居場所 IBASHO UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

PLAN 820: Japan Planning and Urbanism - Land Use and Urban Design Studio PRATT Professor Jonathan Martin, Ph.D., AICP; Assistant Professor Alexa Fabrega GCPE By Timna Churges Golan; Duane Martinez; Kaila Wilson; Yisha Su 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

居場所, (IBASHO): NOUN. 1. A PLACE TO BE, 2. A PLACE TO EXIST. 3. A PLACE TO BE ONESELF.

2 IBASHO: understanding the urban structure of homelessness in tokyo and osaka

PLAN 820: Japan Planning and Urbanism - Land Use and Urban Design Studio Professor Jonathan Martin, Ph.D., AICP Assistant Professor Alexa Fabrega

Prepared By: Timna Churges Golan Duane Martinez Yisha Su Kaila Wilson

Summer 2019

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 3 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

4 1. Acknowledgments 7 2. Introduction 8 2.1 Research Question 8 2.2 Methodology 9 2.3 Report Structure 12 2.4 Key Definitions 13 3. Background and context: Literature Review on Homelessness in Japan 14 3.1 Homelessness in Japan 14 3.2 Spatial distribution and Materiality 16 3.3 Policy and Public Perception 19 3.4 Support and advocacy groups serving the Homeless 20 3.5 Contemporary opportunities and threats 21 4. The Physical Composition of Homelessness in Tokyo and Osaka 23 4.1 Material Inventory 23 4.2 Physical Composition 27 5. Study Areas (site-specific findings) 30 5.1 Site 1: Yoyogi Park, Tokyo 32 5.2 Site 2: Ueno Park, Tokyo 42 5.3 Site 3: Sanya, Tokyo 52 5.4 Site 4: Kamagasaki, Osaka 60 6. Analysis 70 Bibliography 76 Appendix 81 Observation tool 82 Summarized Data input 83

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 5 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure x

Timna Churges Golan; Kaila Wilson; Ueda Kanayo, Director of Cocoroom; Duane Martinez; Yisha Su.

Figure x

Timna Churges Golan; Kaila Wilson; Yuki Tsubasa, Moyai; Yisha Su; Duane Martinez

Figure x

Yisha Su; Duane Martinez;Timna Churges Golan; Magokoro Yoshihira, Executive Director, Sanya Cafe; Kaila Wilson

6 1. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report was created to fulfill the requirements of PLAN 820: Japan Planning and Urbanism, a Land Use and Urban Design Studio at Pratt’s Institute’s Graduate Center for Planning and the Environment (GCPE). The opportunity to travel to Japan and conduct this research was made possible, in part, through the financial support of the School of Architecture at Pratt Institute. We would like to thank Sensei Jonathan Martin for giving us the opportunity to learn about Japanese urbanism and planning first hand, and for leading this exceptional studio and 2-weeks study tour to Japan. We would also like to thank Sensei Alexa Fábrega for her translation work, which this report relies heavily upon, and for introducing us to the subtleties of Japanese culture. Finally, we would like to extend our sincere gratitude to our interviewees, who devoted their time and knowledge to teach us about the realities of homeless people in Tokyo and Osaka - Magokoro Yoshihira , the Executive Director of Yui Associates Inc; Yuki Tsubasa, Consultation Service Coordinator/Advocacy Officer with Moyai, Kanayo Ueda, the Founder and Director of Cocoroom; and Kanda-san, Facilities Manager at Cocoroom and a former resident of all four case study sites herein.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 7 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

2. INTRODUCTION

“In Japan, private space is seen as so sacrosanct that public space is regarded as profane. Something which belongs to everyone belongs no-one.” (Richie, 1999, p. 38) Informal Settlement, Triangle Park, Kamagasaki, Osaka, 2019. Source: Duane Martinez

2.1 Research question This study investigates the spatial distribution and materiality of homeless settlements in Tokyo and Osaka. By looking into where homeless people live and how, the study seeks to evaluate Tokyo’s and Osaka’s capacity to provide the basic human need for shelter and “Ibasho”, a place to be, to all of its residents. Examining the public manifestations of homelessness in the Japanese urban context allows us to assess how inclusive these cities are and how accommodating their public realm is. Homelessness is a telling case with regards to urban planning because it is in an extreme form/way of urban living, one that relies heavily on public infrastructure and is external to the prevailing socio economic order. In many ways, homeless people put the city’s public space through the hardest test of inclusivity and use. In an act that is surely noticed, but is problematic to officially recognize, homeless people carve out a space of their own from that which is designated to be used by everyone--the streets, plazas, underpasses, etc. They make the city their home in the most literal sense possible, depending on public infrastructure for their basic needs. Homeless settlements challenge both the carrying capacity of the places in which they reside and a fundamental distinction in city planning--the distinction between private property and public space. This distinction is particularly stark in Japanese culture and policy, making the incidences of homelessness in Japanese cities even more interesting to examine as a case study.

8 2.2 Methodology This study employs a case-study research approach. First, through a literature review, it constructed a theoretical base about homelessness in Japan and a proposition with regards to the spatial distribution and materiality of homeless settlements. The literature review informed the selection process of sites/cases and interviewees, as well as the design of a data collection protocol. Data collection for each case was conducted through interviews and direct observations. Direct observations were captured via a site audit tool (see Appendix Figure 2.2.1- Space, Material, and Activity Scan Tool) the research team had developed, as well as through independent notes, sketches, and photography. Finally, the research team reflected upon its observations, conducted a cross-site analysis, and compared its research findings with the initial proposition from the literature review, which led to the development of the cross-case report presented herein. The selected sites of Yoyogi Park, Ueno Park, Sanya and Kamagasaki, were among the places mentioned in the literature review as places with homeless settlements and high concentration of homeless residents. After consolidating the studio’s local research partners, and the team’s interviewees, which confirmed the relevancy of these sites to the team’s research, these four sites were selected. Choosing two parks and two day-labor communities allowed the research team to compare and contrast two out of three types of public spaces which usually serve the homeless population. The third type, which was not included within the scope of this research, is train stations and under- ground malls. These sites are used more during the winter time, and thus, were less relevant for this research which was conducted over the summer. The interviewees: Kanayo Ueda with Cocoroom, Yuki Tsubasa with Moyai and Magokoro Yoshihira with Yui Associates Inc (Yui), were selected in light of their advocacy and support work for the homeless population in Tokyo and Osaka, reported in secondary sources. Kanayo Ueda is the founder and director of Cocoroom, an arts non-profit that operates a cafe, a guesthouse and an open-to-all arts academy that works with Kamagasaki’s homeless and day-laborers. The opportunity to interview Kanda-san, Cocoroom’s Facility Manager and a former resident of this study’s sites, was presented to us during our visit to Cocoroom. Yuki Tsubasa is an Advocacy Officer and Consultation Service Coordinator at Moyai, a non-profit based in Tokyo, providing legal and surveying services that assists homeless people in navigating the Japanese welfare system (Mckirdy, 2019).

Rough Sleeper, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019. Source: Duane Martinez

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 9 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Magokoro Yoshihira is the Executive Director of Yui, a community development enterprise in Sanya in Taito ward, Tokyo. Yui operates two hostels for tourists, one hostel for welfare recipients, and a coffee shop that serves as a community meeting spot. Yui also runs a weekly neighborhood cleaning activity, where along with volunteers they collect trash and chat with the locals as a way to offer practical support, a warm smile and a sympathetic ear (Dayman, 2018). Two of the interviews, with Ueda and Kanda, were held in Japanese and English, simultaneously translated by professor Fábrega. The interviews with Yuki and Yoshihira were conducted in English. Direct observations were conducted with two goals in mind. The first was to observe and document informal settlements in as much detail as possible. The second was to observe and evaluate how the site functions as a public space. Accordingly, the research team designed two observation protocols - independent documentation of physical elements pertaining to the homeless settlements through notes, sketches and photography, and a site audit tool (see Appendix Figure 2.2.1). The independent documentation was done throughout the site visit and the site audit was filled out after touring the site for about an hour. The site audit ranks, and thus measures, how well the site functions as an inclusive public space. It was developed based on the market audit of Project for Public Spaces ((Project for Public Spaces, n.d.), see Appendix Figure 2- PPS Audit Tool), and adjusted by the research team to serve as an audit of any inclusive public space, not just a market, drawing inspiration from the Manchester School of Architecture’ Cultural Spaces and Homelessness design handbook (Peacock, Tovey, Plumley, & Cookie, n.d.). It consists of four categories for public space evaluation:

(1) access and visibility (2) physical space (3) sociability and (4) uses and activities

10 Each category is constructed of statements describing desired scenarios in that field. For example, the access and visibility category contains the following statement: “This place is visible from afar and easy to find;” the sociability category contains a statement such as “Groups are not isolated from each other, everyone is sharing the space;” among others. These statements reflect various signals indicating that a public space is welcoming, safe, pleasant, and accommodating for different people. The observer is required to rank their level of agreement with each statement as pertaining to the site, on a scale of 1 to 4, when 1 is complete disagreement and 4 is full agreement. Later, in the data analysis process each category’s grades are summed together and divided by the number of statements to calculate the average grade of the site in these four arenas. The closer the score is to 4, the better the site is as a public space in terms of its access and visibility, physical space, sociability and accommodation of various uses and activities. It is important to state that in the process of data collection through direct observations, the team was aware of the sensitivity of this type of research. It made sure not to invade people’s privacy nor make them feel observed or threatened. Therefore, it did not intrude spaces that were occupied only by homeless residents, often observed from a distance, and did not take any pictures of people up-close. This obviously hindered the data collection to some extent but helped to assure this community is given the privacy and respect it deserves. The analysis of the research findings tried to follow Ruth Benedict’s approach of generosity and tough mindedness for conducting research in another culture, and professor Martin’s model of “observation + reflection [+comparison] = findings” (Martin, 2019). Therefore, after compiling the data together, comparing observations and strong impressions across sites, the research team reflected upon the observations it found most prominent and most stimulating. It then compared it with the theory and propositions developed from the literature review, and discussed lessons that might be relevant for the international context.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 11 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

2.3 Report structure This report consists of six chapters. After the acknowledgments and the introduction, the third chapter provides background on homelessness in Japan based on literature review. It briefly presents recent history, scale, demographics, spatial distribution and materiality of informal homeless settlements; public perception and policy; organizations active in supporting the homeless population; and current issues these communities face. The fourth chapter provides the physical context of homelessness in Tokyo and Osaka as observed by the research team. It presents a general, cross-site, overview of the various facilities that are used by homeless people. These findings are presented prior to the case studies, despite chronologically stemming from the site visits, to allow for a more streamlined presentation of the sites, after the reader had been familiarized with all the moving parts that may appear in the scene. The fifth chapter consists of the four case studies selected, reporting on site-specific findings. These findings are based, as previously discussed, on independent documentation, site audit completed by each member of the research team, and interviews. Each case study is presented in three sections - context, observation and impressions. The observations are presented according to the four site audit categories: access and visibility, physical space, sociability and uses and activities. The sixth and final chapter provides analysis and summary of the research findings. It is based upon a cross case-study comparison, in light of the existing theory. Placing this research back within the American context it tries to reimagine the relationship between a city and its homeless population.

12 2.4 Key definitions For the purpose of this paper, we will use the following terms and definitions. The research team acknowledges that this subject matter is complex and not one definition or term will adequately reflect this complexity. Rough Sleepers are nomadic people sleeping in different locations from time to time without a structure. Cardboard boxes are commonly used as bedding by rough sleepers (see Figure 2.4.1). Informal Settlements refers to two or more housing units constructed on land that the residents do not have legal claim to own (see Figure 2.4.2). Squatters are residents of informal settlements (see Figure 2.4.3). Homelessness refers to a state of instability in the realm of housing. We acknowledge that some people refer to squatters as homeless when in fact they do have a home. In the interest of simplicity, we include rough sleepers and squatters when we speak of homelessness. Doyas are tiny, single rooms of the size of 2-3 Japanese tatami mats (typically 91*182 cm). (“13 Facts You Probably Didn’t Know About Tatami | tsunagu Japan,” 2019) Since they make the cheapest form of accommodation, they tend to command the majority of the private rented sector for the poorest in society (see Figure 2.4.4.) Doyas are rented for either very short periods of time or longer ones. They are often located in day-labor districts like Kamagasaki, filling-in the accommodation gap day laborers in the construction industry face between jobs. Other doya residents are usually welfare recipients, which allows them to pay rent. In Kamagasaki, for example, there are an estimated 8,500 doyas, half the number of the district’s population (Peacock & Raymont, 2018). Packs are personal belongings stored in public space, usually assembled in a cart and covered with a blue tarp but may also include non-mobile bundles, luggage, and other containers for personal belongings (see Figure 2.4.5.) These packs are a common feature in the informal settlements observed in Osaka and Tokyo.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 13 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

3.BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT - LITERATURE REVIEW ON HOMELESSNESS IN JAPAN

3.1 Homelessness in Japan Homelessness became a national phenomenon in Japan after the burst of the economic bubble in the early 90’s (Kasai, Kitabatake, & Dohi, 2017; Mckirdy, 2019). Shrinkage in the construction industry, which relied heavily on informal day labor where the employed often lived in shanty towns next to construction sites, left hundreds of thousands of men without a job or a place to stay (Margolis, 2008, p. 354 ;Kasai, Kitabatake, & Dohi, 2017, p. 22). Women make a small minority of the homeless population and therefore their history is far less documented. Women residing in Ueno park in the 90’s, for example, came to the streets out of illness, poverty and a broken marriage (Margolis, 2008, p. 354). The first national government survey of Japan’s homeless population was conducted in 2003. Identifying those living on the street as homeless, it estimated there were 25,300 homeless persons living in Japan, with approximately 6,000 living in Tokyo’s 23 Wards (Margolis, 2008, p. 353). The most recent count, conducted by The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare and published in July 2018, estimates the total homeless population in Japan at 4,977, making it the first year that the homeless population has dropped below 5,000 people (Mckirdy, 2019). In Tokyo’s 23 wards the number of homeless people in 2018 totaled in 614 people, according to The Bureau of Social Welfare and Public Health in Tokyo Metropolitan Government estimates (Yuki, 2019). Activists and nonprofits working with homeless people in Tokyo claim these government surveys systematically undercount the homeless population (Peacock, 2018, p.3 ; Kasai, Kitabatake, & Dohi, October 2017, p. 23; Margolis, 2008, p. 354). Official counts of homeless people in Tokyo are conducted in one day and often during the day-time, while homeless people tend to shift between the street and other lodging solutions, and are generally more likely to be seen during the night. These nonprofit groups estimate that the total number of homeless people is 2.5 times higher than official counts (see Figure 3.1.1.) Nonetheless, there seems to be a consensus

14 among the nonprofits working with homeless people that the homeless population has decreased substantially over the recent years (Yuki interview, 2019; Yuki, 2019; Ueda, 2019) (see Figure 3.1.2- Total Number of Homeless People in Japan, Peacock, 2018, p. 8.)

