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Citation for published version (APA): Roueche, C. M. (1989). Floreat Perge. In C. Roueché, & M. M. Mackenzie (Eds.), Images of Authority: Papers presented to Joyce Reynolds on the occasion of her 70th birthday (pp. 206-228). (Supplementary Volume; Vol. 16). Cambridge Philological Society.

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Download date: 10. Oct. 2021 FLOREAT PERGEI

To understand the development of the cities of the eastern Empire in the late Roman period, it is necessary to appreciate the extent to which each city was subject to two powerful external pressures. One crucial relationship was that between the city and the ruling power; our understanding of this relationship has been immeasurably enhanced by Joyce Reynolds in and Rome.The other decisive tension was that between cities themselves; the most detailed study 0f a particular case is the article by the late Louis Robert on Nicaea and in the time of Severus.2 The two cities had been rebuked by for quarrelling 'about names', conduct which rendered them ridicu- lous particularly in the eyes of the Romans, who saw it as a characteristically Greek weakness:'E)"}"qwxd dpoptflpoto.3 The relationships between cities were of considerable importance in determin- ing their individual development. In turn, those relationships affected, and were affected by, the other decisive relationship - that between city and ruling power. The emperors were predisposed to observe the hierarchy of cities in their dealings with them; they were also frequently themselves the arbiters of the titles and honours - the nporreio - which a city might claim. The point can be illustrated in considering a recently published inscription from Perge in . The text was published, with a brief commentary, shortly after its discovery;a its import- ance has already been observed, and it is to be hoped that it will be analysed and discussed in the context of the history of the area.5 My purpose here is to consider the evidence which it provides for the sources of authority in the later third century.

The stone was discovered in 1983, during the current excavations of the site, directed by Professor Jale Inan; it was found lrz situ in the so-called ' Street'. Part A was inscribed on a crowning element or capital; Kaygusuz published a photograph ofa squeeze ofthe text, but not ofthe feature itself,6 and this location is sufficient to indicate that this was the beginning of the text. Part B was on the body of the stele (2.09 m. high, 0.46 wide and 0.46 deep) on which this stood;7 the stele is broken above so that, although the two undoubtedly form part of the same monument, it is impossible to be sure how large the lacuna between A and B will have been. It is to emphasise this point that I have lettered and numbered the two fragments separately, rather than using the continuous line- numbering of Kaygusuz. The face of the stele is plain, without moulding; it has FLOREAT PERGE 207 been defaced by two holes, apparently from a later reuse. The letters are tall (0.025-0.03 m.) and carefully inscribed, and the whole text is elegantly laid out.

oii(e llepyq i p6vn &ou)"oq oil(e ll6pyr1, H Tnnroq t... l P ... l

[otl(e llepyq f1] dnd Oieo[no]- [oto,voO v]ealr6pog [oU(e n6py]n q iepQ o0r[i]"].rp [ret]erpqp6vq [oil](e [I[6py]n i dpyup@ vopio- pou reterpqp6vq Atdvq 'E

4,1.2. The H is probably best read as fl (so Kaygusuz). B, 1.7. fIEPHIIA is probably best interpreted as fle pyqoio (suggested by Kaygusuz), a form otherwise unattested, but easily understood, and presuma- bly constructed to balance the epithet 'Egeoto.

Translation: 'Up with Perge, which alone has the right of asylum! Up with Perge, to (or with or by) whom Tacitus [. . . ! Up with Perge], nebkoros since ! [Up with Perge], honoured with a sacred vexilluml. [Up with perge] honoured with silver coinage! Diana of , Diana of perge! Up with Perge, the treasury of the Emperor! Up with Perge, four times ne\korost. lJp 208 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE

with Perge, first among the assize-centres! Up with Perge, where consulars seek honour! Up with Perge, where consulars sponsor contests! Up with Perge, the head of Pamphylia! Up with Perge, which is not false in anything! A11 the rights (are confirmed) by senatorial decree.'

This is the longest series of acclamations known to me inscribed on a single stone; it is comparable with the twenty acclamations cut on separate columns for Albinus of Aphrodisias.s It is also the only series of acclamations, as far as I know, which are concerned to honour a city at such length, although individual acclamations of cities are common.e In publishing the acclamations for Albinus I argued that such a series should be seen as recording the acclamations made on a specific occasion. I also drew attention to the steady increase in the recording and transmission of acclamations, and in their use in inscriptions, lrom the later second century,r0 and set out the evidence for the verbatim reports of acclama- tions being used to support and validate requests made to the emperors.rrThis development was formally recognised by Constantine, who legislated to ensure that the acclamations of provincial assemblies, praising or blaming imperial officials, should be brought to the attention of the emperor.12 Against this background, I would suggest that the acclamations here, carefully inscribed at a period when inscribing had become far less common, had a more important function than simply to record the distinctions of the city of Perge for the passer-by. It seems more likely that they were recorded at a gathering of the citizens or of the provincials in order either to assure the maintenance of Perge's standing, or to support a request for some further privilege. It seems extremely likely that this is the inscribed copy of a document which will have been sent either to the governor or to the emperor. If so, this would provide an interesting early illustration of the procedure which Constantine and his successors were to acknowledge and standardise in their legislation. The date of the inscription can be deduced from the reference to the emperor Tacitus (A.2); it must have been inscribed either in or soon after his brief reign (September 275-June 276)t3 and under a single emperor (tofr rupiou, B'9) so before 286.'4 It could be argued that Tacitus was simply listed here, with Vespasian and perhaps other emperors in the lacuna, as an emperor who gave privileges to the city; but the fact that Tacitus is mentioned before Vespasian is most easily understood as indicating that Tacitus was the reigning emperor (or at least still remembered with honour, as would have been the case for a few months under Florian, and perhaps also under ).

A.l.lff: oii(e, or abfer, a6(r is one of the most common of all acclamatory formulae, and particularly frequent in the acclamations of cities;r5 the exact sense is something like 'may Perge grow, flourish'. 1.1: fi p6vq &ou},oq. This phrase sets the tone of all that follows, and suggests FLOREAT PERGE 209

