Originalveröffentlichung in: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 38, 2001, S. 61-76

Queenship in Kush: Status, Role and Ideology of Royal Women

ANGELIKA LOHWASSER

In the ancient Mediterranean world, the ex­ 3) archaeological: tombs and associated burial ceptional status of queens in the Kingdom of goods in the cemeteries of El Kurru, Nuri, Meroe inspired comment in the works of Greco­ Meroe, and Abydos. Roman writers. These women, and the kandake in particular, continued to attract the attention In Meroitica 19, these data are presented in cata­ of travelers and scholars down into modern logue form, providing the basis for the con­ times. By comparison, the role and status of their clusions which are summarized below. A second predecessors, the royal mothers, wives, sisters, catalogue lists all those royal women whose names and daughters, from the Kushite 25th Dynasty are known; each entry includes variant orthog­ down through the Napatan Period to the reign raphies for the name in question, the titles, of Nastasen, remained little known.1 epithets and filiation of the woman, her docu­ Beginning with George A. Reisner's excava­ mentation and a commentary. Analysis of these tions of the royal cemeteries at El Kurru and varied sources demonstrates the crucial role Nuri and Francis LI. Griffith's work at Kawa, a played by queenship as the indispensable coun­ steadily increasing body of material has become terpart of male kingship in Kushite ideology. available for the study of Kushite "queenship." These sources fall into three categories: Royal Women in Society

1) inscriptional, ranging from lengthy royal A royal woman's epithets and filiation, as well texts on stelae from Napata and Kawa to the as her costume and regalia, provide information labels accompanying representations of royal about uniquely Kushite features of her status. women and inscriptions on objects (primarily The titles and epithets documented for Kush­ burial equipment); ite royal women are few, especially in compari­ 2) representational, viz. the depictions of son to the wealth of such designations borne by royal women on stelae and temple walls; their pharaonic Egyptian counterparts,2 Titles which document a sacral role include hmt ntr (priestess), jhjjt (sistrum player)', shmjjt (sistrum player), hnw (sistrum player), and hmt ntr (God's 1 This background information is expanded upon and Wife). None of these sacral titles is specified by documented in "Die koniglichen Frauen im antiken Reich von Kitsch," Meroitica 19 (2001), the full publication of my the addition of a deity's name, by contrast to dissertation entitled "Die koniglichen Frauen von Kusch (25. ancient Egyptian practice. Even in those cases Dynastie bis zur Zeit des Nastasen)." The most important where it is clear that the god served was Amun theses and conclusions of that work are presented here. Many recent studies have dealt with aspects of Kushite and Meroitic queenship in various contexts; they are duly con­ 2 For convenience's sake, I have adopted the English ren­ sidered below. But none of them has been devoted in its derings employed by Troy (1986) for all but a few titles and entirety to investigating the phenomenon of Kushite queen­ epithets below. For detailed discussion of specific terms, see ship per se, the goal of my monograph. Meroitica 19.

61 62 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)

(as, for example, in the case of the sistrum the origin of the women who bear the epithet, player Matiqen3), this association is not explicit but since it is also associated with women who in the title. have Kushite names, its effective meaning re­ Some titles imply a specific status at court: mains unclear. jrj-pctt (noblewoman); tpjt n hm.f (first great wife of his majesty), rht njswt (king's acquaintance), Kushite Queens as Represented in Art hnwt hmwt nbwt (lady of all the women). Others are analogous to king's titles expressing domin­ As a rule, pharaonic Egyptian costume and ion: hnwt tDivj (tm)lnbt t3wj (lady/mistress of the regalia were adopted for the depiction of Kush­ [entire] Two Lands), hnwt smcw mhw (lady of ite kings, although certain specifically Kushite the south and the north), nbt hjs'wt/tj jct hSs'wt features make identification of them as Kush­ (mistress/the great one of the foreign coun­ ites unproblematic.5 Kushite queens, however, tries), hnwt kmt/kSs/tS s'tj (lady of Egypt/Kush/ look much less "Egyptian" than their male coun­ Nubia), sit rc (daughter of Re, as the feminine terparts.6 Except for the vulture headdress, the counterpart of "son of Re" designating the double­feather crown, and the double­feather king). These titles were used in parallelism with crown with sun disc and cow horns (which was al­ those of the king. Royal women are defined as ready modified and "Meroiticized" in the early sharing the power to rule, the feminine equiva­ Napatan Period), there are no Egyptian elements. lent of the king. Effective influence associated A large shawl was wrapped around the body with such titles should not be over­rated, but they below the armpits or around the hips. A second do express the ideal of complementarity (for shawl which could be fringed or decorated with which, see below). Since the titles s3t ntr (daugh­ woven stripes was worn over the first. Sometimes ter of the god) and mwt ntr (mother of the god) women draped a sash over the shoulder. A small are both documented only a single time, their tab­like element hangs below the hem of a dress import remains unclear. to reach the ground (fig. 1). This diagnostic ele­ The majority of epithets borne by royal women ment has been described as a "little tail." Some­ express the esteem in which they were held, or times there are fine ridges on its surface; the refer to agreeable characteristics. Most such epi­ cases are few where it simply resembles a line. thets go back to the Old Kingdom in pharaonic Hofmann (1971: 49­51) interpreted the "little Egypt, and they are especially common in the tail" as a kind of "badge of honor" first associ­ New Kingdom and in Dynasties XXV and XXVI. ated with Taharqa's mother; she also believed it They include wrt hsjw (great of praises), bnrt mrwt identified a woman as a kandake in later times. (sweet of love), wrtlnbljSmt (great one/mistress of However, this iconographic feature is not re­ loveliness). (Epithets documented only a single stricted to depictions of royal women.7 Granted, time for Kushite royal women are s'htp njswt n hrt the bull's tail of kingly regalia was inappropriate hrw (one who satisfies the king with [his] daily for a woman; nevertheless, the "little tail" is in­ needs), s'ndm jb hr m ddt.s nb (one who sweetens deed reminiscent of an animal's tail. The bushy the heart of Horus [i.e., the king] with all her shape, which occurs in most depictions, and the words which are said), hnmt hc ntr (one who is united with the limbs of the god), jSm hr jb hr.s 5 See Russmann 1974: 11-44; Kushite features include a (beloved in the heart of her Horus [=lord]), hkrt ram's-head amulet, rams' horns, double uraeus, and "south­ njswt wct (sole ornament of the king), sps't njswt ern" physiognomy. 6 Contra Hofmann, 1971: 49; for detailed consideration wct (sole noblewoman of the king).) The expres­ of the costume and regalia of Kushite queens, see Lohwasser sion rmt n knit, "inhabitant of Egypt" (sometimes 1999. abbreviated simply rmt?) would seem to refer to Examples of non­royal women with this attribute in­ clude: stela Louvre E 13073 (Munro 1973: pi. 28, fig. 101; 3 So in the text of the Adoption Stela of Henuttakebit stela Leiden XIV, 13 (van Wijngaarden 1932: pi. TV. 13); (Schafer 1895). coffin of Kheriru from the Asasif (unpublished; I am in­ 4 Note that Priese (1968: 190-91) believes the word in debted to Dr. E. Haslauer for providing access to photo­ question is not to be read rmt, but tjore, the Meroitic word for graphs of this piece); stela of Pasalta (Dunham 1963: fig. king/queen. 220). QUEENSHIP IN KUSH 63

