Of Obelisks and Empire
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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
A New "Abraha Inscription Fiom the Great Dam of Märib*
proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Sfudies 34 (2004): 221-230 A new "Abrahainscription fiom the Great Dam of Märib* Forty-three inscnptions and hgments of inscriptions legal texts.' The implication is that these hgments are are now visible on the walls of the No& Sluice at the much older than the constmction date of the North Great Dam at Märib.' Some of thern have been known Sluice. But this is not the topic of this Paper. since the first European travellers visited Märib in the By far the most important find was no longer in the nineteenth century: but a significant number are new to walls of the North Sluice when it was discovered, but us. With a few exceptions, these inscnptions do not re- lay in the sand, close to the outside of the wall of the fer to the building of the Great Dam, the stones on Great Basin (Fig. 1, and see Vogt 2004). It is a lirne- which they were carved having simply been re-used as stone column, C. 1.30 m high, which is inscribed on all buildiig materials. Among them, we have found dedica- four sides. The author was 'Abraha, the Ethiopian king tions from the sanctuaries Imown as ~ar'än' and of Yemen, from whorn we have the long inscription fiarünum, the latter being situated within the city walls recording the breaking of the Great Dam (C 541), which of Märib? We have also found various fragments of was also erected close to the North Sluice. Our new find GROSSER DAMM IN MARI8 - NOROBAU SCYEMATISCUIO ERUNOOIIS STAND: 2/04 TOSBECKEN --______--ZC G2 = The "new cotuhlelion" B + C =R.=paid Pm of (qab~) tüc 'A& C 541 / 103-110 DAI GDN Zm?-zO / L5.24 45 mbim in leogtb 45 mbim in im@ 14 cubim m Mdtü 14 cubia in widtü ii35 mbia in hnght 35 mbim b hcigbt FIGURE1. -
The Christianisation of Adulis in Light of the Material Evidence
chapter 17 The Christianisation of Adulis in Light of the Material Evidence Serena Massa and Caterina Giostra 1 The Archaeological Research in the Ancient Town of Adulis The site of Adulis is located on the south-western coast of the Red Sea, in the well-protected bay of Zula, about 40 km south of Massawa, Eritrea.1 In the ancient world it was one of the most important ports connecting East Africa and the Mediterranean along the spice trade route from India. The Adulis commercial vocation was probably already active in the Pharaonic era, in the context of the traffic in precious materials not found in Egypt and sought in the Land of Punt.2 From the size of village3 and oppidum4 reported by the sources in the second half of the first century CE, an increasing development and importance of the site until the Byzantine period is concomitant with the rise of the Aksumite kingdom, of which Adulis represented the gate to the sea.5 1 An independent state since 1993, in antiquity the area was part of the same context of the highland territories that are currently included within the borders of Ethiopia. 2 The location of Adulis can be included in the area of the Land of Punt, identified in the regions bordering the southern Red Sea and perhaps coinciding with the locality of WDDT recorded in the geographical list of the 18th Dynasty. Archaeological levels dating to the lat- ter half of the second millennium–early first millennium BCE were documented by archae- ological excavations: Adulis in this period is considered part of the Afro-Arabian cultural complex, which extends from southern Arabian regions to the Eritrean plateau: R. -
Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity. -
The Levels of Reality in Byzantine and Latin Medieval Maps
reality in byzantine and latin medieval maps139 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON PARADISE— THE LEVELS OF REALITY IN BYZANTINE AND LATIN MEDIEVAL MAPS Maja Kominko This paper concentrates on certain aspects of the depiction and description of Paradise during Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages which seem to be illustrative of a particular perception of reality and space. The principal focus is on the map of the world in the Christian Topography1 and in the Commentary on the Apocalypse of Beatus of Liebana.2 The Christian Topography was written anonymously.3 Sources from the eleventh century onwards attribute it to a certain Cosmas Indi- copleustes, that is “Cosmas who sailed to India”, but the authenticity of this name has been contested.4 Though not revealing his name, the author provides some information concerning himself and the circumstances in which his treatise was written. On the basis of the internal references we can establish that he wrote around 547-549.5 We know that by then he was already quite old and had retired from his mercantile career, which earlier in life had carried him far in commercial pursuits. He claims to have sailed on the Mediterranean, Red Sea and Persian Gulf.6 Although it is not clear whether he ever 1 See W. Wolska-Conus, Cosmas Indicoplèustes. Topographie Chrétienne, Sources Chrétiennes, (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1968, 1970, 1973), 141, 159, 197. My numbering of the paragraphs of the text follows from this edition. 2 See J. Williams, The Illustrated Beatus. A Corpus of the Illustrations of the Commentary on the Apocalypse. -
Submission to the University of Baltimore School of Law‟S Center on Applied Feminism for Its Fourth Annual Feminist Legal Theory Conference