strongly how this text should be interpreted. d,oul,io,, the right to offer asylum, was a distinguished privilege, since, in order to be effective, it had to be recognised by other states and external authorities. In Hellenistic times recogni- tion might be accorded by kings or by oracles;t6 this right passed to Roman commanders and emperors.rT The confusions of the first century BC led to the assertion of asylum rights by many communities which were not entitled to them; under the senate reviewed the entitlement to asylum of various cities in the provinces which they administered.r8 Artemis Pergaia, the city goddess of Perge, is described as d,oul"oq in an inscription dated under .re The earliest reference to Artemis Pergaia as &oul,oq on the coinage of Perge, however, is on coins of the reign of Gordian (23844);,0 the epithet then appears on coins of the reigns of Philip, , and Tacitus. The use of such an epithet in a city's titulature is standard, and this is not the only occasion when an old privilege is paraded for the flrst time at a much later date (compare below, on B.l-2). What is striking is the reference in this inscription to Perge as p6vr1 iloul.oq - alone having the right of asylum. This is, therefore, a statement about Perge's relative status with regard to other cities. Perge was certainly not the only city with asylum rights in the East, or in Minor, and the reference must be to a limited area: either the of -Pamphylia, or, more probably, that half of the province to which Perge belonged - that is, Pamphylia. This immediately provides us with a context for this inscription; for Perge was not the only city in Pamphylia to claim the right of asylum at this period. On coins issued under the other most important city in Pamphylia, , asserted the status of its local goddess Athena as ilou},og.2r These acclamations therefore open with an assertion which must have been contentious, and which suggests that the matter at issue is Perge's status in relation to its neighbours and in particular Side, the most important of those neighbours.22 That Perge's right of asylum was considered a matter of importance at this period is also suggested by the appearance on the city coinage under Valerian and Gallienus of legends referring to a contest of international 'sacred' status called do6l"roq or d,oul,io.23 Kaygusuz, in his publication of this text, published a ?graffito inscribed on a column nearby, within a wreath held by a Nike: AE (for nprilq 6v6o(oq) / e1g dyrbv do6),ro / flu0ro. Again, the implication is of competition: 'there is one Asylia Pythia contest' is the same kind of assertion as the f p6vq &oul.oq of the longer inscription. Moreover, AE, the abbreviation for ruprbrq EvSo(oq, 'first and glorious', was being used at this period in the titulature of Side.2a Perge, therefore, appears to have been asserting its ancient right of asylum in terms aimed at asserting its superiority in this regard to Side. 2ff. While it is impossible to be certain of the size of the lacuna between the two stones, the proportions of the monument suggest that it was probably not very great; Kaygusuz suggested 2-3 lines. Most of the acclamations which follow 210 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE occupy 2 lines, but the preceding acclamation, and that atB.7, only take up one, so it is not possible to assume any kind of uniform design. 2. As has been said above, the mention of the emperor Tacitus here very strongly indicates that this inscription should be dated to his short reign, of which we know very little.25 But it is clear from other evidence that the reign of Tacitus was important for Pamphylia and for the city of Perge. After the reign of Gallienus, very few cities in Asia Minor ever again issued autonomous coinage. There are some issues from the reign of Aurelian from and Pamphylia; but the latest issue known is of coins from Perge, issued in the reign of Tacitus. Moreover, while at Perge as elsewhere the intrinsic metal value of the coins had declined since the time of Valerian and Gallienus until the reign of Aurelian, the ten assaria coins issued at Perge in the reign of Tacitus are superior in content to those issued under Valerian and Gallienus.26 The fact that coins were issued at Perge under Tacitus is of intrinsic interest; but it also means that we have the kind of information characteristically provided by the themes and legends on coins, when for most other cities in Asia Minor at this period we are forced to argue from silence. Such information is of particular importance for the understanding of the titulature of cities, and for the development of contests.2T At Perge there are two major developments recorded on the coinage under Tacitus. Firstly, Perge claims for the first time the title of of Pamphylia;28 secondly, a new contest is recorded, the Takitios Metropoleitios Kaisaria.2e That the title was accorded by Tacitus is assured by the imagery on the coins, showing the seated emperor handing a wreath3o or, more significantly, a statue3r to the city goddess;32 the gift was clearly celebrated in the contest, which may have.been new, or could have been a retitled version of the Augusteia attested under Valerian.33 The one substantial event which occupied most of Tacitus' months as emperor was his campaign against the Herulian who invaded , , and Cilicia.3a One tradition suggests that Tacitus died in this region, either at in Cappadocia,35 or at in Cilicia,36 suggesting at least that he was known to have campaigned in southern Asia Minor. Kaygusuz suggested that Tacitus might have come to Perge.37 If so, this event could have provided the context for the acclamation here linking Perge and Tacitus, and a reason for the city to make a bid for advancement. The absence of acclamations of the emperor himself perhaps suggests that these acclamations do not record an event which took place in the presence of the emperor. But it is not possible to be sure whether the dative here is a dative of the indirect object, with the sense 'to whom Tacitus has given . . . e.g. the title of metropolis' - the most probable interpretation - or expresses some more complex relationship: 'in which Tacitus has taken pleasure' or 'resides' or 'has visited'. (See further below, p.217). B.l-2. One of the titles most commonly competed for between the cities of the FLOREAT PERGE 2tt