21) »S! •LJ r: V. L3

em Ik!! <&3> is. A

52^ rtS

Fig /. Dream Stela of Tanwetamani (after Grimal 1981a: pi I).

ridges, which could have been intended to imi­ skeletons excavated there had fringe tied to the tate the appearance of fur, can be cited in favor knees.12 Nowadays among various African peo­ of this proposal. ples—for example, the Nuba—there is the cus­ In ancient Egypt, animal tails tied around the tom of wearing feathers and parts of pelts, arm at the elbow were considered typical for perhaps also animals tails, below the knee. depictions of Nubians.8 In officials' tombs of the Possibly Kushite women tied an animal tail, as New Kingdom, Nubian chieftains in tribute scenes an amulet insuring fertility, to their knee or calf, are depicted with animal tails suspended from and it hung down below the dress worn over it. I their arms or waist. Paintings in the tomb of suggest that the animal in question was a fox. Kenamun (TT 93) include the depiction of a Fox tails are universally associated with eroticism statue of Amenhotep II as a Nubian wearing and fertility. The ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic animal tails at his elbow.9 Nubian women, too, sign used to write words associated with birth wore animal tails: in the tomb of Tutankhamun's depicted fox pelts bound together.13 Amulets Nubian viceroy Huy (TT 40) a Nubian woman is were made in the form of this sign.14 The foxtail shown with an animal tail tied around her arm.10 would thus represent the "feminine" pendant to Since all these examples show the animal tail(s) the "masculine" bull's tail of the king which has worn on the arm, the depictions of Nubians wear­ also been interpreted as a fertility symbol. ing a tail below the knees in the tomb of Tjanuni The wigs worn by Egyptian royal women ex­ (TT 74) are exceptional.11 The wearing of deco­ hibit considerable variety. By contrast, Kushite rative amulets (though not tails) at the calves is women did not wear wigs. Depictions of their also known from representations of Nubians in natural bobbed hair are sometimes detailed to the New Kingdom. Finds from Sayala that date show small, tight curls.15 In one of the depictions to the Christian era support this evidence; two of Wedjarenes and in the sole representation of

8 Torok 1990: 172. 12 Bietak/Schwarz 1987: 136, no. 76706, pi. 49. 9 Davies 1930: 26, pi. XVII. 13 Borchardt 1907: 75-76; Jequier 1921: 93-94. 10 Davies/Gardiner 1928: pi. XXX. 14 De Morgan 1903: pi. V no. 29; Vernier 1927: pi. 11 Drenkhahn 1967: 27; Brack/Brack 1977: pi. 32; Decker LXXXII. 1991: 98-99, fig. 2. 15 Staehelin 1966: 178-79; Drenkhahn 1967: 77. 64 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)

royal women of lower rank, the Kushite head­ dress was used.