Figure 3.1.1 Street count of homeless people - 2018

Street Count of Homeless People in Tokyo, September 2018, Source: ARCH

Figure 3.1.2 Total Number of Homeless People in Japan Based on Official Count, 2003-2017

Source: Peacock, 2018.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 15 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 3.1.2 Roughly ninety-five percent of Japan’s homeless are middle-aged men (Lynagh, 2015). Women reportedly comprise only three percent of the national homeless population (Margolis, 2008, p. 353). In the late 90’s the average age of homeless men was about 56. In 2017, according to official records, the average age of homeless persons passed 60 years for the first year (Margolis, 2008; Mckirdy, 2019). This seems to be consistent with the fact that the Japanese society as a whole is aging (Martin, June 3, 2019). In Japan, people in their 50s, primarily men, are considered at a higher risk of social exclusion, including housing deprivation and subjective poverty, due to overwork, poor health and lack of time recommitting to activities and building social relationships. This concurs with other national statistics such as Rough Sleeper, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019. the suicide rate which peaks around the age of 50 for men (Aya K., 2010, Source: research team. pp. 21-22). Nonetheless, the homeless population is not comprised of solely middle-aged men. The Advocacy and Research Centre for Homelessness (ARCH) project, based in Tokyo, reports that in recent years a new “type” of homeless cohort has emerged, who are younger and unrelated to the construction industry (Kasai, Kitabatake, & Dohi, October 2017, p. 23).

3.2 Spatial distribution and materiality Homelessness and subsequent informal settlements in contemporary Japan became visible in major cities such as Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya and Yokohama after the burst of the economic bubble in the 90’s (Kasai, Kitabatake, & Dohi, 2017). Public spaces such as parks, transit stations and Figure 3.1.3 the streets of neighborhoods known for their day-labor community became the main areas in which homeless people would concentrate and build informal settlements (Peacock & Raymont, 2018; Dayman, 2018; Masatsugu, 2017; Margolis, 2008). In a study of GIS data done by Wataru Suzuki in Osaka in 2008, he found that three important factors affected the habitation choice of Japan’s homeless: the availability of employment opportunities, medical care and food (Suzuki, 2008). The highest ratio of homeless and isolated single men in poverty in Japan is in an area known as Kamagasaki in Osaka (Peacock & Raymont, 2018). Kamagasaki has been a famous day-labor community since the 60’s (Yamaguchi, 2014). Once bustling with young day laborers working and sustaining the area, it became associated with poverty, crime, and riots

Kamagasaki Neighborhood, Osaka, 2019. Source: research team.

16 Figure 3.2.1 following the economic slow-down to the extent that it was renamed to release it from stigma (Peacock & Raymont, 2018). Today Nishinari is the official administrative name for the area (Peacock & Raymont, 2018). In 2000 there were 1,200 homeless people in the streets of Kamagasaki and today there are about a 100, with 400 regularly in night-shelters (Peacock & Raymont, 2018). Half of the residents of Kamagasaki are welfare recipients (Peacock & Raymont, 2018). Yet, the city that is most often mentioned in the literature with regards to homelessness in Japan is Tokyo. Numerous sites were documented as sites of homeless settlements since the late 1990s - including Ueno Park, Shinjuku Station, Yoyogi Park, Miyashita Park, Sumida park, and the since renamed district of Sanya (Masatsugu, 2017). Sanya, like Kamagasaki in Osaka is an historic day-labor neighborhood that got a bad reputation associated Tarp Shelter, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019. with poverty and violence, and thus rebranded under a new official name Source: research team. (Peacock & Raymont, 2018; Dayman, 2018). In 1966 it was divided into two districts - Kiyokawa and Zutsumi (McCurry, 2019). Yoyogi park was mentioned in 2015 as the site of a thriving long-term homeless settlements ((Lynagh & Arena, 2015). Homeless people are said to usually sleep in public spaces such as parks and transit stations areas, during the night, unless busy collecting food and recyclables (Margolis, 2008, p. 363, 367). Parks are more popular during the summer, while McDonalds, 24 hour internet-cafes, train stations, and the basement of shopping arcades usually allow to escape the cold during the winter (Kasai, Kitabatake, & Dohi, , October 2017, p. 23; Scott, 2017; Mckirdy, 2019; Osumi, 2016). During the day, homeless people are likely to sell the aluminum cans they collected to recycling, or comic books, hotdogs and snacks at a stall near tourist attractions (Margolis, 2008, p. 356). This Figure 3.2.2 is how most of the homeless people make a living (Mckirdy, March 2019; Scott, 2017). The able bodied can find day-to-day employment as laborers from time to time (Mckirdy, 2019). In the afternoon, big stores like Yamada Denki (electronics retailer), or the foyers of cultural institutions such as the Tokyo Metropolitan Art Museum, offers a place to sit and rest (Mckirdy, 2019; Peacock & Raymont, 2018, p. 5). Interviewing homeless people in Ueno Park in the late 90’s, Margolis describes two main approaches or “lifestyles” of homelessness: “tent- lifestyler (tento seikatsusha)” and sleeping on the streets lifestyle (“rojoo seikatsu”). The first lifestyle, often pursued by the construction workers group,

Kamagasaki Neighborhood, Osaka, 2019. Source: research team.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 17 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

is the more settled and organized one, where the homeless people’s living area is often referred to as a “cardboard village” made out of cardboard- box homes and tents constructed out of blue plastic tarps (Margolis, 2008, p. 363, 364; Mckirdy, March 2019; Cassegard, 2013, p. 622). The second lifestyle of those who are rough-sleeping in the streets is described as nomadic and scattered, often relying upon food hand-outs provided by churches and nonprofits (Margolis, 2008, p. 365). Margolis writes that “both tented and nomadic homeless projected ideas of difference, deviance, and otherness onto each other in order to demonstrate their own integrity” (Margolis, 2008, p. 363). Both groups, the squatters and the rough sleepers, tried to prove their own connection to main-stream society and Japanese values by distancing themselves from the other group of homeless people. In Ueno Park in the late 90’s, for example, the “tent-lifestyler” group distinguish itself by calling the other homeless groups “those who live down there (shita no hoo),” and referring to themselves as the “people of the mountain (yama no ningen),” because Ueno Park is up on a hill and was historically called the mountain (yama) (Margolis, 2008, p. 383). The people of the mountain viewed themselves as working people who “do homeless (hoomuresu o suru)” (Margolis, p. 353; Mckirdy, March 2019). “Doing homeless, which included recycling, scavenging, occasional day labor, resale of found items, and maintaining personal relationships...was not just about pursuing particular types of labor; it included disciplining these jobs, and each other, with broader cultural virtues of hard work, sincerity, and obligations to others” (Margolis, 2008, p. 354-355). Mastering the art of daily chores, they felt that they gained the right to erect a tent in the park, a privilege earned through discipline and perseverance (Margolis, 2008, p. 364). Complying with the instructions of the government was also perceived as a part of doing homeless “properly” (Margolis, 2008, p. 359). The two groups had contested ideas regarding the right way to approach homelessness, and, while the people of the mountain would look down on the nomadic homeless who “queue for soup lined, eat bread crusts, do not cook with stoves, have dirty skin, do not do laundry, and make no effort to “properly” do homeless” (Margolis, 2008, p. 363), the nomadic homeless saw the tent as a symbol of surrender, and the people of the mountain as committing to life on the streets, renouncing the search for a job (Margolis, 2008, p. 363).

18 Figure 3.3.1 3.3 Public perception and policy Homeless people in Japan do not panhandle (Margolis, 2008, p. 355). Begging is illegal, and the social stigma associated with it renders it a non-existent behavior (Mckirdy, 2019; Peacock & Raymont, 2018, p. 9). While drinking is a problem, drug abuse is rare and the homeless in Japan tend to be described by foreign press as well-mannered, uncomplaining, maintaining a clean “home” (Rawles, 1999 ; Peacock & Raymont, 2018, p. 9). Although the Japanese homeless generally avoid the type of behavior that is considered a nuisance, they are ostracized by the Japanese society and treated as an environmental hazard and an unsightly problem by the government (Margolis, 2008, p. 358-359; Rawles, 1999). Blue Tarp Structure, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019. The complex and unique social structure in Japan leads to equally unique Source: research team. perceptions of those living in informal settlements: identity is tied closely to one’s relationship to work. Being detached from work constitutes the main reason for social exclusion (Aya K., 2010; Margolis, 2008). While many of the “ojiisan” (older men) who reside in these settlements do work and earn income, the mainstream culture in Japan rejects this population and continues to denigrate it, while the local media disregards its importance (Peacock & Raymont, 2018; Margolis, 2008; Masatsugu, 2017). It is reported that many of the people living in informal settlements or rough sleepers have experienced violence from school-kids and teens (Margolis, 2008). Homeless are usually thought of as vagrants who live on the streets because they enjoy the lifestyle, and not as those who had fallen between the cracks of structural changes in the economy (Rawles, 1999). Some believe the culture and ability to understand matters of social exclusion and housing deprivation is changing and a new sense of compassion is evolving in Japanese society (McKirdy, 2019). Figure 3.3.2 Evictions or “clean-ups” of homeless people from public spaces take place at different levels of organization and application of force since the 90’s. In February 1994 an eviction of the sprawling “cardboard village” from Shinjuku Station and the Tokyo Metropolitan Government Building led to displacement and fierce clashes (Mckirdy, March 2019). In 1996, under the pretext of setting up a mechanized sidewalk in Shinjuku Station, the City used 600 riot police, guards and municipal employees to tear down a homeless village and evict the villagers (Cassegard, 2013, p. 624; Margolis, 2008, p. 358). More recently, on March 27, 2017, and without any previous notice, Miyashita Park in Shibuya was completely enclosed by a series of 3-meter-high steel panels. In the fall of 2010 Shibuya Ward had already

Pedestrian Walkway, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019. Source: research team.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 19 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 3.3.3 closed Miyashita Park to the public after evicting homeless persons staying there, reopening it in the Spring of 2011 with over half of its space dedicated to new pay-to-use facilities such as a skate park (Masatsugu, 2017, p. 25- 26). Other means used to remove homeless people from specific sites are the employment of hostile architecture, also referred to as defensive design, creating features that would make it uncomfortable for people to settle in a place (Peacock, Tovey, Plumley, & Cookie, n.d., 2018, p. 10). Examples include the use of glaring strip lights in Shinjuku station, shuttering Shinjuku Gyoen Park at night, leaving the homeless to camp out on the grass between the park’s wire fence and the road, nailing wooden blocks on benches, and turning off water in public fountains as part of “official actions” to avoid homeless presence (Scott, 2017 ; Margolis, 2008, p. 358). However, the main reason behind the sharp decrease in the presence of homeless people in the streets of Tokyo and Osaka is a change in national policy that began in 2002. The enactment of the Special Act in Regards Hostile architecture, sidewalk flooding pipes, Kamagasaki, Osaka, 2019. to Supporting the Autonomy of the Homeless Population in August 2002 Source: research team. marked the first time the government acknowledged its responsibility to help local governments deal with homelessness. It guaranteed assistance in seeking employment and providing public or private housing for homeless people who are willing to work, and made health care available to them (Mckirdy, 2019; Kasai, Kitabatake, & Dohi, 2017, p. 22; Hayashi, 2015).