Eastern Empire was that of nebkoros, 'temple warden'. The term had originally been used of individuals with certain responsibilities towards a particular temple. As the imperial cult became widespread and organised, it came to be applied to cities, indicating that a city had a temple of the imperial cult at which a provincial festival ofthe cult was celebrated. Such a title, therefore, required recognition by the other members of the provincial assembly; it also became standard practice, at least by the second century, to obtain the permission of the Roman govern- ment - that is, of the senate and of the emperor.3s These titles soon became the subject of intense competition, and prominent cities came to apply for second and third neocorates; that is, presumably, the right to celebrate further provincial festivals. The letter of to Ephesus in response to such a request has survived (see n. 38); the emperor allowed the Ephesians their third neocorate, but required that it should be a neocorate - and so a festival - of Artemis, not of the imperial cult.3e The title nebkoros, or 'twice', 'three times nedkoros', was regularly used on the coins of cities which held it, especially in the third century. Nebkoros appears on the coins of Perge from the reign of Valerian;4 it is only from this text that we learn that the city had in fact held the title since the reign of Vespasian. It was Vespasian who detached Pamphylia from the province of Galatia, and established the province of Lycia and Pamphylia in a form which survived until the early fourth century;4r it is therefore not surprising that he was honoured with a major monument at Side,a2 and with a statue, and games, at Perge.a3 Here again, therefore, as with the title &oul.oq in A.1, we have the public assertion, in the mid-third century, of rights which the city had in fact possessed for well over a century.a The context which makes the best sense of this is again that of competition with neighbouring cities. The title first appears on the coinage of Side also in the reign of Valerian,as and on that of in the reign ol Gallienus.a6 Thereafter, there seems to have been strong competition between Side and Perge to acquire further neocorates. Under Aurelian, Side was claiming three,aT and Perge four,a8 as she does again in this inscription (below, B.10). One inscription from Side apparently claims at least fourae and another claims six.s0 These extravagant claims undoubtedly included neocorates of several other local divinities.s' The reference here suggests that Perge gave priority to pointing out the antiquity of her status as a nebkoros of the imperial cult before listing the number of her neocorates; it also re-emphasises the city's relationship with an important emperor. The same point is perhaps made on the coinage, where the title veroroprov, applied to the Pergaeans, is frequently, although not invariably, accompanied by an A. This could refer to the city's status as 'first', as in the official titulature described below (on 11.17-18); but it may be that it means'first to be nebkoroi', an assertion of the antiquity of their neocorate. A similar assertion appears in the titulature of Pergamum at the end of the first century, 212 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE and has been explained by the fact that it was at that date that other cities in Asia had also acquired neocorates, leading Pergamum to point out the superiority of its title.52 34. The two acclamations in ll.3-6 refer to two 'honours' which the city has received. These might be understood as formally awarded 'honours', from the Roman authorities; but the phrasing, which does not refer to an emperor as granting these honours, perhaps indicates something a little more vague - 'with the honour of having'. The flrst, in 11.3 4, is the honour of a vexillura. This word, which has the primary sense of a military standard, came also to be used as equivalent to the military unit which followed that standard, the vexillatio.s: It is not absolutely certain which sense to assume here. We know that the cohors I Flavia Numidarum was stationed in Lycia-Pamphylia, and at least one vexilla- tion of this cohort was apparently stationed at Perge.sa It may simply be that the presence of the vexillation is described as an honour. But it is possible that the relationship described is a more formal one. G. Hill drew attention to a coin of Perge under Gallienus which showed two military standards flanking the shrine of Artemis of Perge, and suggested that this indicated that those standards were actually deposited in the temple.ss Confusingly, the standards are not shown as simple vexilla, but as legionary eagles; but vexillum can be used in a fairly loose sense, so that the sense here might be 'honoured by the presence of a standard (deposited in our local temple)'. Whichever the exact sense, the attitude which this acclamation implies to the presence of Roman soldiers is in striking contrast to the long tradition of complaints about the presence of soldiers in or near cities and their behaviour.s6 Here, as elsewhere, this text is characterised by its acceptance of Roman values. S{. The city has also 'been honoured with silver money'. The sense of this phrase is very ambiguous. It might refer to a gift of money, but the terminology seems unnecessarily inexact. Kaygusuz suggested that this was a reference to the issue, by the Roman authorities, of silver cistophoroi with the image of Artemis of Perge, which are thought to have been issued in Pamphylia; but such issues are only known under and , and it would seem that a more specific reference would be required to an event which had taken place over a century earlier (although see below, on B.7).57 It seems easier to take the term as referring to minting in silver. It is not spelled out whether the minting is being done by the civic or the imperial authorities. It is certainly easier to see silver coinage as being imperial,58 and it seems reasonable to relate it to the presence of the thesaurus mentioned below (B.8), as indicating that some silver coins were actually minted at Perge by the imperial authorities. [f so, there would be a certain parallelism with the preceding acclamation; the emphasis is on the use of Perge by the Roman authorities as a centre for their activities. 7. The invocation of the two city goddesses, Diana of Ephesus and Diana of Perge, is very striking. Firstly, it is remarkable that they are named in Latin; this FLOREAT PERGE 213 reinforces the effect which the entire series of acclamations gives, of presenting the city's standing in Roman terms, Diana of Perge also appears in Latin on the cistophoroi of Nerva and Trajan (mentioned above, on B.5-6); the juxtaposition of these two acclamations could therefore perhaps be taken as evidence that the reference there to 'silver money' is to those issues. It seems likely that a further purpose is to emphasise the similarity in status between Perge and Ephesus - Ephesus being the outstanding example of a pre-eminent metropolis. Perge had already issued coins celebrating homonoia with Ephesus under Valerian, illus- trated with images of the two goddesses.5e 8-9. J. No116 has recently elucidated this reference, by comparing coins of Perge, from the time of Caracalla onwards, which show a chest or strongbox; he suggests that this indicates the presence at Perge of a provincial office of the imperial fiscus, into which provincial taxes could be paid.60 Thesauri are also attested as holding stocks of precious metal, on which the mints could draw.61 It is certainly tempting to associate the presence of this stock of bullion with the fact that Perge was still producing coins at this date, when almost all other autonomous city coinages had already ceased; it is arguable that the availability of such metal also enabled those coins to be produced to a particularly high standard (see above on A.2). B.5-6 also suggests that some of this bullion was used for the minting of silver coins. As Noll6 points out, the reference on the coins and that in the inscription both reflect the same pride in the presence of this imperial activity at Perge. Furthermore, Michael Hendy has shown that one result of the administrative reforms of was that all imperial mints were associated with a thesaurus. While not every treasury had a mint, every mint had a treasury. He has also argued for parallelism between the fiscal administration, with the distribution of mints, and the diocesan divisions introduced by Diocle- tian.62 It may be, therefore, that by the late third century it was already clear that the presence of a thesaurus might attraat other governmental activities, and that this was already perceived as a reason for advertising such an amenity. 10. For Perge's fourth neocorate, flrst attested under Aurelian, see above, on B.l-2. It is characteristic of the structure of acclamations that they will often return to a theme already touched on. Here the acclamation 'four times nebkoros' is in the standard form commonly found on coins. 1l-12,'First among the assize centres', as a term of praise, emphasises the importance which attached in the to being an assize centre - that is, a provincial city where the governor would regularly hold assizes, and hear cases from the inhabitants of the surrounding area, the conventus or Sroirqorg. Our understanding of the workings of the assize system has been greatly en- hanced by recent epigraphic discoveries.63 This was yet another area of compe- tition between cities; the status of being the centre of a conventus was sought after and was the object of jealousy, as Dio Chrysostom pointed out to the citizens of .a (See further below, p. 217). 214 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE

1116. It is a matter of pride that consulares 'seek honour' at perge and 'sponsor contests'. The first uncertainty here is how to interpret the reference to consulares. At this date the term, on its own, is most easily taken as referring to governors of consular rank - that is, legati Augusri. It is not known, however, to have been used of proconsuls of a public province. Lycia-pamphylia was a public province, under proconsuls of praetorian rank, from about 180.65 Although I argued earlier that a legatus Augusti of the province should be identified in an inscription of 255-6 at Side,66 Noll6 has persuaded me that this is probably wrong, and that there is no evidence for an imperial governor of Lycia- Pamphylia before the equestriafi Terentius Marcianus, of uncertain date.67 In the present state of the evidence, therefore, it is probably wiser to take these references as indicating local citizens who had achieved consular rank; and this is perhaps confirmed by the use of terminology appropriate to local benefactors. Perge produced several senatorial families, as did its neighbours, Attaleia and Side.68 Such men must have been very important as representatives of their communities to the imperial government. But the point being made here is perhaps more than just an observation about the distinctions of Perge's leading citizens. The world 9r)"o6o(6rrr rnay mean simply 'seek glory through generous actions'. But Robert has demonstrated that it came to have a more specific meaning: it is regularly used to denote the presentation of a mufius - that is, a gladiatorial show or a wild-beast figh1.os such shows were put on in almost all cases as part of the celebration of a festival of the imperial cult by a high priest of the cult. The term is used of the high priests both of cities and of provincial assemblies,To and the reference here could be to the local celebrations of the city of Perge; but, in the context ofthis inscription, it is perhaps better understood as an allusion to the celebration of imperial festivals by the assembly of pamphylia at Perge - these are the 'contests' which the consulars 'sponsor'. Although pamphy- lia formed part of a joint province with Lycia, the cities of pamphylia were never associated with the very old-established provincial koinon of Lycia, but formed their own association, described as 'the cities of pamphylia'.7r It is within this organisation that Perge will have held its neocorates (above, on B.l-2). These acclamations, therefore, would be a further assertion of primacy within Pamphylia. 17-18. Continuing the provincial theme, Perge claims to be the .head, of Pamphylia; the phrase is perhaps an alternative expression for .first,, rpanq, which was one of the official titles of Perge. The city's full titulature was set out on coins of the reign of Valerian: iepd ),oprpo Ev6o(oq veror6poq flepyn npotq;12 and the city's description as nprbtl 6v6o(og has been mentioned (above, on A.l). At the same period, Side was claiming similar titles.73 But it is also possible that ropurprl is used here as a synonym for 'metropolis'. 19-20. It is difficult not to see the claim not to be false, or 'to lie' as again FLOREAT PERGE 215 reflecting the rivalry between Perge and Side. The implication is either that Perge had been accused of falsehood, or, more probably, that she considered the claims of some other city to be false. The reference might be to the claim of Side to asylum status (see above, on A. l) or her claim, at about this period, to six neocorates (above, on B.1-2). 2l-2.The claim that'all the rights are (or have been) confirmed by senatorial decree' reinforces the statement in the preceding acclamation; these rights have been confirmed by all the correct Roman authorities. The procedures will therefore have been similar to those attested for cities in the province of Asia, where the granting of a title such as nebkoros formally required the assent of the provincial assembly, the emperor, and the senate.?4 In principle, all embassies from cities to the Roman authorities might go to the senate or the emperor, although in practice we hear very little of such embassies to the senate after the mid-second century. The exception seems to be in the case of the grant of the ne-okoros title; certainly the assertion that the grant of a neocorate had been confirmed by a senatorial decision is recorded on the coins of Ephesus and Laodicaea, as well as in inscriptions at , and Ephesus.T5 This might be seen as reflecting practice in public provinces, such as Asia and (since the reign of ) Lycia Pamphylia; but Nicomedia, in imperial Bithynia, also had its right to a neocorate confirmed by senatorial decree.76 It seems more likely that these references to senatorial approval appear precisely because the award of such a title was contentious, and it was necessary to emphasise the meticulous legitimacy of the procedure. In the context of this inscription, this appears to be a further example of the expression of Perge's honours and distinctions in specifically Roman terms. This concern with senatorial authority was perhaps shared at Side where, in the late third century, a statue honouring the senate was put up, with an inscription in which Side sets out an elaborate list of titles - including its sixth neocorate.TT

It remains to consider the precise purpose of these acclamations and their inscription; for, as I suggested above, they are likely to have had such a purpose. It seems clear that this was to assert the status of Perge within Pamphylia, almost certainly as a newly created metropolis. The significance of the title metropolis was one which changed and developed over the centuries of Roman rule, creating many ambiguities. The primary sense was that of a 'mother-city' of colonies; , as a city with an ancient tradition of colonisation, continued to use the term in that sense in its titulature in the Roman period.78 The title also came to be used during the Roman imperial period to designate the major provincial cities; while the original concept may have been that there should only be one metropolis for each province, in several - most particularly in Asia - a whole series of prominent cities managed to obtain the rank of metropolis, so that a new ranking of 'first metropolis' then appeared.Te A further development took place in 216 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE the later third or fourth century, when the title came to designate the capital of the new, smaller, provinces: the seat of the governor and the centre for the administration and the legal activities of the province. The title continued to be used, however, by some other cities which were not provincial capitals, well into the fourth century.8o Under Tacitus, Perge acquired the title of metropolis; and not long after Side seems to have obtained the same rank.8r Several decades later the joint province of Lycia-Pamphylia was divided;82 the new province of Lycia was governed from the metropolis of , while the province of Pamphylia had Perge as its metropolis. It is hard not to believe that the acquisition of the honorary title in the led to the choice of Perge as administrative capital in the early fourth century; even though Side did eventually acquire the same rank, it seems clear that Perge could claim seniority. The outcome of this apparently vain competition for privileges in the third century therefore had important practical results in the fourth; and that the issue was seen as involving matters of this kind is perhaps also suggested by the selection of aspects of the city's greatness for praise in this text. The inscription expresses the praises of Perge with reference to two particular themes: Perge's pre-eminence within Pamphylia and its relationship with the Roman authorities. No use is made of the kind of praises familiar.to us from rhetoric, such as praise of the city's fine buildings, or its legendary founders, who are strikingly commemorated in one of the central monuments of the site.83 This choice of themes seems to be characteristic of the period; it also suggests an interpretation of the purpose of these acclamations. The centuries of Roman rule in Asia Minor were marked by the cumulative prosperity of long years of peace, and by an enormous increase both in the numbers of new cities and in the standing of those already in existence. The embellishment of existing cities and the foundation of new ones had been the mark of a successful ruler since the time of the Hellenistic kingdoms, and continued to be the concern of the Roman government, from the foundations of Pompey in Pontus until the sixth century AD.ro A very large number of such foundations appear under ; but the best example of the process by which a community asked for, and obtained the status of a city is provided by the inscription at Orcistus, which became a city under Constantine.85 Other commu- nities which were elevated to civic status in the later third or early fourth centuries were Meirus in ,s6 and Tymandus in .8T It seems clear, however, that the name of city, and even the existence of imposing public buildings, were not sufficient to ensure the survival of a city as a satisfactory economic and social entity. Many cities which acquired public buildings in the second or early third centuries disappeared at the end ofthe third century. Above all, a city needed a prosperous population of a reasonable size - thus Orcistus was described as curialibus celebre et populo ciyium plenum,88 and FLOREAT PERGE 217 the inhabitants of Tymandus, in claiming civic status, assured lhe empetot quod apud se decurionum sfficiens futura sit copia.Ee Each creation of a new city must have reduced the hinterland of another city, and the population of possible donors on which it could draw; Orcistus' elevation deprived neighbouring Nacoleia of a certain amount of income.eo The increase in the number of cities, therefore, will have tended to enhance the difference between the largest and smallest communities. This is reflected in the contrast between the legislation intended to enforce the service of decurions in cities with only a small curial class to draw on, and the epigraphic evidence from the larger cities of continuing munificence by rich citizens, well into the third century. Against this background, the constant struggle for priority between the cities looks far from ridiculous. It was also given validity by the Roman authorities themselves, who, however much they might deplore the 'love of quarrels' exhibited by the Greek cities of the Empire,er were in fact involved in the process of awarding the various titles concerned, and came increasingly to use the hierarchy which those titles implied. Under cities were already conceived ofas falling into three categories -'greatest, greater and others', with a strictly practical application; Pius used the distinction to determine how many doctors and teachers cities in each category might exempt from curial duties.e2 The example of the assize centres showed that the estimation of a city could change; some were demoted and others elevated to that status.e3 Thus, became an assize centre as the result of a request to Caracalla, when he visited the city, an event which illustrates both the possibilities for reorganisation, to the benefit of particular cities, at this period, and the importance of direct personal access to the emperor or his representatives.e4 Moreover, the criteria by which the Romans judged the standing of the cities were those used by the cities themselves; the proconsul Postuminus praised Aezani for being'ancient','of noble lineage' and 'adorned with recent buildings'.e5 The last of these helps to explain the fever for new buildings so disapproved of by Trajan and Pliny. The struggle for status, therefore, was not as empty as the orators liked to make out. These questions of hierarchy grew in importance. While the underlying impulse may well have come from a steady increase in the difference between the greatest and the smallest of the cities, the ovelt cause must have been the perceivable attitudes of the ruling power. A crucial event in this process was the civil war which brought to the throne; cities which had supported Severus were rewarded with more titles, while those such as and which had opposed him, lost their civic status and were made subject to their neighbours and rivals.e6 Moreover, it is precisely in the early third century that the jurist Modestinus, in commenting on the hierarchy of cities used by Antonius Pius, defined the three categories of city which Pius had mentioned. In his view the greatest were the m-etropoleis, the next were those which had assizes, and the others were those which fell in neither category.el Similarly, there is an 218 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE

increasing tendency to refer to a city's numeric 'rank' within the province, suggesting a hierarchy which was becoming more and more official.e8 It is perhaps not surprising, therefore, that in the third century cities began to assert their titulature, especially on their coinage, with ever greater vigour and hyperbole. A further impetus to this competition must have come from the creation in the mid-third century of new provinces. The province of and phrygia was subdivided from the province of Asia apparently by the year 250,es and a new administrative unit of Galatia-Pontus was created at about the same time;rm other provinces outside Asia Minor were also subdivided in the third century.r0r The creation of a new province will have produced, in every case, the status of m1tropolis for a city in that province; and that status will have changed from a title of honour, conveying certain privileges within the provincial organisation of the imperial cult, to an administrative status, bringing benefits similar to those enjoyed by the assize centres, together with ready access to the governor and new possibilities of employment on his staff. It seems to me inherent in the situation that, once such a reorganisation had taken place involving prominent cities in Asia, it must have generated pressure for further sub-division of this and other provinces; the situation will have been parallel to that when cities pressed to be made assize centres, conveying similar benefits. It is not an assault on the originality of the reforms of Diocletian to see them as undertaken partly in response to pressure from the ruled, rather than an imposition by the ruler; the creation of a large number of new provinces will have met the aspirations of a series of prominent cities. The formal setting out of its honours by Perge in this inscription, in terms calculated primarily to draw attention to its suitability as a centre for Roman administration, is best understood in this context, as an example of how a city would advance its claim to such status, on the basis of existing titles and privileges. This text is therefore not so much a celebration of honours received as a bid for further promotion, almost certainly to the position of administrative metropolis. It is clear that the struggle for position between cities continued well after the reforms of Diocletian. This is indicated by the continued use of earlier city titles, such as mztropolis, used of Tralles, in an inscription of 400-3r02 and at phrygian in the 350s,'03 and, more particularly, by the further subdivisions of the Diocletianic provinces. St Basil refers in 3i3 to the promotion of Iconium, once 'first after the greatest', to be capital of its own administrative district.re similarly Malalas, in listing the creation of later provinces, several times also mentions the new capital so created the emperor 'gave it the rights of a mEtropolis and a governor', 6oDq Siruro (or Dirorov) prltpon6)"eorq rui dplovto,.tos A striking example of the importance of the title, even without administrative status, is provided by the ruling preserved in the Justinianic Code, by which rheodosius II gave the status of mEtropolis to , while carefully affirming that this meant no derogation of the rights of ryre, the administrative FLOREAT PERGE 219 mEtropolis of the province.r06 The acquisition of such status was important in terms both of civil and of ecclesiastical status; it is with the latter that Basil was concerned when he wrote about Iconium, and Malalas is careful to mention a case where the creation of the new province of Theodorias under Justinian did not release the bishop of the new metropolis, Laodicaea, from his subordination to the patriarch of Antioch.'07 The case of Berytus offers the most dramatic example. The new title of mbtropolis was awarded between August 449 and July 450;toa by the time the Council of met in 451 the bishop of Berytus had already tried to assert authority over bishoprics formerly subject to Tyre.roe It is clear that the competition between Perge and Side was not resolved; Side continued to use the title mZtropolis well into the fourth century,rr0 and was eventually rewarded by the creation, by the fifth century, of two separate ecclesiastical dioceses, centred on each of the two cities.rrr Another ancient feud, that between Nicaea and Nicomedia (above, p.206) also continued into the fifth century as a contest for ecclesiastical supremacy.lt2 The tradition of competition between the Greek cities of Asia Minor therefore culminated in a competition for provincial pre-eminence as a centre for Roman governmental administration. Success or failure in that struggle was of real signiflcance: in the following three centuries, during the late Roman period, it was the provincial capitals, with a few other important centres of trade or religion, which continued to flourish, while large numbers of other cities cease to be attested after the end of the third century. The legislation of the later Empire is full of safeguards attempting to compensate for this imbalance, which vividly illustrate the gulf between the major cities and the rest.r13 The survival of these cities was the result, not of confldently asserting their autonomy and indepen- dence, but of becoming established as the outposts of central government. The process is the logical outcome of that which Joyce Reynolds identified as early as the late second century at Aphrodisias, when it was the Aphrodisians who petitioned for imperial intervention in their affairs, and the emperor who raised the issue of protecting their rights as a free city.tt+ Similarly, in the early third century, when the Aphrodisians invited the proconsul of Asia to visit their city, it was he who raised the question of whether this would infringe their rights.rr5 It is entirely consistent with such a trend that the city of Perge proclaims its status in Roman terms, and in terms of its administrative and military functions. There is a striking contrast between the terminology of the Perge inscription and that of earlier writings, such as Dio's speeches on Concord, or Plutarch's advice on public affairs, when the cities could be admonished to consider their behaviour towards Rome and their standing in Roman eyes.rr6 Plutarch, in his precepts for public life, already revealed the poverty of civic life for the ruling classes of the Greek cities. As the wealth of those classes accumulated, and travel became steadily easier, the satisfactions of being the dominant element in a single 220 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE community, with limited powers, must have diminished. It was Hadrian, with his sensitivity to the interests and concerns of precisely that class, who attempted to respond to their aspirations by the creation of the Panhellenion - an institution which could offer a larger stage upon which such men could perform.rlT At the same time, a steadily increasing number of members of that class were becoming senators; the senate which the Pergaeans, and other cities, cited as confirming their privileges (above, B.2l-2 and commentary) was no longer a distant body of foreigners, but one to which local citizens belonged (the consulars of B.13-16). In such an environment, a man's native city was no longer the focus of his activities, but a springboard for his career in a larger world. This need for a larger stage for the members of the ruling class was also realised in the structure of the provincial councils of the later Empire, which, instead of being composed of representatives of each member city, came to incorporate all members of the curial class of each city.tts There is also a detectable tendency, in the late Roman period, to describe people in terms of their province - 'John the Lydian', 'John the Cappadocian' or 'John the Paphlagonian', which must reflect an increasing tendency to think in terms of provinces rather than cities. The culmination of this search by the ruling classes of the Eastern Empire for a larger sphere in which to operate was the development of Constantinople. In founding a new city, Constantine was doing nothing particularly new; the unique feature was the rapid influx of new inhabitants which assured the success of the new foundation, almost certainly as the result of the creation of a new senate there.rle lists among the achievements of Constantine the fact that he offered a wide - and expanded - range of ranks and titles to the ruling classes of the empire - that is to men who, in an earlier generation, would have sought distinction within their own cities.l2o The'new empire' of Diocletian and Constantine, as it has been aptly named by T. D. Barnes, responded in its structures to the requirements of its citizens. The competition between the cities for local status, and for the closer presence of the imperial administration was resolved by the reforms of Diocletian, which broke down the units of administration and created a larger number of administrative centres. The need of the ruling classes for greater scope for their activities was met by the creation of an enormous number of administrative jobs which freed their holders from local responsibilities to their cities, and by a new centre of power which did not require the citizens of the Eastern Empire to travel outside the Greek-speaking world. This Perge inscription illustrates how the struggle for pre-eminence among the cities of the Eastern Empire in the Roman imperial period became increasingly a struggle to invest themselves with the authority of the central government. It was the demands of the cities themselves which undermined the Roman policy of local self-administration. This culminated in the creation of the smaller provinces of the later Roman empire, each with a metropolis which was the centre for FLOREAT PERGE 221 administrative and provincial affairs in both the secular and the ecclesiastical systems. Such a concentration of activities assured both the continued prosperity of the metropolitan centres, and the disappearance of many other, less favoured cities. It was also part of the process by which lhe raison d'€tre of all provincial cities was gradually eliminated; by the end of the sixth century, the city life which had characterised the Greek-speaking world for over one thousand years had withered away, to be replaced by an empire with only one God and one political focus:'The City', Constantinople.