Status of Royal Women

Designations of kinship are crucial for the study of the status of Kushite royal women. Proper interpretation of these terms may con­ tribute to understanding the mechanism of the succession in Kush which differed from the patri­ linear system in dynastic Egypt. Graeco­Roman authors considered the unusual manner of regu­ lating the succession in the Kushite kingdom Kawa T Kawa T exotic, and it remains to this day a frequently (Block 112-3) (Block 135) discussed subject. M. F. Laming Macadam, noting the supposedly frequent succession of brothers Fig. 2. Princesses at Kaiua, Temple T (after Macadam in the Napatan royal house, argued for a collat­ 1955, pi 64 e-i). eral system—i.e., that the throne passed from brother to brother, until the generation was ex­ 19 Meritamun, little braids hang down from the hausted. According to this theory, the person back of the head to the neck, terminating in who was entitled to succeed the last brother was decorative little tassels or tiny beads.16 the oldest son of the oldest brother, followed Kushite royal woman are seldom depicted then by his own brother and so forth. However, wearing the vulture headdress. Often a fillet that there is only one unequivocal case of a brother served to secure a lotus blossom at the forehead following a brother: Aspelta who succeeded An­ and/or a uraeus was tied around the head. The lamani, both sons of Nasalsa. most frequently documented headgear consists Karl­Heinz Priese (1981) favors the idea that of double plumes with sun disc and cow horns. the succession was matrilinear—that the throne The headdress is short and squat by comparison passed from one king to the next through a to its Egyptian prototype. woman, usually the sister. (This scheme does The "Kushite headdress," unusual headgear not envisage women assuming the throne.) Re­ known only from representations of Kushite cently, Laszlo Torok (1995: 107­14; 1999: 280­ women, consists of as many as four components, 81) attempted to establish a patrilineal model, shaped like tiny figures of goddesses or papyrus with the throne passing from father to son. How­ umbels, attached to a fillet. Band-like elements ever, he acknowledged a "female succession spring upward from these "supports" to arch line," with female candidates bearing specific down over the back of the head (fig. 2). Perhaps "cult" titles such as bnrt mriut and nbtjSmt. the "bands" are intended to depict feathers.17 The matrilineal component seems especially Hofmann (1977: 109) would interpret this head­ significant to me. In matrilineally organized so­ gear to identify a member of the royal harim. cieties the person who can bestow an office is 20 Kendall, also, presumes that different kinds of always female. Normally this woman is the sis­ headdresses reflecting differing status among ter of the ruler. She bequeaths the right to the royal women.18 Only royal women of higher rank throne to her children. Her male children can were entitled to wear crowns and the uraeus; for assume the office while the females inherit the right to pass on the office. There are three sce­ narios that can result from this system; for the 16 For this headgear and its occurrence in the costume of Kushites, Priese (1981: 50, fig. 1) prefers the non-royal women see Russmann 1997: 31-35. 17 Nuba women wear a similar feather headdress; cf. e.g., Bernatzik 1930: 196, 198. 19 Macadam 1949: 124. 18 1982: 25; so, too, T6r6k 1995: 116. 2 For matrilinearity in general, see Buchler 1980. QUEENSHIP IN RUSH 65 scheme whereby all sons of the oldest sister may potential successors to the throne, equals from inherit the office of king. The difficulty with this among whom the new Kushite king was cho­ alternative is that there is only a single unequiv­ sen.23 They belonged to this group because the ocal example of two kings having the same mothers of each of them was a snt njswt. Only mother, as I noted above. And there is no proof when her son became king did a s'nt njswt attain that any of the women involved were oldest sis­ the status of mwt njswt. ters. Since we do not know the names of all In Rush there are a series of women bearing kings' mothers, the prudent model, for the both hmt njsiut and snt njswt titles who are regu­ present, is simply "the sons of sisters inherit." larly designated "sister­wives" in the literature. If In the matrilineal system, the first ancestor for one admits, however, that snlsnt does not neces­ the "male" office of king is male. The original sarily imply a direct consanguineous relation­ chieftain or ruler was male, just as the reigning ship, then it is not necessary to presume incest king is male. Alara is the person who is con­ or a legitimacy through sibling marriage. Of sistently cited from Dynasty XXV onwards as course, a king chose his consort(s) when pos­ the founder of the Napatan royal line.21 Pre­ sible from the group of snt njswt. In the model sumably the right to rule originated with him. I propose, the possibility that he selected his When Taharqa cited the female ancestors of his actual sister was comparatively remote. Should mother who were Alara's sisters, he emphasized he marry a snt njswt, then all of his sons were the Napatan system of matrilineal descent through potential successors. the mother. The possibility to pass on the right The genealogy of Aspelta furnishes the most to the throne was transferred from Alara to his important documentation of the matrilineal sisters who then bequeathed this power to their component in the succession.24 The legitimacy children. The female ancestors who were im­ of Aspelta's selection was based on his descent portant for the king to claim rulership traced from seven successive generations of snwt njswt. their lineage back to the sisters of Alara. For Each of these seven women might have been a this reason they were especially revered.2 Priese decisive factor in the succession of kings be­ (1981: 52) would derive additional evidence tween Alara and Aspelta. In the literature they from the Assyrian source which calls Tanweta­ are customarily called mothers of kings or crown mani the son of Taharqa's sister. Here, too, the princes, but this is an interpretation which ig­ right to the throne passed through a sister (s'nt) nores the fact that only for the first of them, to the "son of a sister." Whether Taharqa's sister Nasalsa, is the title mwt njswt actually mentioned. or rather a titular royal sister (snt njswt) was in ac­ The omission of the title mwt njswt for the others tuality the mother of Tanwetamani remains moot. cannot be coincidental, especially since snt njswt Evaluating all available sources and differing is consistently included in their titularies. For interpretations of them, it seems to me most this reason, I do not believe that any of these likely that the snt njswt could pass on the right to seven women except Nasalsa was the mother or the throne. I would suggest that all sisters were wife of a king. The fact that the king was se­ equally entitled to bequeath kingship to their lected from among a group of possible succes­ sons. All women who bore the title snt njswt be­ sors does not necessarily imply that all women in longed to a specific category, the snwt njswt; the female line of descent were wives or mothers their sons formed the pool of snw njswt. The of kings. daughters of these women in turn were snwt Aspelta's genealogy documents his "pure" lin­ njswt and so on. The frequently mentioned snw eage by noting that seven generations of his njsiut (king's brothers) comprise the group of female ancestors were snt njswt (fig. 3); they all belonged to that group of women who might 21 Note, however, that Priese (1970: 23) takes exception to lliis view, calling attention to the fact that Aspelta traced his ancestry two generations back beyond Alara. 23 Previously remarked by Apelt (1990: 28). 22 Taharqa established a cult for the mww.t tpjwc (Kawa VI, 24 Recorded in the text of his Election stela, in the Egyp­ 25) while Anlamani placed his mother under the special tian Museum, Cairo, JE 48866: Grimal 1981a: pis. V­VII. For protection of the gods (Kawa VIII, 26). a translation see FHN I: 232­52. 66 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)