3.4 Support and advocacy groups serving the homeless There are numerous nonprofit organizations (NPOs) working to serve the homeless populations in Tokyo and Osaka (Mckirdy, 2019, Peacock & Raymont ,2018, Margolis, 2008). These NPO’s can be divided into three types. The first group assists those living in the streets with basic necessities such as food, blankets, temporary shelter, medical care. It includes organizations that provide a wide variety of direct services like Tenohasi, and the 30 year old Sanyukai, in Tokyo, and Second Harvest Japan, the nation’s first food bank (McKirdy, 2019, Peacock & Raymont, 2018; St. Michel, 2018). The second type of organizations supports and advices homeless people interested in receiving public support or finding a job or an apartment they can afford. This group includes organizations

20 such as Moyai. Tsukuroi Tokyo Fund, for example, provides private rooms for people transitioning from homelessness into formal housing (Mckirdy, 2019). The third type of organizations take an art and activism approach to increase the social visibility of the homeless, and normalize their relations with the mainstream society. It includes organizations such as Cocoroom, and Sokerissa, who organize homeless people into creating artwork and showcase it to the public (Peacock & Raymont, 2018). It is worth noting that merging art and activism has been a consistent strategy in advancing the visibility and viability of the homeless population in Japan since the late 1990s (Peacock & Raymont, 2018; Cassegard, 2013). In the mid 1990s art activists used the cardboard box homes in the Shinjuku Station as a way to not only call attention to the housing crisis experienced in Tokyo, but also as a public criticism of an economic system that is unsupportive of people who cannot adhere to the rigid employment demands in Japan. According to Cassegard (2013), the painted cardboard box homes of Shinjuku Station became emblematic of the failure of the Japanese government in creating socioeconomic security after the economic depression following the 1990s crash. Some informal settlements have had consistently activated art spaces. For example, Tetsuo Ogawa and Misako Ichimura are two artists that have been living in the Blue Tent Village of Yoyogi Park in Tokyo for over 15 years (Peacock & Raymont, 2018). 3.5 Contemporary opportunities and threats Various organizations pointed out the 2020 Olympics as a contemporary pressures that the homeless community in Tokyo is facing. ARCH, for example, are aware of the possibility that the olympics might trigger hostility towards rough sleepers but also a motivation to improve their situation (Kasai, Kitabatake, & Dohi, 2017 p. 24). With One Voice, an international arts and homelessness movement that regularly supports local organizations working with homeless people in countries hosting the olympics, report that besides one group of artist activists who live in Yoyogi Park and campaigns against the Olympics, the majority of the local arts and homelessness organizations view it as a chance to show homeless people in a different light (Peacock & Raymont, 2018).

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 21 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 4.1.1

Informal settlement, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo. Source: research team.

22 Figure 4.1.2

Shelter, Kamagasaki, Osaka, 2019. Source: research team.

4. THE PHYSICAL COMPOSITION OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

In order to understand the physical form and relationship that homelessness has with the city within the Japanese urban context, it is imperative to describe the elements that create the infrastructure upon which this unique community of residents rely. These various elements were identified through direct observations and interviews conducted by the research team. They were then assembled to seven categories according to the degree in which they provide a stable shelter and Ibasho, a place to be, from high to low, moving from private to public infrastructure, accordingly.

4.1 Material Inventory

The elements described in the inventory below represent a sample of the most common elements that were observed during the field study both during organized site audits and independent documentation throughout the four case study sites. While not exhaustive, this list provides a foundation for examining the materiality of these spaces. Informal settlement, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo. Source: research team.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 23 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Material and Physical Inventory Figure 4.1.3 The elements described in this inventory represent a sample of the SHELTER: Free lodging, usually associated with a non-profit service organization. most common elements that were These places offer very little privacy and are usually on a very rigid schedule. observed during the field study both DOYA: Very inexpensive nightly lodging in a very simple small, usually 3-tatami mat during site audits and independent room that were designed and built to accommodate the large day laborer population of documentation at the four case study the 1990s economic boom. sites. Some items in this inventory are more activations of certain spaces HOSTEL: Low cost lodging for rent nightly. Many doyas have converted to hostels that become elemental to the urban due to the aging day laborer population that is not being replenished. structure of homelessness in Tokyo and Osaka. While not exhaustive, CAPSULE HOTEL: Low cost lodging that offers a single bed in a bank of bunks, this list provides a foundation for often organized around some common area that may include other services like: baths; resting lounges with recliners, TVs, air conditioning or heating; manga; and vending examining the materiality physical machines. elements of these spaces. The distribution and documentation of BATHHOUSES: Community run or private bathhouses offer bathing services that these elements in context will be can be accompanied by: saunas, spas, toiletries, places to rest, TVs, and manga. explained in Chapter 5. MANGA CAFE: 24 hour comic reading rooms that for a minimal fee, offer a quiet, private space to rest.

INTERNET CAFE: 24 hour internet browsing rooms that for a minimal fee, offer a private space to rest.

24-HOUR DINER: Some restaurants and cafes are generous with their space and time, offering patrons almost unlimited time to rest.

RIGID STRUCTURE: Some structures in the informal settlements are built of common building materials, wood, masonry, glass, etc.

BLUE TARPAULIN: This material is both readily available and easily identifiable as a key element of informal settlements, both as a building material and an indicator of the space.

CART: Four-wheeled carts with a solid platform for storing personal belongings.

CARDBOARD: This material is often used by rough sleepers as a bed, when laid flat; or as a small shelter when erected and often joined to other boxes.

24 BEDDING: Bundles of bedding including blankets, pillows and futons are found in locations of rough sleeping.

HOSTEL: Low cost lodging for rent nightly. Many doyas have converted to hostels due to the aging day laborer population that is not being replenished.

PARK: Public space used in a variety of ways. Informal settlements may form in these public spaces. They may be places for congregations for communities or non-profit services or offer cover and shelter for rough sleeping or storing personal belongings.

WATER FOUNTAIN: public, potable water sources.

PUBLIC RESTROOM: Tokyo and Osaka have public restrooms in most public spaces. Each of the sites observed in this research had public toilets and running water at the site. The ubiquity of these in public parks may be conducive to the formation of a settlement.

TRAIN STATION: Large public infrastructure that provides shelter from the cold during the winter months for rough sleeping.

24-HOUR DINER: Bicycle: A low cost, independent form of transportation that can aid in the work of collecting cans to recycle.

FOOD HANDOUT: Organized by nonprofit organizations that provide meals after a program.

LOCKERS: Low-fee, per diem, personal lockers offer homeless people places to store personal belongings in a safe, inexpensive way.

RECYCLING/SCAVENGING: A source of income for many homeless is collecting for cans and bottles and selling them to recycling centers. The centers themselves are a key component to spatial distribution. Certain wards in Tokyo have begun eliminating buy-back centers. BROOMS: A unique element in the settlement areas. Brooms are stacked neatly in groups or bound individually with personal packs. The brooms are used to sweep and keep clean the parks and plazas where homeless live and participate in daily public works employment. VENDING MACHINE: A ubiquitous element of Japanese cities, observed in every neighborhood visited in Tokyo and Osaka. In the case study sites, the vending machines were significantly less expensive, at times half that of each site’s downtown.

HOSTILE ARCHITECTURE: design and communications strategies that restricts use of certain space

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 25 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 4.2.1

Informal Settlement, Kamagasaki, Osaka, 2019. Source: Duane Martinez 4.2 Physical Composition

The first three categories - formal settlements, temporary lodging facilities, and informal lodging facilities - all exist within the prevailing legal and economic status quo. Formal settlements exists beyond the realm of homelessness. This category refers to permanent housing units either rented or owned. The second category is that of temporary lodging facilities, providing temporary accommodation for people who are unable to secure longer term housing. It refers to units that are either free, provided by a nonprofit or the government, like some of the shelters, or are low-cost, such as doyas and hostels. Places that are not programmed to serve as lodging, yet still provide a space to rest, sleep and bathe constitute the third category of Informal lodging facilities. These facilities charge on hourly, daily or nightly basis and are considered rather affordable. They include places like bath houses and internet cafes.

The following two categories - informal settlement and rough sleeping - exist outside of the prevailing legal and economic order. These are public spaces that were taken, with a varying degree of permanency, to serve as a place of residency. No money or legal deed has been exchanged for the personal use of land. Informal settlement are groupings of more than one structure that occupy public spaces. Usually found along river banks or in parks. Rough Sleeping takes a more temporary form, often lacking a regular structure or space, it relies more heavily on existing infrastructure in the public realm. Therefore it exists in places like underpasses or shotengai, covered shopping streets, transit stations and benches.

26 The sixth category, nomadic infrastructure, groups facilities and amenities within the public realm that provide basic daily needs that are complementary to lodging for people on the go, such as restrooms, storage, food, resting area. Nomadic infrastructure, refers to facilities that are accessible and inclusionary - ubiquitous in the city landscape, they serve everyone but especially support the homeless. Included in this category are commercial and public facilities such as lockers, vending machines, water fountains, public wifi, restrooms, recycling trash cans, benches, etc. And, private use of public space that is protected by the law such as storing your personal belongings in a pack locked to a fence.

The last category of hostile architecture refers to intentional attempts to block certain activities or uses from public infrastructure and facilities through design. These include strong or flickering lighting, physical barriers, high-pitched beeps, signage prohibiting usage, wetting the floor, locked restrooms, water fountains that only operate during day time, etc.

Many elements of all seven categories above can be found throughout Tokyo and Osaka and are utilized by a wide spectrum of city dwellers and visitors on a daily basis. Each element alone may not be considered a unique social or spatial service for the homeless population, but as an amalgamated whole, these elements create a web of infrastructure. The graphic below illustrates these categories as they relate to the urban structure of homelessness in Tokyo and Osaka. Each has been assessed based on the nature of the use (the activity) and its place within prevailing socio-economic norms - on a scale from private to public. A few common examples of elements that belong in each category are also provided.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 27 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 4.2.2 PHYSICAL COMPOSITION OF HOMELESSNESS

Formal Settlement

• Permanent housing units either rented or owned • Exists within a market-based, legal framework • Single family dwelling units, multi-family housing structures Temporary Lodging

• Permanent, commercial lodging facilities • Exists within a market-based, legal framework • Capsule hotels, doyas, hostels, shelters

Informal Lodging

• Places not programmed to serve as lodging, yet still provide space to rest, sleep and bathe • Exists within the market-based legal framework • Manga cafes, 24-hour diners/restaurants, internet cafes, bathhouses Informal Settlement

• Groupings of more than one structure that occupy public space • Exists outside of a market-based, legal framework • Tents, plywood structures, blue tarp structures

28 Rough Sleeping

• Episodic locations not programmed for lodging • Exists outside of a market-based, legal framework • Underpasses, sidewalks, parks, shotengai, transit stations, benches

Nomadic Infrastructure

• Unaccommodating, communicative, physical and sonic barriers to utilizing public space for private use (housing or sleeping • Exists as government and private interventions • Signage, barriers, traffic cones, high-pitched beeps, water

Hostile Architecture

• Unaccommodating, communicative, physical and sonic barriers to utilizing public space for private use (housing or sleeping • Exists as government and private interventions • Signage, barriers, traffic cones, high-pitched beeps, water

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 29 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

5. STUDY AREAS

In this chapter, the findings from the site audit as well as general impressions of the site will be presented. The site audit tool provided a framework to analyze the sites as public spaces, but much more information was gained through additional documentation and interviews. Both sets of findings will be presented herein in order to best describe these sites, the activities held within, and the relationships that residents of these sites have with the surrounding context.

The case studies will be presented in three sections: 1) Setting, which describes the larger context in which the site exists; 2) Observations, that describes the documentation of site visits; and 3) Impressions, which describe interpretations of the site audit and additional documentation. The Observation section will be divided into four subsections that reflect the areas evaluated during the site audit:

1)Access & Visibility, 2) Physical Structure,3) Sociability, and 4) Uses & Activities.

Three of the four case study sites are located in Tokyo: Site 1, Yoyogi Park; Site 2, Ueno Park; and Site 3, Sanya. The fourth site is in Osaka: Site 4, Kamagasaki. Each site name refers to the general area of in which observations took place and will be described in the Setting section of each case study, The Observations and Impressions sections are constrained to the areas indicated in red in each case study site map.

The first two sites, Site 1: Yoyogi Park and Site 2: Ueno Park, are sites located in two of Tokyo’s largest public parks. Site 1: Yoyogi Park currently has an informal settlement, while Site 2: Ueno Park maintains vestiges of previous informal settlements (Margolis, 2018) in the area surveyed. The last two sites, Site 3: Sanya, and Site 4: Kamagasaki, are districts within established neighborhoods in their respective cities: Sanya in Tokyo and Kamagasaki in Osaka. They both support a significant day laborer population and have informal settlements within the larger district.

30 GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 31 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

CONTEXT MAP “...one of the bastions of truly free space in Tokyo.”

- The Guardian, 2019

SITE MAP

AREA 1A

Main path

Secondary path AREA 1B

Railway SOURCE:

Study area 400ft

Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Google Earth

32

CONTEXT MAP Location: Shibuya Ward, Tokyo Long/Lat: 35° 40’ 19.11” N ; 139° 41’ 51.67” E (Latitude, Satellite map of yoyogi park, n.d.). Site size: 542,279 Sq. meters Key Features: Meiji Shrine, Yoyogi National Stadium, NKH Public Broadcasting campus Observations: Tuesday, July 2, 2019, 11:00 am - 1:00 pm Wednesday, July 10, 2019, 7:00 pm - 8:00 pm Site Audit Rankings: Physical Space: 3.0/4 Access & Visibility: 3.3 /4 Uses & Activities: 3.3/4 Sociability: 2.3/4

Unique features of informal settlements at this site: An established village A popular and global reputation Relationship between housing structures and off-site personal belonging storage in packs

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 33 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Area 1A

Cardboard

Bedding

Bench West Gata Park

Water Fountain YOYOGI PARK

restroom

Train Station

Bicycle Shibuya City Food Handout

Lockers

Recycling centers.