KING'S COLLEGE LONDON CHARLOTTE ROUECHE

NOTES

1. I am very grateful to Averil Cameron, Fergus Millar, and Johannes Noll6 for stimulating and helpful comments on earlier drafts of this chapter.

2. 'La titulature de Nic6e et de Nicom6die; 1a gloire et la haine', HSC? 8l (19'lj) l-39.

3. Dio, Or. 38.38.

4. I. Kaygusuz, Epigraphica Anatolica 4 (1984) 14 (SEG 34 (1984) 1306).

5. See the comments of R. Ziegler, Stiidtisches Prestige und Kaiserliche Politik (1985); P. Weiss, Chiron 16 (1986) 344.

6. Kaygusuz (n.4) pl. 1.

7. There is a photograph ofthe stone in Kaygusuz (n.4) pl. 1.

8. For the Albinus texts, and for general discussion of acclamations and their inscription, see C. Rouech6, 'Acclamations in the later Roman Empire: new evidence lrom Aphrodisias', JRS 74 (1984) 181-99, cited hereafter as 'Acclamations'; the texts have now been republished, c. Rouech6, Aphrodisias in (1989) no. 83. To the bibliography in'Acclamations' add J. Burian, 'Die kaiserliche Akklamationen in der Spiitantike', Eirene 17 (1980) 17-43 (pointed out to me by M. H. Crawford); M. V. Anastos 'Vox Populi Voluntas Dei and the election of the Byzantine Emperor', in J. Neusner (ed.) christianity, Judaism and other Greco-Roman cults ed. 2 (1975) 181 207; T. Gregory, Yox Populi (1979).

a 9. For list ofexamples see Bull. Ep. G J. and L. Robert, Bullein Epigraphique, annually from 1 938 in Retue des Etudes Grecques) (1966) 319; cfl. also L. Robert, Hell. (: llrlirniiat xrn, 1940-1960) xr- IJt,23 and25, Butl. 8p.0969) 369. Some of these single texts could be survivors from longer series; thus one acclamation for Albinus was known long before the others were discovered.

10.'Acclamations' 184ff.

1 1.'Acclamations' 186ff. 222 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE

12. Cod.Theod. l.16.6,retainedasCod.Just.1.40.3; FergusMillarpointsoutthattheimportanceof this ruling is underlined by the fact that it is in the form of a general proclamation addressed ad provinciales, rather than a response to a particular official.

13. For the dates of Tacitus' reign, which are still uncertain, see PZRE I, Tacitus 3; L. Polverini, ANRW II,2.10.18-20, and, on the Egyptian evidence, D. Rathbone, ZPE 62 (1986) 125.

14. Unless, lar less probably, under the sole reign of Constantine.

15. See L. Robert, ll.cc. n.9.

16. See L. Robert, Hell. Y7,33 8, for a discussion of the procedures.

17. Thus the boundaries limiting the asylum right of Artemis at Ephesus were altered by Alexander, Mithridates, Mark Antony and ; 14.641.

18. Tacitus, Ann. 3.60-3.

19. SEG 6.672, and A. Woodward, CR 46 (1932) 9-11.

20. Tranquillina: Sylloge von Aulock 4697, BMC Lycia etc. 51-3, Sylloge Copenhagen340, Fitzwilliam 8908.

21. BMC Lycia etc.128a, with J. Noll6, Chiron 17 (1987)257 n. 128.

22. As observed by J. Noll6 (n. 2l).

23. Valerian: On a table, two wreaths, AXYAEIA and AYIOYTTEIA; below IIEPIAION IEPOI OIKOYMENIKOI, Sylloge yon Aulock 4715; : On a table, wreath, two palms and two purses, AIYAIO, IEPOT flEPfAIQN A'NEOKOPON, Sy//oge yon Aulock 4757; Gallienus: On a table, wreath, AIYAIA IIYOIA IEPOI IIEPIAION .Sy//oga von Aulock 4737, Sylloge Copenhagen 360; Salonina and Gallienus: On a table, wreath and palms, fIY@IA AIYAIA IE[POI], BMC Lycia etc.84. By the reign olValerian, therefore, Perge had two contests of international'status: the Asylia Pythia, and the Augustia.