and Abydos preclude proper analysis, the discus­ sion that follows necessarily focuses on evidence snt njswt hnwt nj Ks Alara from El Kurru and Nuri. El Kurru is the oldest Kushite royal burial I ground. Here lie the so­called ancestral tombs snt njswt 00 ? and those of the kings of Dynasty XXV, with the exception of Taharqa. He built his pyramid at Nuri where his successors of the Napatan Period down through Nastasen were also interred. Two snt njswt 00 wadis divide the cemetery of El Kurru into three sections. The main section is in the center; there snt njswt 00 ? lie the tombs of the "ancestors" and those of the kings of Dynasty XXV, as well as the pyramid of an anonymous king dating to the late Napatan Period. In the section to the south, there are six snt njswt 00 ? pyramids belonging to royal women of Dynasty XXV and an anonymous pyramid for a queen of the Napatan Period. More tombs of royal women snt njswt dwl ntr 00 ? are located in the northern section. In other words, royal women were buried in two groups in the El Kurru necropolis, south and north of snt njswt mwt njswt Nasalsa oo king the kings' tombs in the central field. Unfortu­ nately, the site produced only limited inscrip­ tional evidence with a bearing on the relative Anlamani status of these women. But the location, size and Aspelta equipment of their tombs provide data that is indicative of a hierarchical distribution of buri­ Fig. 3. The genealogy of Aspelta according to the text of the als within the cemetery. Election Stela. At Nuri, the pyramids were built on two paral­ lel plateaus. Taharqa's pyramid, Nu.l, occupies bequeath the right to the throne, substantiating the highest point in the necropolis, the promon­ the legitimacy of his selection. Aspelta thus be­ tory of the west plateau, while the pyramids of longed to the pool of snw njswt, and, moreover, the other kings are situated on the east plateau. his association extended back through time over The tombs of royal women are located on the seven generations. west plateau. They form three groups: the south­ ern group inscribes an arch to the south and The Evidence of the Tombs west of Nu.l; the second group consists of two parallel rows north of Nu.l; while a cluster of The tombs of female members of the Kushite very small tombs to the far north form a third royal house are an important source of infor­ group (fig. 4). More inscriptional information is mation about their status. Many of these women available at Nuri than at El Kurru; thus it is clear were buried in the necropolis of El Kurru and that kings' mothers were buried in the southern 23 Nuri, like the Kushite kings. A few royal women group, in the largest tombs of the cemetery. 26 possessed tombs in the cemetery of Meroe, Some women buried in the same sector of the and tombs belonging to Kushite royal women cemetery, however, do not bear the title mwt 27 have also been found in Egypt, at Abydos. njswt. Perhaps they fulfilled other functions Since, however, the minimal remains at Meroe which were the prerogative of women in an es­ pecially high position entitling them to burial 25 Dunham 1950; 1955. 26 Dunham 1924; 1963. alongside kings' mothers. Kings' wives were laid 27 Leahy 1994. to rest primarily in the two rows of tombs north QUEENSHIP IN RUSH 67

mother of a king HHB sister of a king

wife of a king daughter of a king yyyy. M 30 31 m 32

M 48 46 « "SSfT^ [8o|« m o7 4 05 MM M P > » * Ik 22 21 36

1 Taharqa

Fig. 4. Female burials in the cemetery at Nuri. of Nu.l. These women seem to have enjoyed a women—mothers, sisters, and wives of rulers. median status. The tombs forming the group Other male members of the royal family were to the north are smaller, and they preserve lit­ not given burial there. In the hereafter, as in tle textual information with hardly any titles, life, Kushite royal women were not separated arousing the suspicion that this part of the cem­ from the sovereign. etery was reserved for royal women of com­ paratively low status. The form of these smaller The Role of Kushite Royal Women in Ritual tombs can be cited in support of this interpreta­ tion. While the tombs of the southern group In the cult of the gods, the royal women of and those of the two parallel rows possess rela­ Kush, like their Egyptian counterparts, assisted tively well­preserved pyramidal superstructures, the king by shaking the sistrum. This activity, the small tombs to the north give no indication like censing, was a preliminary to the ritual. of ever having superstructures of any kind. The Kushite royal women are also depicted pouring substructures, too, are modest affairs with a sin­ libations before Amun, a rite that was the pre­ gle chamber, by contrast to the more complex rogative of the king in Egypt. In Kush it was subterranean arrangements in the other tombs quite normal to show women libating (e.g., fig. of royal women at the site. I).28 Pouring liquid—milk or water—was an Although the paucity of texts does not permit offering per se, but it might also express a wish us to determine the precise status of each indi­ for fertility or be associated with purification. vidual tomb owner, we can nevertheless postu­ The motif of royal women libating makes its first late that royal women were allotted burial in a appearance in Dynasty XXV, suggesting that the particular part of the cemetery according to practice itself was introduced at that time and their status. With few exceptions, Egyptian royal women of 28 In the lunettes of large royal stelae (Tanwetamani: Gri- the New Kingdom were not buried alongside the mal 1981a: pi. I; Aspelta: Macadam 1949: pi. 40; Harsiyotef: rulers in the Valley of the Kings, by marked con­ Grimal 1981a: pi. X; Nastasen: Schafer 1901: pi. I) and on temple walls (Gebel Barkal, B 303; Robisek 1989: 113, 114; trast to the royal women of Kush who shared the Gebel Barkal, B 700: Griffith 1929: pi. V; Sanam: Griffith cemetery of the kings. El Kurru and Nuri were 1922: pis. XXXVIII, XLV; Kawa: Macadam 1955: pis. 14b, reserved for the exclusive use of kings and royal 64e-i). 68 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)