Brooms

Vending Machine Hostile Architecture Rigid Structure:

Blue Tarpaulin

Cart

Main path

Secondary path Road 413 Railway 400ft

Study area Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Google Earth

34 Area 1B

YOYOGI PARK

Fountain

Road 413 Shibuya Gate South Gate

400ft

Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Google Earth

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 35 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 5.1.1

Figure 5.1.1 Yoyogi Inventory

• Blue tarps utilized in tent structures, rigid structures and pack covers. • Informal settlement consisting of roughly 25 structures in the forested, southwest section of the park near the West Gate, and • Two structures and 3-5 tent structures by 413 Road in the sports stadium side (see Figure 5.1.1) • Several dozens of packs, mostly hidden in the bushes along the Tent structure , Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, southern side of 413 Road, between the Shibuya Gate and South Source: Research team Gate • Several bundles of brooms, near packs along Road 413(see Figure Figure 5.1.2 5.1.2) • Three restrooms - 1) in front on the West Gate, 2) the South Gate, and 3) on the south side of Road 413 by the South Gate overpass. • Four circular benches with rough sleepers around trees in the sports field area • Water fountains scattered throughout the park • Two congregations followed by food handouts - one at fountain area leading to the pond at the center of the park (see Figure 5.1.3), and the other beneath the overpass connecting the South Gate with the sports field area. Hostile architecture around packs and formerly occupied sites within settlement site (large signs, cones, rope, benches with center rails)

Baundles of brooms, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2 019, Source: Research team Figure 5.1.3

Fountain,Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

36 Figure 5.1.4

Structures in the forested, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team Setting

Yoyogi Park is a 54 hectare park in Shibuya City in central Tokyo with a broad diversity of landscapes and recreational programming. Historically a military drill ground, and later a U.S. military housing development named “Washington Heights,” the area was transformed in preparation for the 1964 Olympics, and in 1967 it became a park (McCurry, 2019). Today it is the fourth largest park in Tokyo and considered as “one of the bastions of truly free space in Tokyo” (McCurry, 2019). Travel guides market it as a park that offers various attractions and draws a diverse crowd: “the practical appeal of the grounds makes the park a gathering place for people from all walks of life” (Go Tokyo, n.d.).

Yoyogi Park includes rose gardens, fountains, forests, picnic areas and Meiji Jingu, a large, popular Shinto shrine. It is part of a larger public space complex that includes infrastructure that was built for the 1964 Olympics including the Yoyogi National Stadium, designed by Kenzo Tange as well as the NKH public broadcasting campus (“National Gymnasium for Tokyo Olympics / Kenzo Tange ⋆ ArchEyes,” 2016). The park is serviced by transit via the Harajuku, Yoyogi Koen, Kita Sando and Sangubashi stations. The main area of the park is linked to the Olympic and NKH campus by pedes- trian overpasses over Road 413. The Meiji Shrine, a major destination within Yoyogi park, hosts many visitors in to pray, make offerings, buy charms and write wishes. While not observed on the day of the survey, the shrine is known to hold traditional Shinto weddings and other traditional ceremonies.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 37 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 5.1.5

Settlement that runs along road 413, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

Observations

Site 1: Yoyogi Park consists of two main settlement areas. Area 1A is a settlement of approximately 25 structures, located in a forested area in the southwest section of the park(see Figure 5.1.4). Area 1B is a settlement that runs along a pedestrian/bicycle path near the south side of Road 413, where approximately 10 structures and 20 packs were observed(see Figure 5.1.5). Area 1C was observed serving as congregation site, where a reli- gious lecture followed by a food handout took place.

Access and Visibility

In Area 1A, a concrete path on the eastern edge of the settlement serves as the main access to the homeless settlement, linking the settlement to the West and South Gates of the park. This pathway is well lit at night and has gar- bage and recycling receptacles, drinking water fountains and well main- tained public restrooms. The settlement structures are situated within the forest connected to the main path by well-worn, well-maintained earthen paths. Less than 500 meters from Area 1A, the South Gate pedestrian overpass spans Road 413 to connect to Area 1B in the southern section of the park complex that houses sports fields, ball courts and Yoyogi National Stadium. This settlement stretches over a 300 meter section of the pedestrian and bike path that runs alongside the southern side of the road. Both areas of the Yoyogi Park settlements are in areas that are inclusive and

38 Figure 5.1.6

utilized by a wide spectrum of people--Tokyo residents and visitors alike. The structures and storage packs were in plain sight off of formal walkways with- in the park and along a busy multi-modal street. The blue tarps were used as both pack covers and shelter coverage, and the blue color of the tarps aided in emphasizing the visibility of the settlement.

Physical Space

The materiality of the structures in Area 1A varied between pre-manufac- Structure constructed of rigid boards and a tured tents, plywood, cardboard, shipping pallets and blue tarps. One white, barrel vaulted, canvas roof , Yoyogi structure in particular was constructed of rigid boards and a white, barrel Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team vaulted, canvas roof (see Figure 5.1.6). The structures are distributed some- Figure 5.1.7 what evenly throughout the forest, allowing each home a buffer of privacy form the next. The settlement in the forested area has bicycles, laundry lines, front porches, and back decks. In the evening a soft electric glow came from some structures. Personal touches and a certain design sensibility have been applied to some residences such as landscaping, art installation, and fences. The settlement has three public restrooms with potable water within a half a kilometer. The core of this village is well established with less permanent homes on the periphery.

Some areas within the settlement have been cordoned off by park manage- ment. These were rectangular areas comprised of orange traffic cones with cords draped between. On the cords were signs forbidding certain use . Through interviews with housing advocates, these barriers were explained A sign forbidding certain use, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team as ways for the park system to reclaim space from the settlement when a res- ident moves on (Yoshihira 2019). There were three barricaded areas within the village with signage barring occupation of the space(see Figure 5.1.7). Figure 5.1.8 This is a slow, case by case process in which the authorities reassert public ownership of the land when a resident ceases to inhabit the space.

In the roadside settlement, Area 1B, most structures were situated in the shrubbery between the road and the sidewalk while the packs were ar- ranged neatly on the opposite side of the sidewalk up against a fence (see Figure 5.1.8). A common element to both the structures and the packs was blue tarp, at times tied neatly around packs and other times strewn casually between some trees for shelter. Natural fiber brooms lined the fences near the packs. Some in bundles together others individually with a pack. The packs varied in size, from about 2 meters long to nearly 10 meters long. The `relationship between these two settlement areas is unknown, yet one social Structures layout , Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 39 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 5.1.9

justice advocacy organization suggested that the packs along the road may be associated with those living in the forested settlement in the park (Yuki, interview, 2019).

Sociability

The demographic of the groups observed in the congregations associat- ed with religious organizations and food handouts (Area 1C) and around Food and drinks displayed on a bench, yet to the packs along Road 413 (Area 1B) were primarily middle-aged to older be distributed , Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, males. Outside of the large congregations, most middle to elderly men were Source: Research team seen alone, walking or resting on park furniture. Women, children, teenagers Figure 5.1.10 and young adults were present recreating throughout the park. The con- gregations of the park’s residents or the existence of packs and settlement structures, did not seem to deter other people from using that space. Howev- er, at night, in Area 1A very few people were observed and therefore Site 1: Yoyogi Park scored an average of 2.3/4 on sociability.

Activities and Uses

At noon on a weekday, there were two congregations of what appeared to be religious organizations holding lectures with literature for groups of mostly men in two locations in the southern section of Yoyogi Park. These groups are compelled to participate in religious activities in order to receive food (Margolis, 2008). The first was being held by the fountain in the Rose Gar- Second congregation, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, den, attended by about 20 people with 5 to 8 volunteers leading a reading, 2019, Source: Research team with food and drinks displayed on a bench, yet to be distributed (see Figure 5.1.9). The second congregation was under the South Gate pedestrian over- Figure 5.1.11 pass with 30-50 people attending, engaging in reading and singing. Both congregations were happening publicly and packages of food and bever- ages were placed next to the groups until the religious programming was over. A lone saxophonist played “Amazing Grace” on loop on the other side of the overpass, across the road from the South Gate(see Figure 5.1.10). During the evening adjacent to Area 1B, a few ball courts were still lit and active(see Figure 5.1.11), teenagers huddled in groups while some rough sleepers organized their sleeping areas with bedding, cardboard, and tarps. Those observed were men, estimated to be in their late 40’s to 70’s.

Sports field area , Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

40 Figure 5.1.12

ROUGH SLEEPER ROUGH SLEEPER PACKS SETTLEMENT

PEDSTRIAN/ ROAD 413 PEDSTRIAN/ BIKEWAY BIKEWAY SHIBUYA GATE OVERPASS Section of road 413 nearby south gate, Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Duane Martinez

Impressions

The shared space between the informal settlements in Yoyogi Park and the programmed recreation and leisure seemed to exist in a culture of mutual re- spect. The maintenance of the spaces seemed on par with, if not exceeding, that of the rest of Tokyo. The brooms seemed symbolic of the day laborers and the respect for public (and private) space.

The almost bucolic setting in the park conveyed a quiet beauty and organic sensibility to its order. The forest provided shade, shelter and privacy to the residents while maintaining an open, almost suburban, feeling of homes nest- ed in a lush, green landscape. Both the forested settlement and the roadside settlement were very clean and cared for. Landscaping in the park and along the roadside was very tidy, the lawns are mowed, the hedges trimmed and the trees limbed to a certain height. The line between where public or private maintenance of the site was unclear. The dichotomy exists here where the blue tarps offered no sense of camouflage, yet the residents of this settle- ment blended seamlessly into the surrounding context.

Both Yoyogi Park settlement areas are located near the edges, bound on one side by a major road and by the park on the other, both of which may offer protection. The roads act as an edge that creates a barrier to access on that side. The park, on the other hand, offers eyes and connection to society. Together they provide a balance of privacy and safety without being isolat- ed nor completely exposed.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 41 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

CONTEXT MAP “A discussion of homelessness in Ueno Park necessitates a rethinking of understandings of marginality and resistance.”

-Margolis, 2018, p. 368

SITE MAP

ARE 2A

Main path

Secondary path AREA 2B

Railway

Study area 400ft

Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Google Earth

42

CONTEXT MAP Location: Taitō Ward, Tokyo

Long/Lat: 35° 42’ 45” N ; 139° 46’ 48” E (“GeoHack—Ueno Park,” n.d.)

Basic summary statistics of the site (size, program, etc.): Site size: 538,507 Sq. meters

Key Features: Tokyo Bunka Kaikan (Tokyo Culture Hall), National Museum of Western Art, National Museum of Nature and Science, Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo Metropolitan Art Museum, Ueno Zoo, The Gallery of Horyuji Treasures, Gojunoto Tower, Kiyomizu Kannon Temple, Toshogu Shrine, Shinobazu Pond, and more.

Site Visits/Observations: Friday, July 12, 2019, 5:00 - 6:00 pm

Unique features of informal settlements at this site: No fixed settlements observed Areas along the perimeter of the park contain storage containers such as suitcases and packs consisting of tarp-covered carts Foyers of cultural institutions used as safe places from weather (Peacock, 2018, p. 5).

Summary of the findings (aggregate numbers/score for the four elements in your observation tool): Access & Visibility: 3.6/4 Physical Space: 2.9/4 Sociability: 3.1/4 Uses & Activities: 3.4/4

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 43 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Area 2A

Cardboard

Bedding

Bench

Park Road 452 Water Fountain

restroom

Train Station

Bicycle

Food Handout

Lockers

Recycling centers.

Brooms

Vending Machine Hostile Architecture Rigid Structure:

Blue UENO Tarpaulin PARK Cart

Fountain Main path

Secondary path 400ft Railway

Study area Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Google Earth

44 Figure 5.2.1

Large congregation, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

Ueno Park Inventory

• Blue tarps utilized as pack covers. • Ten storage packs, mostly lined up and locked to handrails along the northwest side of the park, on Road 452 • Three brooms tied to storage packs • One large congregation along Road 452 with over 75 participants; food handouts were stored in crates and coolers under tent until religious programming was complete and food was shared (see Figure 5.2.1) • Two restrooms in Area 2A- Ueno Park Public Toilet 5 and 6 • Water fountains near bathrooms • Two tent structures identified in areas outside of Area 2A • Fourteen benches and numerous seat level planting boxes in Area 2A • Hostile architecture around packs and formerly occupied sites within settlement site (large signs, benches with center rails)

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 45 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 5.2.2

Bare area, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

Setting

Ueno Park is a bustling 54 hectare park at the center of Tokyo’s institutional art complex. The park includes museums such as the Tokyo National Museum, the Tokyo Metropolitan Art Museum, the National Museum of Wetsern Art, the National Museum of Nature and Science. “The park welcomes over 10 million visitors a year and it’s the most popular city park in Japan. Especially in Spring, it’s the busiest cherry blossom viewing spot in Tokyo.” (“Ueno Park,” 2018). The park is served by six subway stops including the large Ueno station. The park has a diversity of programming, institutions, recreational facilities and ecological features.

