continues to rule out all contact with PA ministers. Arab states, led by Saudi Arabia, are pressing for recognition of the new government and an end to the international boycott. Some observers believe Saudi efforts to gain acceptance of the unity government and restart Israeli-Palestinian peace talks may be an effort to set the price for Saudi cooperation on other U.S. policies in the region. In 2006, Congress passed P.L. 109-446, the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006, to tighten existing restrictions on aid to the Palestinians. In 2007, Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen introduced H.R.
    [Show full text]
  • Above All, a Prime Minister for Palestinian Unity? Dr
    Ideas for a fairer world FPC Briefing: Above all, a Prime Minister for Palestinian Unity? Dr. Stephen Royle1 On Friday 25th April 2014, Palestinian Prime Minister, Rami Hamdallah offered his resignation to President Mahmoud Abbas in order to facilitate the creation of a unity government as preordained under the Doha Agreement of 2012. The irony being that this decision comes at the end of an eleven month period where amidst a faltering peace process, continued Israeli settlement building, the burden of public debt and several sporadic moments of internal turbulence, both the President and Prime Minister have managed to show a considerable degree of cohesiveness and therefore adaptability in seeking a permanent solution. The situation is of course far from perfect and criticisms of the Palestinian Authority are never too far away, but by maintaining focus on the bigger picture the executive branches have managed to respond accordingly. If unity is to prevail in respect of international norms, then the Palestinian negotiation position will have been strengthened and therefore the political sacrifices justified. In June 2013, the Foreign Policy Centre published an article titled ‘A Prime Minister for Peace and the Unity of Palestine?’2, presenting the then incumbent Prime Minister as an ideal choice given his untold experience in the areas of politics, economics and diplomacy. It is then useful to review the role that the PM has undertaken over the past year as a way of better understanding the emergence of this cohesion. This will be done in respect of three areas; executive cohesion, international relations and domestic unity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Palestinians: Background and U.S
    The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs February 10, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL34074 The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization), and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world—including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance. Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development while trying to prevent the funds from benefitting Palestinians who advocate violence against Israelis. Since the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993, Congress has committed more than $5 billion in bilateral assistance to the Palestinians, over half of it since mid-2007. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society. Although Fatah and Hamas agreed to the June 2014 formation of a consensus PA government appointed by Fatah head and PA President Mahmoud Abbas, Hamas retains de facto control over security in the Gaza Strip, despite forswearing formal responsibility.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Brookings Institution Saban Center/Brookings
    1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION SABAN CENTER/BROOKINGS BRIEFING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND ISRAELI DISENGAGEMENT Panelists: ZIAD ABU AMR, GHAITH AL-OMARI, EIVAL GILADY AND AMNON LIPKIN-SHAHAK Moderator: MARTIN S. INDYK Tuesday, February 1, 2005 [TRANSCRIPT PRODUCED FROM A TAPE RECORDING] MILLER REPORTING CO., INC. 735 8th STREET, S.E. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003-2802 (202) 546-6666 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. INDYK: Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. Welcome to the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. We're very glad to host this policy press briefing this morning on the situation between Israel and the Palestinians. As you will no doubt be aware, things have turned much more positive in recent times with the election of Abu Mazen as president of the Palestinian Authority— or Mahmoud Abbas, as he's also known; with the creation of a new Israeli coalition government that includes former Prime Minister Shimon Peres and the Labor Party and the smaller religious parties; with the negotiation with the terrorist and militant organizations on the Palestinian side of a hudna, or informal cease-fire; and with the resumption of coordination between the government of Israel and the Palestinian Authority, which is going to lead next week to a summit meeting between Prime Minister Sharon and President Abbas; along with the visit next week of Condoleezza Rice as secretary of state as a manifestation of what President Bush has now referred to as his personal commitment to try to achieve his vision of a democratic Palestinian state living alongside a secure Jewish state of Israel within the next four years.
    [Show full text]
  • POLI 347: Arab-Israel Conflict, Crisis, Peace Mcgill University, Winter 2021
    This course syllabus may be changed or modified by the instructor before and during the semester. Please use MyCourses to access the most recent document. POLI 347: Arab-Israel Conflict, Crisis, Peace McGill University, Winter 2021 Professor: Daniel Douek, PhD ([email protected]) Online Lectures: Mondays and Wednesdays 11:30AM-1:00PM Remote Office Hours: Wednesdays and Thursdays, 10:00-11:00AM Email: [email protected] Course Description: The Arab-Israeli conflict is one of the most intractable and multifaceted protracted conflicts in modern times. Its divisions have cut across the international, domestic, communal, and religious levels, among others. Its key actors have often shifted: from pre-1948 violence between Jews and Arabs in British Mandatory Palestine, to the civil war that Israelis call the War of Independence and Palestinians call the Naqba (disaster). From 1948 until the end of the Cold War, the conflict played out primarily as a rivalry between Israel and the Arab states, including wars in 1948, 1956, 1967, 1973, and 1982. Since the First Intifada of 1987-93, the Palestinian struggle for independence from Israeli military rule in the West Bank and Gaza has re-emerged as the conflict’s fulcrum, and non-state actors such as Hamas and Hezbollah have overshadowed the Arab States as the main combatants. Meanwhile, the rivalry between Israel and Iran – which is a Middle Eastern, but not an Arab country- has become one of the most dangerous contemporary global flashpoints. There have also been attempts to negotiate peace: successful ones, such as between Israel and Egypt, Israel and Jordan, and Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain; and failures, most notably between Israel and Palestinians.