that Kushite royal women actually performed ceremony which epitomized Kushite kingship, the rite in the cult of the gods. The role of implying that the feminine counterpart of the women in the cult took on a new dimension un­ king was eminently important. There is no repre­ der the Kushites, a dimension which was not sentation of the coronation during Napatan open to Egyptian royal women. Kushite queens times that excludes the king's wife or his mother. assumed one of the roles which was reserved for The king's mother played a decisive role at the king in Egypt as "lord of the ritual," vis a vis the coronation. As snt njswt, she bestowed upon the god. Kushite royal women not only assisted her son the legitimacy essential for his candida­ in preparing for the cult; they participated in ture. She traveled to the coronation and deliv­ the cult, communing themselves with the gods. ered a speech, calling upon Amun to bestow rulership on "their" son. She assumed a key po­ Royal Women at the Enthronement sition in the succession and legitimization of the new ruler. The most important event, the event which In three cases there is inscriptional evidence ensured the continuity of kingship, was the en­ for suggesting that the mother of a king actually thronement of the new king. In both Egyptian traveled to her son's coronation. Accordingly, and Kushite ideology, Pharaoh's death plunged Taharqa's mother Abalo came to Memphis; An­ the land into chaos. The enthronement of the lamani and Irikamanote were both visited by successor restored order to the universe, ending their mothers in Napata.32 The texts mention­ a period fraught with danger and uncertainty. ing these journeys associate them with the myth Festivals served to introduce the new king to the of Isis and Horns. Whether the journeys occurred gods whose aid he sought to protect the realm in actuality cannot be proven. But the very men­ from enemies and misfortune. Royal women were tion of them documents the importance for the mentioned and represented in association with king of his mother's presence at his side for or the coronation ceremony. shortly after his coronation. The texts testify to a In Kush the rite of coronation was symbolized tradition that the king's mother should see him by the tableau "presenting maat, the pectoral newly crowned. and the chain."29 The new king presented maat Four sources can be cited in support of the in the form of a small figure,30 the pectoral and idea that the king's mother and/or his wife deliv­ the chain to Amun of Napata (or Amun of Kar­ ered an address on the occasion of the corona­ nak) who handed over crowns to the king in re­ tion. This speech was not a formulaic recitation, turn, as shown on the coronation stela of Piye.31 but an address couched in individual terms, even The lunettes of the stelae of Tanwetamani, Har­ if the content was in essence uniform. The royal siyotef, and Nastasen show antithetical ren­ woman requested that Amun bestow the ruler­ derings of this scene accompanied by texts ship on the new king, that the god "establish" describing the enthronement of these kings him as king. The fullest version of the speech is (compare fig. 1). The king is always accompa­ recorded for Nasala on the lunette of Aspelta's nied by female members of his family—in one Election Stela.33 It is inscribed in the center of scene by his mother and in the other by his wife. the lunette, occupying the most prominent posi­ It is significant that they assist him on the occa­ tion available. Another example of this speech sion of this crucial ceremony by shaking a sis­ was found in Temple B 300 at Gebel Baikal, trum and libating, exercising priestly functions room 30334 where the text begins following on at this most important moment inaugurating the the label identifying the king's mother Abalo and king's reign. Their presence is not coincidental but purposeful; they were participants in the 32 Taharqa: stelae Kawa V, 1. 16-21 and Tanis, 1. 11-22 (Macadam 1949: pis. 9, 10; Leclant/Yoyotte 1949: pi. II); An- lamani: stela Kawa VIII, 1. 22-24 (Macadam 1949: pis. 15- 29 For details, consult Lohwasser 1995. 16); Irikeamanotc: inscription Kawa IV, 1. 81-84 (Macadam 30 From the reign of Harsiyotef onwards maat is no longer 1949: pi. 25). included. 33 Grimal 1981a: pi. V. 31 Khartoum No. 1851: Reisner 1931: pis. V, VI. 34 Robisek 1989: 113-14. QUEENSHIP IN RUSH 69