On the northwest side of the park is a place where a historic homeless settlement used to exist (Masatsugu, 2017). Despite the removal of the settlement, the site continues to be a congregation place for homeless people. The area in the northwest corner of the park in front of the Tokyo Metropolitan Art Museum and Sagokuda Concert Hall was a treed area with park benches and two restrooms within a half a kilometer. The groundcover and landscaping had been impacted down to bare earth. This is the site of previous settlements. Signs indicating that camping, fires, and the preparation of food is prohibited are posted between the trees. (see Figure 5.2.2)

46 Observation

Site 2: Ueno Park, contains one main study area, Area 2A, which is located in the northwest corner of Ueno Park. Rough boundaries of the study are Road 452 to the north (the only automobile thoroughfare through Ueno Park), the Ueno Large Fountain to the east, the Tokyo Metropolitan Art Museum to the west and Ueno Park Public Toilet 6 to the east. Rough sleepers, large congregations of food handouts, many packs of personal belongings and signage prohibiting activities associated with informal settlements were key elements observed at this site. Also to note, in the approach to Area 2A there were three other sites identified as locations of homelessness: one blue tarp structure was documented in the shrubbery near the Lions Club Totem Pole; a rough sleeper with bags of collected cans at the southeast entrance of the park near Shinobazuno Pond; and lines of packs alongside the National Museum of Western Art.

Access and Visibility

The northwest corner is a major gateway to the park for pedestrians and is one of only two intersections where vehicular traffic enters or exits the park. The pedestrian mall that encompasses the Ueno Large Fountain is a wide promenade that serves as the main north-south axis of the park, connecting the southern half and visitors from Ueno Station to the northern terminus of the park, the Tokyo National Museum complex.

Area 2A is highly visible from adjacent areas in the park and from Road 452. Though highly visible, it may not be immediately known as a previous site of an informal settlement. While the last informal settlement was evicted several years ago by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government (Yuki, 2019), the site seems to remain a gathering place for the homeless population in the district.

Area 2A is treed and landscaped with the same formal elements as the rest of the surrounding park areas and is well connected to the pedestrian circulation system of the park and is obvious on all park maps. There are no physical or natural barriers to enter Area 2A. For the most part, this site is very accessible and visible form the surrounding context scoring a 3.64/4 in the site audit.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 47 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 5.2.3

Packs distributions, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Duane Martinez

Physical Space

The boundaries outlined above for Site 2A create somewhat of a unique “room” within the larger Ueno Park that is held by those landmarks. These monumental institutions provide a grand container for Area 2A. Road 452 also provides somewhat of a privacy edge to the site as most pedestrians move north-south along the major axis or stay with the park circulation system to move east-west.

48 Figure 5.2.4

Packs tied to the railing, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

The landscaping in a few sections of Area 2A have been denuded of grass and what remains is compacted, bare earth in a uniformly treed, partly shaded area. The site received lower scores in the site audit for protection from the rain (2/4) and cold (1.75/4). There are many benches and seating areas throughout. There are raised flower beds that have also been impacted down to bare earth. One person was observed lying down on a raised bed in the afternoon, possibly indicating that the denuded beds may be utilized for rough sleeping. Within the impacted areas, signs were strapped to trees forbidding a set of uses in the area (figure and translation) Ten packs were situated, seemingly unattended along 250 meters of railing separating pedestrian traffic from automobile traffic on the south side of Road 452 (see Figure 5.2.3). The packs were neatly bundled in blue taps and most were locked or tied to the railing(see Figure 5.2.4). Some smaller packs consisted of one or two pieces of rolling luggage. Most packs were separated by a few meters between each other with one outlier nearly 50 meters away from the others towards the northwest entrance of the park. Area 2A is served by Ueno Park Public Toilet 6 in the northwest of the site and Ueno Park Public Toilet 5 just west of the Ueno Park Large Fountain. Each of these buildings also had drinking water fountains. The center of Area 2A is just a 700 meter walk from the large, Ueno Station that is a major transit hub in Tokyo.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 49 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Sociability

Of all the sites observed for this report, Ueno Park appeared to have the most demographic diversity in terms of age, sex, gender, and race. There were families, seniors, children, men, women, locals, and foreign tourists interacting within the same space.

The demographic of the groups observed in Area 2A was primarily middle- aged to older males. Small groups of 2-4 men were seen chatting and sitting together. However, the few people in individual tents throughout other areas of the park appeared younger and to include both men and women.

Activities and Uses

The park was bustling with activity. People were observed walking, jogging, biking, resting on benches, performing, taking pictures, meeting with friends, and more. In Area 2A, the same amount of foot traffic occurred along the outer walkways, however, less activity within the space. Approximately twenty older men were resting, sleeping or gathering in small groups throughout the site. Most activity in the area was from passersby using the concrete pathway from the Ueno Park Large Fountain to the northwest entry at the intersection of Road 452.

Additionally, there was one religious group that held prayer activities and a meal following. A large, Christian religious service drew a congregation of approximately 100 people onto the bare earth zone of Area 2A. The organization had set up a temporary tent and stacked food and beverages in industrial containers. The speakers of the religious programming were positioned between the food and the congregation. The congregation was almost exclusively middle aged to elderly men.

50 Impressions

While not a site of an informal settlement, Ueno Park Area 2A, is an important place for the homeless population of Taito Ward. It has a history of encampments and resistance (Margolis, 2008) and the physical and social vestiges of those occupations are still present. It remains a special place to many of the homeless population of Tokyo as it was the first place that many found ibasho (Yoshihira, interview, 2019) The earth has not returned to sod and the Christian volunteer groups continue to conduct their services in the same place where the settlement once was. The casual feel of the park along with the civic and cultural institutions (schools, museums, universities) provides a unique quality for this vast urban park. And Although the informal settlement was cleared in 2006, Area 2A remains as a node for gathering, direct services, storing personal belongings in packs and ibasho.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 51 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

CONTEXT MAP “Life is hard, but I can be a free spirit here.”

-Aizawa-san, a Sanya resident, in: McCurry, 2019

SITE MAP

ARE 3A

Main path

Secondary path

Railway

Study area 200ft Sanya, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Google Earth

52

CONTEXT MAP

Location: Taitō-ku and Arakawa-ku, Tokyo

Long/Lat: 35° 43’ 44” N ; 139° 47’ 58” E (“GeoHack— San’ya,” n.d.). Basic summary statistics of the site (size, program, etc.): Estimated Site size: 697,000 Sq. meters

Key Features: Neighborhood consisting of many cheap hostels and doyas for day laborers and foreign travelers The name “Sanya” disappeared from maps around 50 years ago in an effort to lift the stigma of the area. Today area is split into Kiyokawa and Nihonzutsumi. Known as “the infamous east Tokyo ghetto” (Liverani, 2009)

Site Visits/Observations: Tuesday, July 2nd 2019, 11:00 am - 1:00 pm Wednesday, July 10th 2019, 7:00 pm - 8:00 pm Unique features of informal settlements at this site: An established informal settlement in Tamahime Park Significant number of hostels and doyas in neighborhood

Summary of the findings (aggregate numbers/score for the four elements in your observation tool): Physical Space: 2.6/4 Access & Visibility: 3.3/4 Uses & Activities: 3.0/4 Sociability: 2.7/4

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 53 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Sanya Inventory

• Established informal settlement observed consisting of two housing structures within Tamahime Park • Ten storage packs within Tamahime Park holding personal belongings and goods sold at informal night market • Two bathrooms within park • Baseball court mesh net structure was used as hanging mechanism for hangers, laundry, decorations, and more • Four clusters of seating areas--each including two small benches and one cabinet as table • Three brooms • Three bicycles • Several small congregations conversing and drinking throughout the neighborhood • Hostile architecture- two meter-high fence surrounding all sides of park. barricades around areas to limit new settlements from establishing, signs prohibiting illegal activities Legend

Hostel Lockers

Shelter Recycling centers.

Doya Brooms

Vending Cardboard Machine Hostile Bench Architecture Rigid Park Structure:

Water Blue Fountain Tarpaulin

restroom Cart

Train Main path Station Secondary path Bicycle Railway Food Handout Study area

54 Area 3A

Time Guest House

AIZUYA-INN

TAMAHIME PARK

Kinokuniya Ryokan

Economy Hotel Hoteiya

Sanya cafe

Juyoh Hotel

Road 464

Asahikai dori

200ft

Sanya, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Google Earth

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 55 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Setting

Sanya is a district in Tokyo that spans Taito Ward and Arakawa Ward and is bordered by a large bend in the Sumida River to the east and the north. The Minami Senju Train Station is a major landmark in the district. The neighborhood has a mix of housing options for the community of day laborer residents and those who find themselves without stable housing. According to Magokoro Yoshihira, the neighborhood sees a large flux of foreign students and no-budget travelers looking for cheap hostels located in the neighborhood (Yoshihira, 2019).

Observations

Sanya: Site 3 contains one study area, Area 3A which is centered around Tamahime Park and is completely in Taito Ward. The area is bound by three main arterial streets Road 306 to the North, Road 314 to the East, Asahikai Dori to the South, and Road 464 to the west. Area 3A became settled after a nearby shotengai, which was a popular site for rough sleepers, had its arcade removed by the local business association.

Access and Visibility

The blocks between the main arterial streets in Sanya are very pedestrian friendly and offer easy access to Area 3A. The majority of the Tamahime Park is occupied by an enclosed baseball practice field that was locked. The homeless settlement and packs in Area 3A are located on the north and east sides of the park up against the baseball structure.

The blue tarps of the settlement are visible from the formal entryways into Tamahime Park on the east side of the park. The park has a permanent, 1.25 meter high fence around the north and east edges. The north side, while densely planted with tall shrubs and trees also has a 2 meter high temporary metal fence(see Figure 5.3.1). There is an aperture in this fence to access the public restroom located in the middle of the block on the north side of the park.

The south side of the park that borders the Tamahime Inari Shrine is inaccessible from the east and west streets due to dense shrubbery and temporary orange and black metal barricades.Most of the north side of the park has a tall (2 meter +) metal fence and dense shrubbery behind the fence. There is a small open plaza on the east side with a small children’s play structure.

56 Figure 5.3.1

Two meter-high fence, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

Physical Space

The Sanya district has many buildings that were designed to house the day laborer population that resided in the area during the 1990s economic boom. Many of these doyas still exist and as the demographics have changed, many have been converted to hostels or other forms of hotel or apartments. There are a few mid-rise towers in the district. Directly across from Tamahime Park to the east is the bulky 7-story social security office building. Tamahime Park is one of the few green-spaces in the district with tall Ginko trees and a densely planted shrub perimeter. There are two public toilets in the park, one in the center of the block along the north side and one in the southeast corner. The southeast area is the site of the developed housing structures in the homeless settlement. The homes seem to have rigid structures with blue tarp roofs and walls. One resident offered some insight on their particular home saying that fewer and fewer dwellers are in the space. His home had a solar panel for energy production and an extensive container garden. The plants were mostly decorative as past food gardens were often harvested by others(see Figure 5.3.2). The space directly to the east of this home was barricaded with heavy steel barricades with similar tree logos as the 2-meter tall temporary fences on the north side of the park. This was explained as a barrier to new settlement. The resident’s neighbor had recently packed up his home and moved out to seek medical attention. Upon doing so, the park management came in and barricaded the footprint of the park where his home once was His packs are still in the park under the watch of current residents (see Figure 5.3.3).

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 57 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 5.3.2

Home had solar panels for energy production and an extensive container garden, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Yisha Su

To the north of these homesites is a community space dedicated to playing “Go”, a popular board game in Japan, with a partner. Seats are arranged around makeshift tables made of found file cabinets: ibasho (see figure little tables.) The north side of the baseball enclosure is lined with packs wrapped in blue tarp. There seem to be many more packs than there are homes. Other residents who live nomadically in the district may keep their belongings here in Area 3A. Each entry to the park has signs prohibiting illegal activities and dumping (see Figure 5.3.5).

Sociability

While the streets of the greater area of Sanya were not heavily populated, there appeared to be a sense of community amongst the few residents encountered. The diversity of age, sex, and ethnic groups was limited. The curbs were populated with elderly men resting or chatting, drinking and smoking in small groups. The conversations seem lively. The cohort is mainly male in their 40’s and older. The diversity of age, sex, and ethnic groups was limited.The site audit revealed a score of 1 in the categories that rated presence of children and families. Sanya Cafe, a small hostel and cafe offers affordable food and coffee to residents and a place to socialize: ibasho. The cafe is part of non-profit

58 Figure 5.3.3

community organization that alongside providing community space and affordable food and drink to the community, engages in weekly neighborhood cleanup tours that offer opportunities for residents and advocates to chat and connect with each other. For the most part the streets are quiet and calm offering peaceful opportunities for residents to gather and socialize in the public realm.

Activities and Uses Packs under the watch of current residents, As a primarily residential neighborhood, most of the activity in this site was Sanya, Tokyo, 2019, people going in and out of small shops, eating at restaurants, walking along Source: Research team the sidewalks, or sitting along a pathway chatting, drinking, and/or smoking. Figure 5.3.4 The residents walk freely in the side streets with little automobile traffic present. Within Tamahime Park there is a basketball court, however, this court was locked and rarely used.