24. See E. Bosch, 'Die Inschriften', in A. M. Mansel e/ al., Vorkiufiger Bericht iiber die Ausgrabungen in Side im Jahre 1947 (1951) nos. I and 2. with Bull. Ep. (1951) 2l9a; see also G. F. Hill's introduction lo BMC Lyciaetc., r-xxxv, and no. 107; Imhof-Blimer, KL. Mil. on no.40.

25. The main sources are Zonaras 12.28, 1.63, Aurelius Yiclor, Caes.36, Epit.36, and the HA Life of Tacitus.

26. C. J . Howgego, Roman imperial countermarks (1985) 63-4, with references there; J. P. Callu, La politique mondtaire des empereurs romain de 238 d 311 (1969) 95.

27. These coinages are currently the subject of increasingly careful study, involving the location and examination of a great deal of unpublished material in private collections; see the work of R. Ziegler (especially the book cited above, n. 5) and of J. Noll6 (in particular his most recent article, 'Pamphylische Studien 6-10', Chiron 17 (1987) 235 76). FLOREAT PERGE 223

28. IIEPIAAION MHTPOIOAEO> IANOYAIAE, BMC Lycia etc. 102, Sylloge wn Aulock 4759, W. Weiser, ZPE 51,292 n. 3; fIEPfH MHTPOIOAI TAKITO, EEB, Sylloge von Aulock 8530; IIEPFH MHTPOIIOAI TAKITO> EEB, Imhof-Bliimer, K1. Mil.35 (on these coins see Noll6 (n. 27) 256 n. 124).

29. BMC Lycia etc. 7034.

30. KL. Mil. 35; BMC Lycia etc. 104.

31. Von Aulock 8530; see the detailed description by Noll6 (n. 28).

32. BMC Lycia etc, 104, and Imhof-Bliimer Kl, Mil.35 with comments there.

33. See above, n. 23.

34. Zonaras 12.28.

35. Aur. Yictor, Caes. 36.

36. Aur. Yictor, Epit.36.

37. Following Ruge, RE 29.1 (1937) 697.

38. On all this see S. R. F. Price, Rituals and power (1984) 64-5, drawing in particular on L. Robert's discussion, Rey. Phil. 4l (1967) 4444, especially 46-55, of the letter of Caracalla to Ephesus, in response to that city's request for a third neocorate (the inscription now republished as L Eph.212); see also L. Robert, Laodicie (: J. des Gagniers et al., Laodicie du Lycos: La Nymphie (1969) 283tr

39. L. Robert Rev. Phil.4l (1961) 44 64, especially 50-3.

40. Valerian: BMC Lycia etc. 7Q; Yalerian lI: BMC Lycia etc.98; Saloninus: BMC Lycia etc. 99, Sylloge ton Aulock 4753,4755.

41. D. Magie, Roman rule in Asia Minor (1950) 530 9.

42. A. Miifid Mansel, Festschrift M. Wegner (1962) 3841; and, Belleten 28 (1964) 198-204.

43. Two new texts, cited by Kaygusuz (n. 4) 3.

44. The aim in setting out such titles and privileges is often to maintain, or improve, the status of a city. Similarly, perhaps, in Phrygia is first attested as 'metropolis and twice neokoros' in an inscription in honour of Constantius I as Caesar (293 305). These may or may not have been recently granted privileges, but the point of their assertion at this date could well have been in the context of 224 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE the creation of the new province of Phrygia Salutaris, of which Synnada was the administrative metropolis, as conjectured by Perrot in his original publication of this text (Rl 31 (1876) 195tr; republished as MAMA 4.59).

45. Valerian: Sylloge von Aulock 4835 6; Valerian ll: Sylloge Copenhagen 434-5.

46. Price (n. 38) 271.

47. Sylloge von Aulock 4864, Imhof-Bliimer, r(/. Mii. 50.

48. Sylloge von Aulock 4758, Sylloge Copenhagen 366.

49. A number ending - KIX: E. Bosch (n.24) no.2.

50. S,EG 6.731, republished by E. Bosch (n. 24) no. 18.

51. So Bult. Ep. (982) 450 especially 421 2.

52. C. Habicht, Die Inschriften des Asklepeion; Pergamum VIII.3 (1969) 157 8.

53. For examples see R. Saxer, Untersuchungen zu Vexillationen des r1mischen Kaiserheeres (1967) Index.

54. SeetherecentdiscussionollGl4.680byJ.Noll6(Chiron16(1986)202,relerringtothistext).

55. Anatolian Studies Ramsay, (1923) 213; cf . Sylloge von Aulock 4723, and M. Price and B- Trell, Coins and their cities (1977) fig. 338 (Gallienus). Hill cited the parallel of Carrhae (BMC Arabia pl. 12.4).ForfurtherparallelsseeK.Harl,CiviccoinsandcivicpoliticsintheRomanEast,A.D. 180 275 (1987) 49 51, with an illustration ofthe Perge issue, pI.21.2.

56. For which see R. MacMullen, Solider and ciyilian in the later Roman empire (1967) ch. 4 especially 84ff. Even in a document praising a military commander, such as 1IS 8870 (mid-third century, from ) the fact that his soldiers did not behave badly deserves comment and praise; the idea that soldiers disrupt civic life is still present in the writing olZosimus, at the end olthe fifth century (Zos. 2.34.2).

57. Por these issues see D. Magie (n. 4l) 623.

58. FortheexampleofthemintofCaesareaproducingbothimperialsilvercoinageandlocalbronze, see E. A. Sydenham, The coinage of Caesarea in Cappadocia ed.2 (1978) 2 3.

59. Sylloge von Aulock 4716,8521.

60. 'Pamphylische Studien 6', Chiron 17, (1987) 251 3.

61. See M. F. Hendy, Byzantine monetary economy (1985) 383-5.

62. Hendy (n. 61) 383 4,371 80. FLOREAT PERGE 225

63. TheconclusionsofL.Robert, He||.7,206-3S,weresubsequentlyprovedcorrectbythediscovery of an important new text at Ephesus, which lists the cities and communities of the province of Asia by conventus (pubiished by C. Habicht, -rRS65 (1975) 64-91; now I. Eph. l3); see the full discussion by G. P. Burton, JRS 65 (1975) 92tr.

64. Or 40.33: rvi(er totq &1"1"ouq rdwoq, 6tr 611 rdq 6iroq r5peig dno661eo0e xoi nop'6piv o0toig dvdyr4 rpiveo0or; see also the advantages ofbeing an assize centre as set out by Dio in his speech to the Apamaeans (Or.35.15 and 17, with C. P. Jones, The Roman world of Dio Chrysostom (1978) 67-8).

65. Magie (n. 41) II, 1532 3, 1599 60.

66. "rRS71 (1981) 112 13.