continues after the label of the king's wife Taka- her father Rashta, not her brother Piye.37 In hatamani. The two remaining examples are only subsequent adoptions, the adoptee was always partially preserved. On the wall of court 502 in the daughter of the reigning king. Since Rashta Temple B 500 at Gebel Barkal,35 Pekereslo stands probably did reach Thebes,38 it would seem to behind the king who faces a barque procession. have been politically opportune for him to ar­ The inscription above the queen is nowadays range his daughter's adoption. The text of Piye's mostly destroyed but a portion of it can be re­ victory stela records the injunctions: constructed, thanks to the photograph taken by the Breasted expedition. The fourth and last ex­ When you reach Thebes opposite Rarnak, en­ ample is inscribed in the Temple of Sanam, in ter into the water, purify yourselves in the the shrine of Aspelta.36 The scene where the text river, and dress yourselves. Lay down your occurs shows a god leading the king by the hand; weapons! Loosen your arrows!39 the ruler was followed by two female figures whose names and titles were not preserved when In other words, Thebes should not be attacked Lepsius recorded the minimal remains of the but treated as a sacred place. The text repeatedly speech above the first figure. alludes to Amun of Rarnak as the king's sup­ The god's investiture of the king was not porter. There are grounds for supposing that taken for granted—at the very least there was a Piye did not need to conquer the Theban re­ ritual requirement, perhaps of great antiquity, gion, quite possibly because Rashta had already that a woman of the royal house must request completed Thebes's pacification. As a manifes­ the office of rulership from Amun. tation of his power, he might well have proposed that Shepenwepet adopt his daughter. Thus Piye would have found an ally, rather than an oppo­ Egyptian Influence nent, a person whom he could count upon as a The royal women of Rush and Egyptian queens security factor in Egypt's south. both had their own, discrete traditions which In the tradition of her predecessor and adop­ limit the viability of comparisons between them. tive mother, Amenirdis I utilized her position as Direct borrowings from Egypt can be detected in God's Wife to political advantage. From this time the representations, but the adoption of icono­ forward, God's Wives exercised royal rights in an graphic features was, however, relatively limited expanded ritual role, although de facto power and not comparable to the frequent and notable probably lay in the hands of the major domos adoption of Egyptian queenly titles and epithets. who administered their property. The ascen­ Structural similarities are noteworthy, especially dancy of the institution of God's Wife began to­ in respect to the hierarchy within the set of royal wards the end of the Third Intermediate Period, women where, e.g., the king's mother occupied but its full flowering was first possible in Dynasty the most important position in both cultures. XXV, thanks to the largely peaceful environ­ The roles played by royal women in Rush, how­ ment of the reunified country and to the tradi­ ever, followed their own tradition which had few tionally important role of Rushite royal women. parallels in Egypt. The only example of congru­ Contact with the state god Amun was main­ ence is the office of "God's Wife" which was tained primarily through these women. Accord­ important for the ideology of Rushite rulership ing to texts preserved on two stelae of Taharqa,40 in Rush, as well as for the Rushite pharaohs of the (mythical) origin of the relationship between Dynasty XXV in Egypt. the Rushites and Amun was established by a I concur with those scholars who have argued that the person who arranged for the adoption 37 Bierbrier (1975: 102), Robins (1993: 154), Torok of Amenirdis I by the incumbent God's Wife (1995: 51) and Morkot (1999: 196). Contrast Kitchen (1995: Shepenwepet I (daughter of Osorkon III) was 151) who favors her brother Piye. 38 So Priese 1970: 21. 39 FHN I: 71. 35 Priese 1968: 177, n. 70. 40 Kawa IV, 1. 16-19 and Kawa VI, 1. 22-25 (Macadam 36 Griffith 1922: pi. XLV. 1949: pis. 7-8, 11-12). 70 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)

"contract" between the god and the Kushite royal Different goddesses assumed the role of con­ house. This arrangement was strengthened by sort for different forms of Amun. Generally, the presentation of royal women to Amun, the Amun of Rarnak, Amun of Napata, and Amun of sisters of the royal ancestor Alara. Sanam were all associated with Mut, the goddess The institution of God's Wife provided the known from Egypt as Amun's partner. Her pri­ Kushites in Egypt with a means to express their mary function was to accompany the god. She own concept of rulership and the role of women stands behind him, protecting or simply accom­ in it. The office of God's Wife was the instru­ panying him and accepting offerings with him. ment that allowed Rush to manifest Rushite The presence of his divine wife makes the state "queenship" in Egyptian guise in Egypt itself. god Amun universal. There God's Wives were exclusively associated Goddesses occur in Rush primarily in two with Amun. They were the mortals with the clos­ functions: as mothers and as companions. Royal est contact to their divine consort. In their own women are found in precisely these same two kingdom, Rushite royal women were regularly contexts. The functions overlap, the divine and depicted alongside the king, but in Egypt this mortal spheres thematize the same basic pattern. was not common during Dynasty XXV. Instead the God's Wife accompanied the Rushite king, Royal Women in the Roles of Goddesses for she provided an acceptable alternative for both Egyptians and Rushites. The most important role of a queen in Rush­ ite rulership is that of king's mother. She is cru­ The Ideology of Queenship as cial for her son's claim to the throne. Just as Expressed in Religion Horus was legitimized by Isis, so the Rushite king is dependent upon legitimation through The roles of Rushite women were equated his mother. The prominent role of the king's with those of goddesses, "thematized" and inter­ mother is apparent at the king's enthronement preted sacramentally.41 when she had elementary functions to fulfill Many sources document a maternal role for (see supra). The king's mother was also specifi­ goddesses in their relationship with the king. cally associated with Isis. In texts of Dynasty Goddesses could be shown engaged in maternal XXV and the Napatan Period, the comparison activity while texts describe goddesses as the of Horus and Isis with the king and his mother is king's mother. A particularly intimate expres­ a prominent and recurring theme.43 It must be sion of the mother­son relationship is the act of emphasized that the same myth does not play a nursing. Through nursing, a mortal is imbued comparable role in Egyptian royal ideology. The with the essence of royalty; he is drawn into the Rushites did not simply adopt many concepts of divine sphere, "sacralized." In Rush the nursing rulership that they encountered in Egypt, as goddesses were Mut, Bastet, and Isis.42 often presumed. Rather, the Rushites purpose­ Isis enjoyed a special status among mother fully took up individual aspects and adapted goddesses as the mother of Horus. Because them to accommodate their own ideas of ruler­ Horus is the living king, Isis is also closely asso­ ship and to interpret them sacramentally. The ciated with kingship. The myth of Horus and his connection between the Isis­Horus myth and loving mother Isis is frequently found in Rushite the king's mother is the closest point of contact sources, with the king's actual mother compared between goddesses and queenship: the real world to Isis and her son to Horus. is projected into the divine sphere and vice versa. Isis as mother and decisive factor for Horus's