    [Show full text]
  • Back to Democracy: Europe, Hamas, and the Palestinian Elections
    POLICY BRIEF BACK TO DEMOCRACY: EUROPE, HAMAS, AND THE PALESTINIAN ELECTIONS Hugh Lovatt March 2021 SUMMARY Palestinian elections are on track to take place during the coming months – for the first time in over a decade. The EU and the US have a decisive role to play in ensuring the electoral process succeeds. In doing so, they can support Palestinian political renewal and improve prospects for a sustainable peace agreement with Israel. Within Hamas, moderates have gambled on elections. The movement – along with Fatah – is looking for new avenues for political engagement given the increasingly inauspicious regional and international context. The EU and the US must: commit to respecting the outcome of the Palestinian elections; persuade Israel to support a free, fair, and inclusive process; and pursue a constructive relationship with any new government that pledges respect for democracy, human rights, and international law. Introduction Palestinians may soon be heading to the polls for the first time in 15 years. For some, this will be their first taste of electoral politics and democratic participation. Yet it will not be Palestine’s first democratic experiment. Long before the advent of the Arab uprisings, Palestine held free and fair elections to choose a president and a parliament. In hindsight, these elections, held in 2005 and 2006 respectively, marked the high point of Palestinian democracy. The European Union and the United States were initially strong advocates of Palestinian democracy, and were a driving force behind the last elections, urging the main political rivals – the Islamist Hamas and the secular Fatah – to engage constructively in the process.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Factions Announce Deal on Unity Government
    Palestinian factions announce deal on unity government Posted: Wednesday, April 23, 2014 12:15 pm By Fares Akram and Isabel Kershner The New York Times GAZA CITY, Gaza Strip — The two main Palestinian factions announced an agreement Wednesday to heal a seven-year schism and form a unity government within five weeks that would prepare for Palestinian elections six months later. The two groups — the Palestine Liberation Organization, which runs the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, and Hamas, the militant Islamist group that controls the Gaza Strip — have reached similar accords before that were never carried out. But the latest deal comes as the fragile U.S.-brokered peace efforts between the Palestinians and Israel are approaching an April 29 deadline without a resolution in sight. People familiar with the discussions have said the Israeli and Palestinian sides were far apart even on how to extend the talks past the deadline. Ismail Haniya, the prime minister of the Hamas government in Gaza, said at a news conference here, “I announce to our people the news that the years of split are over.” Israel responded to the announcement by canceling a meeting among the peace negotiators that was scheduled for Wednesday night. An Israeli with knowledge of the talks said that though it was not yet clear how the reconciliation would ultimately affect the talks, “it introduces a huge complication” at a critical juncture and “takes the winds out of the sails.” Before the announcement, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel warned Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the Palestinian Authority and leader of Fatah, the main group in the PLO, against reconciling with Hamas, which refuses to recognize Israel and which Israel considers a terrorist group.
    [Show full text]
  • Report to the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee
    UNITED NATIONS NATIONS UNIES OFFICE OF THE UNITED NATIONS SPECIAL COORDINATOR FOR THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS Report to the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee Brussels, 20 March 2018 This report of the Office of the UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process (UNSCO) builds on the UN’s previous reports to the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC), which provided an assessment of the efforts of the Palestinian Government toward state- building and an update on the situation on the ground. The report draws on a variety of sources, including inputs from UN agencies, funds and programmes, as well as published reports that are detailed in the endnotes. Before the report is released it is discussed with the parties. The reporting period is 1 September 2017 to 28 February 2018, unless otherwise noted. Many references fall outside this period to illustrate relevant trends. The UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process provides a monthly briefing to the UN Security Council on the situation in the Middle East. These briefings provide greater detail on the UN’s positions related to the changing political situation. Previous UNSCO reports to the AHLC and Security Council Briefs can be found at: https://unsco.unmissions.org/ahlc-reports i Contents List of Acronyms ..................................................................................................................... iii Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................1 I. Introduction .....................................................................................................................3
    [Show full text]