Submission to the University of Baltimore School of Law‟s Center on Applied Feminism for its Fourth Annual Feminist Legal Theory Conference. “Applying Feminism Globally.” Feminism from an African and Matriarchal Culture Perspective How Ancient Africa’s Gender Sensitive Laws and Institutions Can Inform Modern Africa and the World Fatou Kiné CAMARA, PhD Associate Professor of Law, Faculté des Sciences Juridiques et Politiques, Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar, SENEGAL “The German experience should be regarded as a lesson. Initially, after the codification of German law in 1900, academic lectures were still based on a study of private law with reference to Roman law, the Pandectists and Germanic law as the basis for comparison. Since 1918, education in law focused only on national law while the legal-historical and comparative possibilities that were available to adapt the law were largely ignored. Students were unable to critically analyse the law or to resist the German socialist-nationalism system. They had no value system against which their own legal system could be tested.” Du Plessis W. 1 Paper Abstract What explains that in patriarchal societies it is the father who passes on his name to his child while in matriarchal societies the child bears the surname of his mother? The biological reality is the same in both cases: it is the woman who bears the child and gives birth to it. Thus the answer does not lie in biological differences but in cultural ones. So far in feminist literature the analysis relies on a patriarchal background. Not many attempts have been made to consider the way gender has been used in matriarchal societies. -
Caravan Kingdoms: Y Emen and the Ancient Incense Trade
Caravan Kingdoms: Y emen and the Ancient Incense Trade A Study of Visitors Offi ce of Policy and Analysis Smithsonian Institution Washington, DC February 2006 ii Caravan Kingdoms Table of Contents Foreword . v Conclusions and Observations: “Atlantis of the Sands Rediscovered” . 1 Appendix A: Study Findings . 9 Appendix B: Background to the Study . 21 Appendix C: Frequencies of Survey Responses and the Questionnaire . 27 Image Credits . 33 Caravan Kingdoms iii iv Caravan Kingdoms Foreword An important part of the Offi ce of Policy and Analysis’s (OP&A) broad mandate is to study visitors and their experiences at Smithsonian museums. Julian Raby, the director of the Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (FSG), has given OP&A the opportunity to study an array of exhibitions to learn more about the interests, needs, and perceptions of the public. Although the methods of conducting these studies vary, understanding visitors’ reactions to exhibitions, attempting to determine what exhibi- tions mean to them, and ultimately changing a museum’s relationships with its audiences are always challenging. Caravan Kingdoms: Yemen and the Ancient Incense Trade sought to make connections with and build bridges between visitors and impressive objects from a lost civilization. Th e OP&A study has resulted in deeper understanding of fi rst-time visitors as well as repeat visitors, and illustrated what a single exhibition can do: provide aesthetic plea- sure, increase knowledge, place objects in their cultural context, lead to discoveries, and stimulate interest. Plumbing these results could not have occurred without the assistance of FSG staff members Th eresa Esterlund, manager of in-gallery interpretation, as well as Ann Gunter, curator of the exhibition, and Massumeh Farhad, chief curator at FSG. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title One Law for Us All: A History of Social Cohesion through Shared Legal Tradition Among the Abrahamic Faiths in Ethiopia Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5qn8t4jf Author Spielman, David Benjamin Publication Date 2015 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles One Law For Us All: A History of Social Cohesion through Shared Legal Tradition Among the Abrahamic Faiths in Ethiopia A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in African Studies by David Benjamin Spielman 2015 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS One Law For Us All: A History of Social Cohesion through Shared Legal Tradition Among the Abrahamic Faiths in Ethiopia by David Benjamin Spielman Master of Arts in African Studies University of California, Los Angeles, 2015 Professor Ghislaine E. Lydon, Chair This thesis historically traces the development and interactions of Christianity, Judaism, and Islam in Ethiopia. This analysis of the interactions between the Abrahamic faiths is primarily concerned with identifying notable periods of social cohesion in an effort to contest mainstream narratives that often pit the three against each other. This task is undertaken by incorporating a comparative analysis of the Ethiopian Christian code, the Fetha Nagast (Law of Kings), with Islamic and Judaic legal traditions. Identifying the common threads weaved throughout the Abrahamic legal traditions demonstrates how the historical development and periods of social cohesion in Ethiopia were facilitated. ii The thesis of David Benjamin Spielman is approved. Allen F. -
Contagious Faith- Talking About God Without Being Weird.Key
Acts 8:26–30: 26 Now an angel of the Lord said to Philip, “Go south to the road—the desert road—that goes down from Jerusalem to Gaza.” 27 So he started out, and on his way he met an Ethiopian eunuch, an important official in charge of all the treasury of the Kandake (which means “queen of the Ethiopians”). This man had gone to Jerusalem to worship, 28 and on his way home was sitting in his chariot reading the Book of Isaiah the prophet. 29 The Spirit told Philip, “Go to that chariot and stay near it.” 30 Then Philip ran up to the chariot and heard the man reading Isaiah the prophet. “Do you understand what you are reading?” Philip asked. Acts 8:31–35: 31 “How can I,” he said, “unless someone explains it to me?” So he invited Philip to come up and sit with him. 32 This is the passage of Scripture the eunuch was reading: “He was led like a sheep to the slaughter, and as a lamb before its shearer is silent, so he did not open his mouth. 33 In his humiliation he was deprived of justice. Who can speak of his descendants? For his life was taken from the earth.” 34 The eunuch asked Philip, “Tell me, please, who is the prophet talking about, himself or someone else?” 35 Then Philip began with that very passage of Scripture and told him the good news about Jesus. Acts 8:36–40: As they traveled along the road, they came to some water and the eunuch said, “Look, here is water. -