For the concept "sakramentale Ausdeutung," see Ass- 43 Taharqa: stelae Kawa V, 1. 19-21, Tanis 1. 16-22 (Mac­ mann 1977: 21. adam 1949: pis. 9, 10; Leclant/Yoyotte 1949: pi. II); Anla­ 42 Mut: aegis of Kashta (Leclant 1963: figs. 2-5); Bastet: mani: stela Kawa VIII, 1. 22­24 (Macadam 1949: pis. 15­16), menat of Taharqa (Leclant 1961: pi. I) and in the text of the Khaliut stela 1. 13­15 (Reisner 1934: 43­44), Irikeamanote: Nastasen stela, 1. 32-33 (Schafer 1901: 114); Isis: amulet of inscription Kawa IX, 1. 34­35, 1. 81­84 (Macadam 1949: pis. Neferukakashta (Dunham 1950: pis. LXc, LXXb4/l). 23, 25). QUEENSHIP IN RUSH 71

legitimacy is equated with the king's mother who can be viewed separately as opposites but which acts as mother and also plays an important role comprise a unified whole when taken together.44 at the coronation of her son. In general, complementarity is understood as Just as goddesses stand behind a god, so royal "parallel complementarity." For example, two women—wives and mothers of kings—stood be­ concepts such as "masculine­feminine" are desig­ hind the king. In particular they accompanied nated complementarity. him in tableaus depicting him officiating in the In Egyptian, as in Kushite queenship, there are ritual before the gods; in such contexts royal a series of elements which are complementary. women often participated actively in the cult. As For me, the complementarity of man and woman companions they supply the feminine counter­ in rulership is the most noteworthy. The oppos­ part to the masculine element embodied in the ing "male" and "female" principles form a whole. king. Just as the King of the Gods Amun is ac­ This tenet is present in many cultures—e.g., Yin companied by his wife Mut to embody the prin­ and Yang in Taoism, opposites which comple­ ciple "god" as a whole comprising masculine ment one another to form a unified whole. The and feminine elements, so the king is not de­ creator gods in Egypt, who initially created them­ picted acting alone as the male ruler but as the selves, also embody male and female in one— masculine aspect of rulership accompanied by they are androgynous. his royal wife who manifests the feminine aspect. Both elements, male and female, are not only The accompaniment of the king by his wife is opposite poles; they also embody a dynamic to be understood as a conscious expression of principle. The union of man and woman pro­ gender dichotomy. In their role as companions duces new life, that itself brings forth life. In of the king, queens have a special function to my opinion, Troy's concept of duality does not fulfill. The importance of both mother and wife comprehend the succession of generations (her is reflected in their antithetical arrangement in "generational duality"), just as "sexual duality" is the scenes depicted in the lunette of large royal inadequate for interpreting the dichotomy of stelae (see, e.g., fig. 1): mother and wife were the sexes. Dynamism is the principle inherent thematized as companions of the king. in the succession of generations, much more so than in the "complementarity of both sexes." Queenship in Rush Generations do not stand in a dual relationship to each other; neither are they complementary. Down to the present, the only longer study that Instead they are the basis for movement, for per­ considers Kushite queenship is Laszlo Torok's petual development. Endless progression into "The Birth of an Ancient African Kingdom: Kush the future is expressed by the "dynamism of gen­ and Her Myth of State in the First Millennium erations." Troy understands Egyptian queenship BC" (1995). Torok makes frequent reference to to be expressed in both generations, mother Troy (1986), and he interprets Kushite queen­ and daughter, seeing them in relation to each ship by drawing parallels with the institution in other. In her view they form together the "gen­ Egypt, as Troy understood it. For her, duality is erational duality."45 But when we study ruler­ the fundamental concept underyling Egyptian ship, the king—the ruler himself—must always queenship—sexual duality and generational du­ be central to our inquiry. Queenship cannot be ality. The former defines the relationship between equated with rulership; rather it comprises only male and female while the latter encompasses the part of it. All lines of thought, all associations, relationship between mother and daughter. all links proceed from or lead to the king. He is By contrast, I believe that the concept "com­ the pivot; his legitimacy and rule are central plementarity" is better suited to interpreting concerns. Rulership and consequently queenship queenship. Hornung (1971: 233­40) borrowed 44 the term "complementarity" from the natural sci­ For "complementarity," see in general von Weizsacker ences to explain the juxtaposition of a supreme 1958, Fischer/Herzka/Reich 1992. Cf. also the remarks of Baines 1984. god and many gods. "Complementarity" de­ The temporal factor is important here (i.e., the gener­ scribes a relationship between components which ational succession mother­daughter), not consanguinity. 72 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)