Impressions

Sanya is a quiet, respectable working-class neighborhood. The proliferation of doyas in combination with social services, nonprofit advocacy organization and the ability to store belongings in Tamahime Park create a place that appears comfortable and with a strong social network amongst informal settlement dwellers. While the streets were not heavily populated, there appeared to be a sense of Barricades around areas to limit new settle- community amongst the few residents we encountered. ments. SanyaTokyo, 2019, The neighborhood seems somewhat exposed to the elements. Even Tamahime Source: Research team Park in Area 3A provides very little shelter from extreme heat, sun, rain or cold Figure 5.3.5 if one does not have a home there. While the are was dense with shrubbery and greenery, the high fence and hostile architecture created a stark barrier between the informal settlement and the rest of the community.

Prohibiting illegal activities and dumping , Sanya, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 59 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

CONTEXT MAP “The men you see on the street may once have lived in the hotel you are staying at”

-Cocoroom, 2017

SITE MAP

AREA 4A

CoCoroom Main path

Secondary path AREA 4B

Railway SOURCE:

Study area 300ft

Yoyogi Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Google Earth

60 CONTEXT MAP

Location: Nishinari-ku, Osaka

Long/Lat: 34° 38’53” N ; 135° 30’07” E (Latitude, Satellite map of Kamagasaki, n.d.).

Basic summary statistics of the site (size, program, etc.): Estimated Site size: 620 Sq. meters

Key Features: Largest day laborer concentration in the city. Consists of Osaka National Hospital - Airin Center, Osaka Social Medical Center Hospital, daily informal night market, and several small parks utilized by the homeless population

Site Visits/Observations: Tuesday, July 9, 2019, 6:00 am - 7:00 am Unique features of informal settlements at this site: An established informal settlement in Triangle Park Shien Kiko, a non-profit shelter, is located within the neighborhood

Summary of the findings (aggregate numbers/score for the four elements in your observation tool): Physical Space: 2.3/4 Access & Visibility: 3.4/4 Uses & Activities: 2.7/4 Sociability: 2.5/4

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 61 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Area 4A

Hostel

Shelter

Doya

Cardboard Hospital

Bench

Park

Water Fountain

restroom Night Train Market Shelter Station Airin Wefare Bicycle Center School Food Handout Lockers

Recycling centers. Hotel Kaga

Brooms

Vending Business Hotel Fukusuke Machine HAGINOCHA- YAKITA PARK Hostile Nankai railline Architecture

Rigid ホテルビーバー２ Structure:

Blue Tarpaulin

Cart

Main path

Secondary path

Railway 200ft

Study area Kamagasaki, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Google Earth

62 Area 4B

TRIANGLE PARK

布プリンス

200ft

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 63 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 5.4.1

Figure 5.1.1 Kamagasaki Inventory

• Established informal settlement with over thirty storage packs and housing structures within Triangle Park • Fifty or more storage packs located throughout neighborhood • Temporary steel and canvas structure serving as a community gathering space (ibasho) in Haginochayakita Park (Area 4A) • Recycling center in northeast point of Triangle Park (see Figure 5.4.1) Recycling center, Kanmagasaki, Tokyo, 2019, • Thousands of bicycles Source:Research team • Numerous storage lockers • Dozens of vending machines with discounted prices (see Figure 5.4.2) Figure 5.4.2 • One shelter containing 300+ beds, cafeteria, showers, counseling and resting place(see Figure 5.4.3) • Many small congregations (2-5 people) on street intersections • Makeshift seating (buckets, crates, logs, etc.) • Hostile architecture-- sloping sidewalks, signs asking to remove belongings, barricades

Vending machines with discounted prices , Kamagasaki, 2019, Source: Research team Figure 5.4.3

Shelters, Kamagasaki, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Research team

64 Setting

Kamagasaki is the largest informal settlement in Japan. It is located in Osa- ka’s Nishinari-ku. The diverse housing stock of the area takes many forms that support the large, aging day laborer population. This working class neighborhood felt to be one of utility, employment, and business. Important to note, “Kamagasaki” is an informal name for the district. The place has been renamed in an attempt to release the stigma and reputation from the area, yet is still used by residents, though not formally on any official govern- ment map. Kamagasaki is a large day laborer meeting area with informal economies, markets, as well as inexpensive “doyas”, small 2-3 mat sleeping rooms (Peacock, 2018).

Observations

Site 4: Kamagasaki contains two study areas. Area 4A is in the northwest corner and is bound by the Nankai Railway to the west; Midousuji Boule- vard, a major, 6-lane arterial street to the north; encompasses a the Airin Labor and Welfare Center (a major service provider to the day laborer population in the area); and Haginochayakita Park to the south. Area 4B encompasses Hagniochaya-minami (Triangle) Park. The site audit was con- ducted in the early morning by suggestion of a local homeless advocate in order to observe the informal night market that occurs from late in the eve- ning through dawn.

Access and Visibility

Because both Area 4A and Area 4B are within the district of Kamagasaki, access and visibility take on another meaning as these areas are not re- sponding to a dissimilar context in the city, but one that is comprised of very much the same elements. The market area occupies the same corridors as many of the blue tarp shelters and rough sleepers(see Figure 5.4.4). Area 4A was densely populated with lean-to structures against the walls of the Osaka Social Medical Center Hospital. There is a large gathering of rough sleepers at the northwest corner of the site at the intersection of Midousuji Boulevard and the Nankai Rail line. The group of people on this corner were holding signs welcoming visitors to Kamagasaki in both Japa- nese and English (footnote).

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 65 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 5.4.4

Home had solar panels for energy production and an extensive container garden, Ueno Park, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Yisha Su

Area 4B, Triangle Park is an informal settlement site with rigid structures set up along the perimeter of the park. There is a perimeter fence around the park with entry gates on all three sides. The arrangement of structures along the perimeter face inward. The courtyard created by this arrangement was open, yet the center was not activated.

Physical Space

All of Site 4: Kamagasaki lacked greenspace and trees. The streets were lined with bicycles and a few container gardens in front of buildings . There were very few automobiles - both operating or parked leaving the streets to the pedestrians and the bicycles (see Figure 5.4.5). Area 4A was densely populated with blue tarp, umbrella and cardboard shelters. Most use the wall of a building as the fourth wall of the structure. The street alongside the Nankai Rail line was lined with packs with very little space between. It was hard to distinguish one set of belongings from another, and the packs spilled over into the street, not contained in carts. Some of the blue tarps were strewn over piles, rather than tied down over bundles of belongings. Haginochayakita Park in the southern section of Area 4A has been cleared of all structures from previous homeless settlements and is bare earth (see Figure 5.4.6). In the center of the park is a sturdy, steel post, canvas shade structure with tables underneath: ibasho.

66 Figure 5.4.5

The informal settlement in Triangle Park, Area 4B, is comprised of permanent homes constructed of wood, masonry blocks, cardboard, sheet metal and blue tarp. There were somewhere between 10 and 16 structures along the perimeter of the park. All the structures in Area 4B had some form of rigid structure. The fence along the park edge is painted a bright lime green with a magenta cap and sky blue railing. Mixed with the blue tarps there were a lot of bright colors in this small settlement.

There were benches all along the outside and inside of the park boundary, Streets lined with bicycles , Kamagasaki, offering an inviting place to rest for residents of the district. The northwest Tokyo, 2019, Source: Duane Martinez corner of the triangle had a permanent, concrete, quarter-circle stage. Just south of the stage were a few structures that had an outdoor kitchen with Figure 5.4.6 what looked like an open fire pit and cookware for groups. The northeast corner of the triangle was a public bathroom. In front of the bathroom were recycling bins.

Many of the buildings in the district are doyas. However, as the socioeco- nomics and demographics have changed over time, the physical spaces have adapted as well. Many doyas have been converted to hostels, still offering inexpensive temporary lodging, but to a different clientele, mostly international travelers (Ueda, 2019).

There are socio-spatial tensions that exist in Kamagasaki. The management of the Nankai Rail line which is an edge of the district has voiced concerns of fire from the settlements that have established themselves directly under Haginochayakita Park, Kamagasaki,Tokyo, the walls of the elevated train’s infrastructure. There are artists that have been 2019, Source: Duane Martinez producing murals on the walls of the structure further south of the settlement. Advocates are concerned that the rail management company has attempted Figure 5.4.7 to pit artists against the settlement residents by offering the walls to paint in exchange for advocating the removal of the settlement (see Figure 5.4.7). An elementary school just west of the rail line had installed irrigation pipes to the perimeter of its property to soak the sidewalk in order to deter rough sleepers from bedding down there. While the tactic worked for a while, the rough sleepers began building platforms to avoid the wetness.

Murals on the walls, Kamagasaki, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Duane Martinez

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 67 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 5.4.8

CoCoroom Kamagasaki, Tokyo, 2019, Source: Timna Churges

Sociability

The social demographics in Kamagasaki stood out among the other sites studied due it predominantly being home to the blue collar working class and day laboring community. Very few children and women were observed. Most of the people moving throughout this space were single men and ap- peared to be in upwards to 50 and above. The site also appeared to have a stronger sense of comradery and community comparatively to the other sites. People sat in groups, conversed, and waved from across the street to one another.

The streets are lively and small groups congregated on street corners and in seating arrangements around permanent and mobile seating throughout Kamagasaki. There are many makeshift seats, buckets, busted office chairs, a piece of cardboard - anything that you can pull up to your friends and make conversation. In Area 4A, the tent set up in Haginochayakita Park was full of people during the afternoon observation. Twenty or more people sat around tables reading the newspaper, chatting, or playing games. The night market was lively and people had their goods set out for sale on clean cardboard or a tarp and faced the street waiting for the passerby customers. Triangle Park, 4B, was a quieter place and more subdued socially. Yet the street corners and park benches were still used that felt open and often people were not alone. The demographics in 4B consisted almost exclu- sively of elderly men, whereas 4A the population was a bit younger, but still

68 Figure 5.4.9

primarily male. There were very few women present during either site visit and no children. The site audit documented strong showing of seniors (4/4) and evidence of people in groups (3.5/4) and chance encounters (3.5/4). Even though the population is aging, the social life and mix is still much alive and well in this district. Cocoroom, a colorful and vibrant guesthouse in Kamagasaki, uses art and conversation to build community in the neighborhood amongst. The organi- zation prides itself on its commitment to creating safe spaces that value the dignity and individual talent of all(see Figure 5.4.8) Shelter entrance , Kamagasaki, 2019, Activities and Uses Source: Research team

Area 4A is home to a daily, informal night market that happens between 12AM and 6AM every morning. The night market was the most lively time observed in the district. Many laborers are up in the predawn hours to get goods from the market and leave for work at dawn. Others may have spent the night scavenging for cans to recycle and finish their evening at the mar- ket (Ueda, interview, 2019). The rest of the neighborhood is also up early biking and walking to the many transit connections around the district. In the afternoon, the district is quiet and restful. Residents find what little shade is available (or make their own) and rest. The Airin Center and Ka- magasaki Shien Kiko provide spaces to rest and shower for free. Around 5 pm men began to line up around the shelter to reserve their place for that evening (see Figure 5.4.8).

Impressions

Kamagasaki has a complex structure and history. Layer upon layer of time and space have created a predominantly male-occupied community all of whom appear to know no other life than the hustle and bustle as day-labor- ers. As the population ages, the community is forced to respond to provide the support necessary in terms of shelters and health services. It is obvious that minimal investment in terms of development has gone in to the area and more focus by the government and community organizations tends to be on the social services offered. The interior of Triangle Park, while open and accessible, seemed to function as a courtyard to homes on the perimeter or as a vast geographic center to the transient population that calls Kamagasa- ki home.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 69 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

6. ANALYSIS

Overall, this research’ findings correlate with, and support existing theory on homelessness in Japan and the propositions regarding the spatial distribu- tion and materiality of homeless settlements. The demographic profile, area selection, categorization of settlement types, behavior, and daily activity of homeless people described in the literature matches the data collected by the research team.

Nonetheless, this research offers important additions to the existing body of literature on homeless settlements in Tokyo and Osaka based on its recent findings. First, it describes the diversity of housing types and their interrelation to one another that exists in Tokyo and Osaka. Second, it presents tourism and privatization of public space to be the current trends that affect home- less settlement areas in Tokyo and Osaka. Thirdly, it adds the idea of Ibasho, a place to be, to the discussion of homelessness, which usually focuses on shelter/housing, extending it into the city and the public realm.

The homeless population in Tokyo and Osaka is indeed, as observed in all four case studies (see chapter 5 above), comprised of mostly middle-aged to senior males, who are either squatters or rough-sleepers. The identification of two approaches to homelessness, the tent-lifestyle and sleeping on the streets lifestyle, made by Margolis in the 90’s, is still true today. Yuki identified the two as the “squatters” and the “rough sleepers” (Yuki, interview, July 2019). He described the squatters as mostly former day laborers who live in fixed

70 structures along the rivers, and the rough sleepers as perhaps younger than the day laborers, sleeping on cardboard in places like Ueno park, scaveng- ing to make money (Yuki, interview, July 2019). He said that rough sleepers make the majority of the homeless today (Yuki, interview, July 2019).

In addition, Yuki and Yoshihira described a third group of homeless people - “the cyber-cafe refugees” who are primarily sleeping in manga cafes and fast-food chains that are open all night. This group, comprised of younger folks, remains fairly invisible but has been nonetheless steadily growing (Yoshihira, Interview, 2019). It was estimated by the Japanese Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, in 2007, that 4,000 “cyber-cafe refugees” nationwide and 2,000 in Tokyo alone, are experiencing unstable employ- ment and sleep in internet cafes (Yuki, interview, 2019). In 2017, according to a survey conducted by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, the number of “cyber cafe refugees” has reached 4,000 (Yuki, 2019).