Mountain Constantines: the Christianization of Aksum and Iberia1
Christopher Haas Mountain Constantines: The Christianization of Aksum and Iberia1 At the beginning of the fourth century, Ezana I of Aksum and Mirian III of Iberia espoused Christianity, much like their better-known contempo- rary, Constantine the Great. The religious choices made by the monarchs of these two mountain polities was but one stage in a prolonged process of Christianization within their respective kingdoms. This study utilizes a comparative approach in order to examine the remarkably similar dynam- ics of religious transformation taking place in these kingdoms between the fourth and late sixth centuries. The cultural choice made by these monarchs and their successors also factored into, and were infl uenced by, the fi erce competition between Rome and Sassanian Persia for infl uence in these stra- tegically important regions. In September of 324, after his victory at Chrysopolis over his erstwhile impe- rial colleague, Licinius, the emperor Constantine could look out over the battlefi eld with the satisfaction that he now was the sole ruler of the Roman world. Ever since his public adherence to the Christian God in October of 312, Constantine had been moving slowly but steadily toward more overt expressions of favor toward Christianity through his avid patronage of the Church and his studied neglect of the ancient rites. For nearly eight years after his conversion in 312, Constantine’s coinage continued to depict pagan deities like Mars and Jupiter, and the Christian emperor was styled “Com- panion of the Unconquerable Sun” until 322.2 Christian symbols made only a gradual appearance. This cautious attitude toward religion on the coins can be ascribed to Constantine’s anxiety to court the loyalty of the principal 1 The following individuals generously shared with me their suggestions and assistance: Niko Chocheli, Nika Vacheishvili, David and Lauren Ninoshvili, Mary Chkhartishvili, Peter Brown, and Walter Kaegi. -
Parthian-India and Aksum: a Geographical Case for Pre-Ezana Early Christianity in Ethiopia
HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies ISSN: (Online) 2072-8050, (Print) 0259-9422 Page 1 of 10 Original Research Parthian-India and Aksum: A geographical case for pre-Ezana early Christianity in Ethiopia Author: The narrative of Indian Christianity that is compositely based on Thomine tradition derives 1 Rugare Rukuni significantly from the reality of Parthian-India geo-economics and geopolitics. Although Aksumite Affiliation: trade and diplomatic visibility are a prevalent feature of the Greco-Roman imperial history in the 1Department of Christian BCE – CE era, the narrative regarding Ethiopian Christianity is a 4th-century CE reality. Ground is Spirituality, Church History made to deduce the possibility of early Christianity akin to apostolic Christianity in Ethiopia as a and Missiology, University consequence of similar circumstances in Parthian-India. So as to solidify the arguments and engage of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa relevant data, document analysis complemented by cultural historiography and the archaeology of religion was implemented in this study. A deductive parallel review of Indian and Ethiopian Corresponding author: geopolitical and geo-economics history within the context of Christianity as an emergent religion Rugare Rukuni, of the 1st century CE is implicative. The narrative of Ethiopia is completed when it is placed within [email protected] its extensive geographic context, thereby consequently acknowledging its role within the Dates: Mediterranean world. Reference to India substantiates the logic of the argument and entails the Received: 18 Nov. 2019 possibility of the 1st to 3rd century Christian presence in Ethiopia. Accepted: 28 Feb. 2020 Published: 27 July 2020 Contribution: The research highlights a revisionist history of Ethiopian Christianity thereby creating a new narrative for Jewish Christianity and Christian origins, a subject key to the field How to cite this article: Rukuni, R., 2020, ‘Parthian- of theology. -
Sura 105: Al-Fil (The Elephant)
Sura 105: Al-Fil (The Elephant) In the name of God, the Lord of Mercy, the Giver of Mercy Verses 1 to 5: 1. Have you not considered how your Lord dealt with the people of the elephant? 2. Did He not completely confound their plans? 3. And He sent against them swarms of birds, 4. Striking them with stones of baked clay. 5. Then He made them like eaten straw. This Sura refers to a well known incident that took place in the Arabian Peninsula before the advent of Islam. The incident shows clearly the level of protection that God bestowed on this sacred land which God has chosen to be the spot from which the last light emanates; the spot He chose to be the incubator for the new faith. This story refers to the invasion of Mecca by Abraha, the Abyssinian ruler of Yemen. Abraha built a huge church in Yemen under the name of the king of Abyssinia. His goal was to attract the Arabs who used to perform pilgrimage to Mecca to his church. But the Arabs did not relinquish the K’aba in favor of Abraha’s church. The K’aba was the pride of the Arabs who believed that they were the descendents of Prophet Abraham (PBUH) and Prophet Ishmael (PBUH) who built the K’aba. Abraha decided to destroy the K’aba so that the Arabs would be forced to come to his church to perform the rites of pilgrimage. Abraha led a huge army. The army included a number of elephants.