are defined in terms of the king. Thus the "dual­ But the "dynamism of the generations" is just ity of generations" can only be explained starting as apparent in the composition. The mother of with the king. A queen is the king's mother or the the king belongs to the previous generation, to king's wife. The king's mother and the king thus his ancestry, while he embodies the ruling gener­ form the dynamism of the generations. ation. The king's mother and he himself are com­ The concepts complementarity and dynamism ponents in "the dynamism of the generations." are found in Kush. This manner of thinking per­ Mother and wife of the king also function as meates the entire world as a natural phenome­ two genealogical transformers. His wife, through non, for in the environment dichotomies of two her fertility, guaranteed the continuity of ruler­ complementary opposites occur time and time ship; she also insured the continuation of the again. The traditional human being is shaped by family of the actual king. Through the medium the rhythm of day and night, coming into and of his wife, the king could influence the future. passing out of being. She connected him with his descendants. His The transformation of this motif into repre­ mother provides the link to the past, his contact sentational form has its roots in Egyptian cul­ with earlier generations, serving as an interface ture. But the adoption of forms from Egypt between the king and the genealogical network does not imply identity of content. The form, of his family. She is his link to the past while his the image borrowed from Egypt, was imbued wife is his link to the future. In this system, the with Kushite content. king, anchored to the present, is connected to Kushite complementarity and dynamism as the historical succession of rulership by these they refer specifically to queenship received women as the exponents of queenship. their fullest expression in an antithetical repre­ Both these women, depicted in the lunette, sentational scheme. In the lunettes of the great also embody two levels of influence which queen­ royal stelae (e.g., fig. 1) and on temple walls a ship had on the king—and on the ideology of tableau showing the king accompanied by his rulership. The rule of the king is based on two mother was juxtaposed antithetically to a tab­ factors which guaranteed the durability of ruler­ leau depicting him accompanied by his wife. ship. Barta (1975) and Assmann (1990) have This scheme is typically Kushite. The king pre­ dealt with these factors. These scholars began sents offerings to Amun in his two primary and concluded their research at different points, manifestations—Amun of Karnak and Amun of but they share the same central thesis. Barta Napata. Behind the king stands a woman, his (1975: 16) differentiated "rites of transmitting mother on one side and his wife on the other.46 rulership" from "rites of exercising rulership." In For me, the concepts of complementarity and the former context, the king reacts; in the latter, dynamism can be recognized in the representa­ he acts. Assmann (1990: 208­9) distinguished the tions of these women. The king is shown with his gods, who were responsible for the investiture of mother or wife. The male and female principles, the king and initiating his actions, from the king, the opposites comprising a unity and guarantee­ whose task was to maintain action once set in mo­ ing continual renewal eternally, are immanent tion. Both levels—the initial and unique action here in the king himself and in the women who of a god and the king's continual maintenance are of primary importance for him. The "com­ of rulership—form the basis of rulership in Kush plementarity of the sexes" occupies a prominent as well as in Egypt. position; the king with his essential feminine The god's investiture of the king is a singular complement, signifying, as in Egypt and many act—"initial." This unique and creative activity other cultures, the universal principle of the conditioned the continuous activity of the king continuity of life through the union of man and as ruler. The coronation established the king woman. once and for all as ruler. But in order to fulfill his obligations as king vis a vis the gods and 46 The sole exception being Kawa VIII which shows the humankind, he must be active, he must accom­ king's mother on both sides. plish deeds. These included building temples, QUEENSHIP IN RUSH

Amun

direct contact

contact contact hrough king through kin

mother of a king king wife of kin

o become king to be kins

connection to connection to ancestors descendants

Fig. 5. Schema of queenship in Kush. endowing them with offerings and personnel, of the king is shown in a manner wholly charac­ repelling enemies, guaranteeing order in the teristic for Kush: she bears responsibility for her kingdom. I propose to confront the unique oc­ son's becoming king. By contrast to Egypt, her currence of "becoming king" with the contin­ ancestry is the primary factor in determining uum of "being/remaining king." her son's chances to become king. Furthermore, Kushite queenship is to be integrated into this she plays an important role at the coronation. scheme (fig. 5). The antithetical composition of Without her ritual participation, the king can­ the lunette renders this image precisely in its not be crowned. She is thus the decisive factor in Kushite manifestation. On one side, the mother his "becoming king." 74 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)

On the other side of the composition, the is responsible for guaranteeing the kingship of king's wife accompanies him. She is the female the king and thus the continued existence of component which complements the male ruler, the kingdom. Without the female aspect, ruler­ as in Egypt. In every culture man and woman ship would not function. The concept of queen­ are complementary components of the whole. ship in Rush gave royal women the possibility to In Egypt, too, the king requires a consort, just become active participants. They could exercise like the god. Without the female component, influence at various crucial junctures. How far renewal is impossible. Projected into the mortal they might go was, however, limited by subjective sphere and using means comprehensible to the factors. The ability to be politically active at the Kushites, this union of male and female princi­ highest level—to ascend the throne as ruler—is ples is expressed in the depiction of the king first documented in the Meroitic Period,47 but accompanied by his female complement, his the ideological basis for this step was already consort. Her task lies in continually reiterating prepared by Kushite queenship. that the king "exists and endures." Mother and wife of the king express the con­ Humbolt­Universitat zu Berlin tinuum of renewal, the continuum of the king's office. Queenship, as a component of rulership, 47 For an overview, consult Zach 1992.

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