Yuki, Ueda and Kanda, shed more light on the spatial distribution of home- less people, explaining the rationale behind the selection of an area and a specific settlement site. Similarly to Sazaki’s research findings (2008), an area’s selection process is driven by the availability of relevant employment opportunities, today - mostly public works, and the existence of other income generating facilities, such as recycling plants (Yoshihira, interview, 2019; Ueda, interview, 2019; Yuki, interview, 2019). This consideration is combined with the availability of social services, such as medical care and soup kitch- ens, as mentioned by Sazaki, but also that of cheap accommodation alter- natives, such as doyas and internet cafes (Yuki, interview, 2019).

Homeless people in Tokyo have been consistently concentrated in two areas comprised of four wards: The area of Taito-ku and Sumida-ku, where Sanya and Ueno Park are located, and the area of Shinjuku-ku and Shibuya-ku, where Yoyogi Park is located (see Figure 3.1.1; Yuki, handout, 2019). The combination of job opportunities in construction and the sex industry, and the availability of big public spaces are the main draws for settling in Shinjuku and Shibuya wards (Yuki, interview, 2019). Sanya, like Kamagasaki in Osa- ka, offers a wide selection of cheap accommodation, in doyas and cheap hostels, social services provided by the governmental agencies and nonprof- its, and the ability to sell recyclables to the recycling plants concentrated in the area (Yuki, interview, 2019).

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 71 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Figure 6.1.1 The Concentration of Homeless People by Ward, Tokyo, 2003, 2018

Source: Yuki, 2019

The presence of an established homeless community in a place usual- ly indicates the existence of a supportive network comprised of all of the above-mentioned resources and others, such as an informal economy (Ueda, Interview, 2019; Yoshiria, Interview, 2019). The night market that takes place in Sanya and Kamagasaki is one example, described in case studies 3 and 4. Ueda and Yoshihira both talked of “the business of poverty” that characterize Kamagasaki and Sanya, accordingly (Ueda, Interview, 2019; Yoshihira, Interview, 2019). Local economies that once relied on the day laborers money from construction work, today rely on ex-day-labor- ers welfare money (Ueda, Interview, 2019; Yoshiria, Interview, 2019). This makes another factor that draws people who struggle with homelessness to areas that are known to have established homeless communities. Sanya and Kamagasaki’s reputation as a community of scavengers, outcasts and day-laborers dates back to the Edo period (Yuki, interview, 2019; Coco- room, 2017).

72 As per choosing a settlement site within the area, Ueda and Kanda ex- plained that privacy and safety are the leading factors. The site selected needs to be isolated and out of sight to an extent, to allow for privacy, but it should have a reasonable volume of foot traffic in order to be safe (Ueda, interview, 2019 ; Kanda, Interview, 2019). Kanda added that informal set- tlement often formed by networks of people that met while collecting cans, staying at a shelter or attending an event (Kanda, Interview, 2019). Previous- ly a resident of an informal settlement, he said he felt like they were building a family (Kanda, Interview, 2019).

YOYOGI CATEGORY UENO PARK SANYA KAMAGASAKI PARK

ACCESS & 3.26 3.64 3.25 3.43 VISIBILITY

PHYSICAL 2.95 2.94 2.64 2.25

SOCIABILITY 2.30 3.13 2.66 2.47

USES AND 3.29 3.38 2.97 2.72 ACTIVITIES

TOTAL 2.95 3.27 2.88 2.72

Source: research team, 2019

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 73 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Interestingly, and perhaps by chance or due to the difference in the frequen- cy of observations, this personal testimony translates to the sites’ scores in the site audit (See Figure X). While the grades ranking per site of Ueno park, Sanya and Kamagasaki is identical - placing access and visibility in the first place (with the highest score), followed by uses and activity, sociability and finally physicality, yoyogi park’s grades ranking behave differently. Yoyogi park, characterized by a thriving informal settlement and the only site to have been observed twice, day and night, scored the highest in uses and activity, followed by access and visibility, physicality and finally sociability. Yoyogi park’s Area 1A, comprised of the informal settlement, had the least occurrences of hostile architecture and it was the most well-maintained and cared-for site (also receiving the highest grade in the Physicality category, and having the highest number of brooms observed).

Overall, the research team findings with regards to the sociability and uses and activities across sites corresponds with existing theory that emphasiz- es the surprising adherence of homeless settlements to mainstream social values (Margolis, 2008, pp. 368-369; Rawles, 1999 ; Peacock, 2018, p. 9 ). Homeless people did not, indeed, pan handle or were a nuisance to their environment. The presence of homeless people, there packs, settlements or tents, did not seem to deter people from using the adjacent areas in Yoyogi and Ueno parks. This finding was further supported by Yuki who said that homeless residents are usually making the effort to maintain their ground in a clean and orderly fashion as not to create a disturbance and jeopardize their relationship with the larger community in which they reside (Yuki, interview, 2019).

This research has found that one of the strongest social values that drives the physical reality of homelessness in Tokyo and Osaka is dignity. Albeit mentioned in existing literature (Margolis, 2008), it received prominence in the information provided by Yuki, Ueda and Yoshihira. Dignity, self-reliance, were repeatedly mentioned as the reason many people have chosen and still choose to live informally instead of qualifying for public assistance (Yuki, interview, 2019; Ueda, Interview, 2019; Yoshihira, Interview, 2019).

74 Looking Forward

Outstanding variety of accommodation facilities The outstanding variety of elements - facilities, places and objects that con- stitutes the physical reality of homelessness in Tokyo and Osaka, presented in Chapter 4, makes one of this research’ contributions to existing literature. Spanning from commercial to residential, public to private, across all levels of affordability, Tokyo and Osaka offer a broad selection of accommodation solutions compared to New York City, for example. This has an immediate impact on these cities’ inclusivity, making it substantially easier for people from all walks of life, and under varying circumstances, to find a safe place to rest, sleep, and be in Tokyo and Osaka.

This finding is a unique characteristic of the physical reality of homelessness and the urban environment in general in Tokyo and Osaka, which is not suffi- ciently explored in existing theory on homelessness.

Tourism and development Surprisingly, concerns around the impact of the 2020 Olympics on the local homeless population in Tokyo were not recorded in the research data col- lection process. It has, however, observed the influence of increased tourism. Sanya and Kamagasaki, districts that appear to be fairly immune to develop- ment pressures (Yuki, Interview, 2019; Ueda, Interview, 2019), do experience a transformation from a day-labor community to one of backpackers, tourists seeking cheap accommodation. As the local day-labor population ages and shrinks, more doyas are transformed to hostels, posing a threat to the neigh- borhoods existing inclusive character (Yoshiria, Interview, 2019).

Ibasho

Ibasho, a place to be, is a concept Ueda introduced the research team with while touring the district of Sanya. She was trying to describe a shaded gath- ering spot that the Airin Welfare Center had formed on a vacant lot, finally saying it is “Ibasho.” This concept had resonated and lingered with the re- search team members. It finds this term to be of adequate and necessary ad- ditions to the concept of “the right for shelter”, prominent in American culture. People, all people, need not just a shelter but also a place to be, to exist. The city has to provide for that as well. When designing public policy addressing homelesseness, or a public space, it should make room for Ibasho.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 75 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

BIBLIOGRAPHY

13 Facts You Probably Didn’t Know About Tatami | tsunagu Japan. (2019, April 16). Retrieved August 30, 2019, from https://www.tsunagujapan. com/13-facts-you-probably-didnt-know-about-tatami/

Aya K., A. B. E. (2010). Social Exclusion and Earlier Disadvantages: An Empirical Study of Poverty and Social Exclusion in Japan. Social Science Japan Journal, 13(1), 5–30. https://doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyp042

Cassegard, C. (2013). Activism Beyond the Pleasure Principle? Homelessness and Art in the Shinjuku Underground. Third Text, 27(5), 620–633.

Cocoroom. (2017). KAMAP - Kamagasaki Art Guide Map. Osaka, Japan. Cultural Spaces and Homelessness Design Handbook.pdf. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://with-one-voice.com/sites/default/files/Cultural%20 Spaces%20and%20Homelessness%20Design%20Handbook.pdf

Dayman, L. (2018, November 30). A Life Of Helping The Homeless In Sanya, An Obliterated Tokyo District. Savvy Tokyo. Retrieved from https:// savvytokyo.com/a-life-of-helping-the-homeless-in-sanya-an-obliterated- tokyo-district/

GeoHack—San’ya. (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2019, from https://tools.wmflabs.org/geohack/geohack. php?pagename=San%27ya¶ms=35.728986_N_139.799417_E_ type:landmark_region:JP_scale:10000https://doi.org/10.1080/0952882 2.2013.830446

GeoHack—Ueno Park. (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2019, from https://tools. wmflabs.org/geohack/geohack.php?pagename=Ueno_Park¶ms=35_ 42_44_N_139_46_16_E_type:landmark

Hayashi, M. (2015). Rescaled “Rebel Cities”, Nationalization, and the Bourgeois Utopia: Dialectics Between Urban Social Movements and Regulation for Japan’s Homeless. Antipode, 47(2), 418–441. https://doi. org/10.1111/anti.12106

76 Kanda, S. (2019, July 8). Interview by Pratt GCPE (A. Fabrega, Trans.) [In- person interview].

Kasai, N., Kitabatake, T., & Dohi, M. (2017). ARCH (Advocacy and Research Center for Homelessness). Selavip Newsletter, 22–24.

Katsura, Y. (2019, July). Tour presented at the Urban Design Bureau, Yokohama City, Tokyo, Japan. Urban Design Bureau, Yokohama City, Tokyo, Japan.

Lam, G. (2018). The Current State of Homelessness in Japan (Part 5) [YouTube Video]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=iM49O5CxlAk

Latitude.to. (n.d.). Satellite map of Yoyogi Park, Japan. Latitude: 35.6720 Longitude: 139.6977. Retrieved August 30, 2019, from Latitude.to, maps, geolocated articles, latitude longitude coordinate conversion. website: https://latitude.to/satellite-map/jp/japan/12884/yoyogi-park

Liverani, L. (2009, May 21). Sanya: A travel guide to Tokyo’s coolest ghetto. Retrieved August 30, 2019, from Japan Today website: https:// japantoday.com/category/features/travel/sanya-a-travel-guide-to- tokyo%25e2%2580%2599s-coolest-ghetto

Lynagh, J., & Arena, from. (2015, Fall). The Ghosts of Tokyo: Homelessness in Japan - Community - Utne Reader. Utne, 40(188). Retrieved from https:// www.utne.com/community/homelessness-in-japan-zm0z15fzsau

Mead, M. (2005). Ruth Benedict: A Humanist in Anthropology. Columbia University Press.

Margolis, A. (2008). Subversive Accommodations: Doing Homeless in Tokyo’s Ueno Park. Cast Out-Vagrancy and Homeless in Global and Historical Perspective, 351–371.

Martin, J. (2019, Summer). PLAN-782A Tokyo Planning and Urbanism Summer Semester Research Assignment (2019). Retrieved from file:/// Users/FranToast/Downloads/190529_PLAN-820_Summer%20 Semester%20Assignment_2019.pdf

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 77 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Martin, J. (2019, June 3). Introduction: Geography, Demography, & Economy of Japan. Class lecture presented at the Pratt Institute, New York, New York. Pratt Institute, New York, New York.

Martin, J. (2019, June 5). History and Traditional Culture of Japan. Class lecture presented at the Pratt Institute, New York, New York. Pratt Institute, New York, New York.

Masatsugu, S. (2017). Sudden Enclosure in Miyashita Park and the Forced Eviction of the Homeless. Selavip Newsletter, 25–27.

Mbe and Raymont—Japan Arts and Homelessness Review.pdf. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://with-one-voice.com/sites/default/files/With%20 One%20Voice%20Review%20of%20Arts%20and%20Homelessness%20 in%20Japan.pdf

McCurry, J. (2019, June 14). The Tokyo neighbourhood where people come to disappear. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/ cities/2019/jun/14/the-tokyo-neighbourhood-where-people-come-to- disappear

McKirdy, A. (2019, March 2). “No one wants to be homeless”: A glimpse at life on the streets of Tokyo | The Japan Times. The Japan TImes. Retrieved from https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2019/03/02/national/social- issues/no-one-wants-homeless-glimpse-life-streets-tokyo/#.XWlQntPwbBI ArchEyes. (February 1, 2016). National Gymnasium for Tokyo Olympics - Kenzo Tange. Retrieved August 30, 2019, from ArchEyes website: http:// archeyes.com/national-gymnasium-for-tokyo-olympics-kenzo-tange/ Osumi, M. (2016, May 16). While Tokyo counts fewer homeless in daytime, advocacy group finds higher numbers at night. The Japan Times Online. Retrieved from https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2016/05/16/ national/tokyo-counts-fewer-homeless-capital-last-winter-attributes-drop- better-job-market-nhk/

Peacock, M., Tovey, D., Plumley, F., & Cookie. (n.d.). Cultural Spaces, and Homelessness Design Handbook. Retrieved from Manchester School of Architecture: http://with-one-voice.com/sites/default/files/Cultural%20

78 Spaces%20and%20Homelessness%20Design%20Handbook.pdf Peacock, Matt, & Raymont, E. (2018, July). Japan Arts and Homelessness Review. One Voice, 32.