67. PLRE I, Marcianus 22.

68. See H. Halfmann, 'Die Senatoren aus den kleinasiatische Provinzen . . . von I bis 3 Jahrhundert', Tituli 5 (1982) 603 50 especially 642 3.

69. L. Robert, Les gladiateurs dans L'Orient grec (1940) 270-5.

70. Robert (n.69) 272-3.

71. J. Deininger, Die Provinziallandtage der rdmischen Kaiserzeit (1965) 81-2.

72. Yalerian II: Imhof-Bliimer, Kl. Mil.34; Salonina: Imhof-Bliimer Kl. Mil.32, Sylloge von Aulock 8529. The titles on the coins are set out within a wreath; see L. Robert BCH I0l (1977) 65-6,for the presentation of a city's formal titulature in this way. See also the titulature of Perge in lGR3.793.

73. See above on A.1, with BMC Lycia etc. 107.

74. See above, n. 38.

75. See L. Robert, Rev. Phil. 4I (1967) 48-50, Laodicbe 284-5.

76. Cassius Dio 72.12.2., cited by R. Talbert, The senate of imperial Rome (1984) 419-20.

77. Bosch (n. 24) 18.

78. Magie (n. 4l) 636.

79. For a summary see Magie (n. 78).

80. See further p. 218.

81. Certainly by the reign ofConstantius II, Bosch (n.24) no.49, and probably earlier (1 and 2); cf. also no. 29, with C. Foss, ZPE 26 (19'77) 172-80, for a later example of the title. 226 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE

82. After 31 1; in Barnes' view, the earliest evidence lor the separation of the two provinces is to be found in the 350s, although Mommsen considered that both the provinces had been included in the Verona List (see T. D. Barnes, Ile new empire of Diocletian and Constantine (1982) 217).

83. See A. Miifid Mansel, JDAIArch. Anz.70 (1955) l0+11.

84. For an overview, see A. H. M. Jones, The Greek cily (1940) 58-84; for procedures, F. G. B. Millar, The emperor in the Roman world (1977) 394410.

85. MAMA 7.305, re-edited with a full discussion by A. Chastagnol, MEFRA 93 (1981) 381-406.

86. A xotorxio when it honoured Salonina (IGR 4.593), but a r6lrq when it honoured an equestrian governor, perhaps under the Tetrarchs (see "rRS 7l (1981) ltl-12).

87. ILS 6090, republished as MAMA 4.236.

88. MAMA 7.305.1.t910

89. 1Z,S 6090.

90. MAMA 7.305.3.

91. As in a letter to Laodicaea, MAMA 6.6, re-edited by L. Robert, Laodicbe 287ff.

92. Dig. 27.1.6.2.

93. See Habicht. (n.63) 71.

94. rGR4.1287.

95. Under Trajan, in a text discussed, with other parallels, by L. Robert, Endes Anatoliennes (1937) 301-5.

96. D. Norr, Imperium und Polis in der hohen Prinzipatszeit (1966) 49; R. Ziegler, Chiron 8 (1978) 493-s.

97. Diq.27.1.6.2: eird66dt@pdvpeyiotrpdprOp@1p{oooOorrrigpqrpon6},ergrdrv60vdrv,r(r6d 6eur6prp rdg 61o6oo9 dyopoq 6rr6v, r(r 6d rpirrp 169)'owag.

98. See L. Robert on the titles olNyssa and Magnesia as respectively'sixth' and'seventh in Asia', BCH l0l (1977) 6+77, Rev. Phil. (1967) 514,

99. The new evidence from Aphrodisias lor the existence of that province under Valerian and Gallienus(C. Rouech6,-rRS71 (1981) 103-20; republished,Aphrodisiasinlateantiquity (1989)nos.2- 6), was supported by the discovery of an inscription in Phrygia (M. Christol and T. Drew-Bear, Trayaux et rbcherches en Turquie 1982: Collection Turcica II, (1982) 2342), without adding any FLOREAT PERGE 227 precision to the date. The discovery of a milestone near in Phrygia now indicates that the province was in existence under Traianus , probably in 249 (S. Frei-Korsunsky, Epigraphica Anatolica 8 (1986) 91-5).

100. For the most recent discussion of this much-debated issue see M. Christol and X. Loriot, Mimoires VIL Richerches ipigraphiques (1986) 13 40 especially 33-6.

101. See C. Rouech6 (n. 99) 112.

102. LBW 1652d, with PIRE Caesarius 6.

103. See T. Ritti-Adamou, Annali Scuola Normale Pisa 16, (1986) 691-716, and C. Rouech6, Aphrodisias in late antiquity (1989) no. 32.

104. Bas. Ep.138.

105. Under : Phoenice Libanensis (Mal. 345), Nova and Palaestina Secunda (347) Galatia Secunda (348). Theodosius II: ?Lycia, Secunda, Cilicia Secunda, (365 d).

106. CJ 1 I .22. l, pointed out to me by Fergus Mlllar: Propter multas iustasque causas metropolitano nomine ac dignitate Berytum decernimus exornandam iam suis virtutibus coronatam, igitur haec quoque metropolitanam habeat dignitatem. Tyro nihil de iure suo derogatur. sit illa mater provinciae maiorum beneficio, haec nostro, et utraque dignitate simili perfruatur.

l0'7. Mal.448.

108. PLRE II, Hormisdas.

109. A. H. M. Jones The later Roman empire (1964) 883.

110. See above, n. 81.

111. W. Ruge, 'Pamphylia', RE XVIII.3, 376-7; Jones (n. 109) 883.

112. Jones (n. 109) 882-3.

113. See Cod. Th.15.1.1 (3s7); 1s.1.14 (36s); 1s.1.37 (398); t5.5.1 (372);15.5.3 (409).

ll4. Aphrodisias and Rome doc. 16 and commentary, particularly at 1.11.

115. Reynolds (n. 114) doc. 48.

116. C. P. Jones (n.64) 77-8,88.

I 17. See the important articles illuminating the structure and the functions of the Panhellenion by A. J. Spawforth and S. Walker, "/RS 75 (1985) 78-109; JRS (1986) 88-105.

ll8. Cod. Th. 12.12.12 and 13. On the provincial assemblies olthe later Empire see Rouech6 (n. 103) no. 16 and commentary; I hope to return to this topic elsewhere. 228 CHARLOTTE ROUECHE

119. The exact status of this senate at the time of its creation is unclear; see G. Dagron, Naissance d'une capitale (197$ 122tr.; it seems likely that it was partly its creation, and later enlargement, which led to the increase, during the lourth century, of senatorial provincial governorships, rather than a formal policy of appointing men of this class (as assumed by A. H. M. Jones).

120. Eusebius V.C. 4.1. On the whole issue of the conflicting commitments of individuals at this period, and imperial attitudes to their responsibilities, see F. G. B. Millar, JRS 73 (1981) 16-96.