Rawles, B. S. (1999, May 15). Down and out in Shinjuku Park. The Observer. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/theobserver/1999/ may/16/life1.lifemagazine1

Revision to condominium redevelopment law could unlock potential development sites. (2014, October 27). Retrieved August 30, 2019, from JAPAN PROPERTY CENTRAL website: http://japanpropertycentral. com/2014/10/revision-to-condominium-redevelopment-law-could-unlock- potential-development-sites/

Richie, D. (1999). Tokyo: A View of the City. London: Reaktion Books. Scott, S. (2017, December 24). Homeless in Tokyo: Fallen through society’s cracks and frozen out | The Japan Times. The Japan TImes. Retrieved from https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2017/12/24/issues/ homeless-tokyo-fallen-societys-cracks-frozen/#.XWlS3tPwbBJ

St. Michel, P. (2018, November 28). Second Harvest Japan: Helping those in need can make you feel like part of the community. The Japan Times. Retrieved from https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2018/11/28/ general/second-harvest-japan-helping-need-can-make-feel-like-part- community/#.XWkt29PwbBJ

Suzuki, W. (2008). What determines the spatial distribution of homeless people in Japan? Applied Economics Letters, 15(13), 1023–1026. https:// doi.org/10.1080/13504850600972394

The preliminary result of TSC Summer 2018 is released. (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2019, from Advocacy and Research Centre for Homelessness (ARCH) website: https://archcd.wixsite.com/english/single- post/2018/10/19/The-preliminary-result-of-TSC-Summer-2018-is- released

The Tokyo neighbourhood where people come to disappear | Cities | The Guardian. (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2019, from https://www. theguardian.com/cities/2019/jun/14/the-tokyo-neighbourhood-where- people-come-to-disappear

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 79 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

Tomotsune, T. (2019). Making Heterogeneous Space: Land Development and the Proletarianization of Urban Underclass in Post War Japan. International Journal of Japanese Sociology, 28(1), 64–79. https://doi. org/10.1111/ijjs.12091

Ueda, K. (2019, July 8). Interview by Pratt GCPE (A. Fabrega, Trans.) [In- person interview].

Ueno Park: 10 Best Things to Do in 2019. (2018, March 12). Retrieved August 30, 2019, from JW website: https://jw-webmagazine.com/10- things-to-do-at-tokyo-ueno-park-a18223b4e9a4/

What Makes a Successful Place? (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2019, from Project for Public Spaces website: https://www.pps.org/article/grplacefeat

Yamaguchi, M. (2014, March 24). Nation’s biggest slum cannot be found on maps—Or at Osaka film fest | The Japan Times. The Japan TImes. Retrieved from https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2014/03/24/national/ nations-biggest-slum-cannot-be-found-on-maps-or-at-osaka-film-fest/#. XWk25NPwbBJ

Yoshihira, M. (2019, July 12). Interview by Pratt GCPE [In-person interview].

Yuki, T. (2019, July 12). Interview by Pratt GCPE [In-person interview].

Yuki, T. (2019, July 12). An Overview of Tokyo Metropolitan Area and Number of Homeless in Tokyo.

80 GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 81 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

8. APPENDIX

FIGURE 8.1

Space, Material & Activity Scan Tool Pratt Institute PLAN 820.01: Tokyo Urbanism and Urban Design Studio, Physical Space

Site Location:______1. This space is welcoming and attractive. 1 2 3 4

Day / Date: ______Start Time:______End: ______2. This space feels safe. 1 2 3 4

Weather Conditions______Estimated Headcount:______3. The site provides adequate protection from the weather: Est. # of Residents: ______shelters/structures/encampments: ______Sun 1 2 3 4 Rain 1 2 3 4 Brief Description of Location/Site: Cold 1 2 3 4 Extreme Heat 1 2 3 4

4. Amenities are well located and are functional: Waste/recycling receptacles 1 2 3 4 Restrooms 1 2 3 4 Seating 1 2 3 4 Lighting 1 2 3 4 Water fountains 1 2 3 4 Wifi / Phone Booth 1 2 3 4 Emergency Call / Station / Reporting 1 2 3 4

5. There is a variety of places for people to sit/lay 1 2 3 4 Access & Visibility down/relax/work.

1. This place is visible from afar and easy to find 1 2 3 4 6. It is clean and well cared for. 1 2 3 4

2. This place has a positive “sense of arrival” at its 1 2 3 4 7. Hostile architecture which aims to deter certain 1 2 3 4 entrances people from using the space is not prevalent

3. Sidewalks and crosswalks connect the space and 1 2 3 4 adjacent areas Describe materiality and spatial distribution.

4. This space is accessible to people with disabilities 1 2 3 4

/strollers /carts / seniors

5. Transit stops/stations are easy to find and walk to 1 2 3 4

6. Road/Aisles are of adequate width to accommodate 1 2 3 4 various users

7. Finding your way in this place is easy 1 2 3 4

Notes:

82 Sociability AGREE>

1. There is evidence of people in groups. 1 2 3 4 1. There are spaces for a variety of activities to take 1 2 3 4 place 2. There appear to be families present. 1 2 3 4 2. Hours of operation + Site rules are clearly stated and 1 2 3 4 3. There are seniors present. 1 2 3 4 easy to read

4. There are children present. 1 2 3 4 3. Affordable food options exist in the site/nearby 1 2 3 4

5. People seem to be enjoying themselves. 1 2 3 4 4. There is a variety of events/activities/programs taking 1 2 3 4 place in this site 6. Chance encounters happen frequently, as people 1 2 3 4 tend to run into someone they know. 5. Events/activities/programs are visible, inviting and 1 2 3 4 accessible to different people 7. There is a mix of ages, sexes, and ethnic groups 1 2 3 4 which generally reflects the community at large. 6. Noise level allows people to conveniently talk or relax 1 2 3 4

8. Groups are not isolated from each other, everyone is 1 2 3 4 7. Uses and activities adjacent to the site support and 1 2 3 4 sharing the space enhance the visitor’s experience

8. People do not seem to be avoiding certain activities 1 2 3 4 Notes: due to the homeless population

Describe activities taking place within space:

Identify the opportunities/benefits of the place: 1. What do you like about it? 2. List 5 things that would make it more pleasant for different people (including homeless) to use. 3. List 5 things that make it conducive to informal settlements.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 83 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

FIGURE 8.2 8 1 WHAT MAKES A GREAT PLACE?

number of women, local business ownership children & elderly land-use MARKET street life diverse indigenous stewardship active property values social networks cooperative fun PLACE AUDIT neighborly celebratory vital rent levels evening use pride special A Tool for Initiating the Placemaking Process friendly Uses & Sociability real volunteerism interactive Activities useful retail sales This exercise is intended to be used as a tool to evaluate how well public welcoming sustainable markets and/or farmers markets are performing as places and as catalysts for PLACE great places, and to identify opportunities for enhancing them in the future. continuity safe clean traf�c data proximity Access & Comfort & sanitation “green” Linkages Image rating connected walkable TIME: DATE: readable sittable mode splits NAME OF MARKET: CITY/STATE: walkable spiritual building charming conditions NUMBER OF VENDORS: transit usage convenient attractive accessible historic ESTIMATED NUMBER OF CUSTOMERS (ONE-TIME COUNT): pedestrian activity crime statistics BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF LOCATION/SITE:

parking usage patterns environmental data

KEY ATTRIBUTES INTANGIBLES MEASUREMENTS

Project for Public Spaces (PPS) is a nonprofit PPS was founded in 1975 to expand on the planning, design and educational organiza- work of William (Holly) Whyte, author of tion dedicated to helping people create and The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. We sustain public spaces that build stronger have since completed projects in more than communities. Our pioneering Placemaking 3000 communities in 43 countries and all 50 U.S. states and are the premier center approach helps citizens transform their 419 Lafayette Street | New York, NY public spaces into vital places that high- for best practices, information and resourc- www.pps.org | @PPS_Placemaking light local assets, spur rejuvenation and serve es on placemaking. More than 600 people common needs. worldwide are members of our Placemaking Leadership Council.

©2014 Project for Public Spaces, Inc. The ‘Market Place Audit' cannot be used without formal, written permission from PPS. If permission is granted, full credit must be given to PPS on all written materials and in any verbal descriptions of the game.

84 A EVALUATE THE PLACE Take a few minutes to walk around the entire market. After you have done so, evaluate the market according to the following criteria: 4. Ask one or two people who are in the market what they like best about it and what they would do to improve it: A1. ACCESS & LINKAGES DISAGREE AGREE Visibility THEIR ANSWERS: 1. The market is visible and identifiable from a distance. 1 2 3 4 2. There are visible signs for the market which display useful information. 1 2 3 4 3. The market has a positive “sense of arrival” at its entrance 1 2 3 4

Pedestrian access is safe and convenient

4. Sidewalks and crosswalks connect the market 1 2 3 4 and adjacent areas. 5. Crossing distances are minimal. 1 2 3 4 6. Pedestrian/auto conflicts in the market are minimal. 1 2 3 4 7. The market is ADA-friendly. 1 2 3 4

The layout of the market facilitates market activities 5. What local partnerships or local talent can you identify that could 8. Aisles are of adequate width to accommodate help implement some of your proposed improvements? Please shoppers’ needs (i.e. not too wide, not too narrow). 1 2 3 4 be as specific as possible. 9. Measure the aisles:______10. Shoppers can easily circulate through the entire 1 2 3 4 market. 11. All stalls are served by healthy foot traffic – no cul de sacs. 1 2 3 4

Taking transit is easy 12. Transit stops/stations are easy to find and walk 1 2 3 4 to from the market. 13. The market is easy to find and walk to from transit stops/stations. 1 2 3 4

14. Transit maps and schedules are readily 1 2 3 4 available.

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 85 居場所 ibasho UNDERSTANDING THE URBAN STRUCTURE OF HOMELESSNESS IN TOKYO AND OSAKA

FIGURE 8.2 3

B IDENTIFY THE OPPORTUNITIES OF THIS PLACE Bicycling to the market is safe and easy 15. Bicycle routes are safe, convenient, and well 1 2 3 4 1. What do you like best about the market? marked.

16. Places to lock your bicycle are safe and 1 2 3 4 accessible.

Parking 17. Customer parking is convenient & adequate. 1 2 3 4 18. Vendor parking does not impede customer circulation. 1 2 3 4 19. The market is easily accessible to other uses and activities (e.g. shopping, dining, etc.) 1 2 3 4

2. List ten things that you would do to improve this market that could SUM OF ANSWERS ______SUM / 19 = Average Answer ______be done right away and that wouldn’t cost a lot:

A2. USES & ACTIVITIES DISAGREE AGREE

1. There are places for a variety of events/ activities/programs (e.g. cooking demos, performances, etc.) to take place. 1 2 3 4 2. There are a variety of events/activities/ programs at the market. 1 2 3 4 3. Events/activities/programs are visible and inviting to shoppers. 1 2 3 4 4. There are things for children to do. 1 2 3 4 3. What changes to this place would you make in the long term that 5. What are the three primary adjacent would have the biggest impact? uses & activities to the market? a.______b. ______c. ______6. Uses and activities adjacent to the market support and enhance the customer’s experience in visiting the market. 1 2 3 4

SUM OF ANSWERS ______SUM / 5 = Average Answer ______

86 5

A3. COMFORT & IMAGE DISAGREE AGREE A4. SOCIABILITY DISAGREE AGREE

1. There is evidence of people in groups. 1. The market is welcoming and attractive. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 2. The market feels safe. 1 2 3 4 2. There appear to be families present. 1 2 3 4 3. There are seniors present. 3. The market is clean and well-cared for. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 4. There are a variety of places for people to sit 4. There are children present. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 down. 5. People are smiling and seem to be enjoying 1 2 3 4 5. There is a variety of trees/greenery. 1 2 3 4 themselves. 6. People seem to know one another by face or 6. The market’s product mix is varied and 1 2 3 4 name. reflects the personality of the community and 1 2 3 4 region 7. Chance encounters happen frequently, as 7. Product displays are appealing and meet the people tend to run into someone they know. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 “three-second” rule. 8. There are public displays of affection. 1 2 3 4 8. Amenities are well located and are 9. There is a mix of ages, sexes, and ethnic functional: groups which generally reflects the community 1 2 3 4 Waste/recycling receptacles 1 2 3 4 at large.

Restrooms 1 2 3 4 10. Vendors: Seating 1 2 3 4 Are friendly and approachable. 1 2 3 4 Interact with customers beyond simple Lighting 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 transactions. 9. The market provides adequate protection from the weather: Reflect the mix of customers/community. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 11. It is easy to find and engage with the market Sun 1 2 3 4 manager. Rain 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 Cold SUM OF ANSWERS ______SUM / 13 = Average Answer ______10. Automobiles do not detract from the pedestrian/shopper experience. 1 2 3 4 AVERAGE ANSWER OF ALL AREAS 11. The market place would be safe and inviting A1. AVERAGE ACCESS & LINKAGES: ______even when the market is not there. 1 2 3 4 A2. AVERAGE USES & ACTIVITIES: ______SUM OF ANSWERS ______SUM / 16 = Average Answer______A3. AVERAGE COMFORT & IMAGE: ______A4. AVERAGE SOCIABILITY: ______

GRADUATE CENTER FOR PLANNING AND THE ENVIRONMENT : PRATT INSTITUTE : AUGUST 2019 87 PRATT GCPE