Homeless Policies from Day Laborer Ghettos to the Entrepreneurial Welfare City an Account on Osaka City’S Changing Geographies of Public Assistance
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平成 30 年度大阪市立大学大学院文学研究科博士論文 Homeless Policies from Day Laborer Ghettos to the Entrepreneurial Welfare City An Account on Osaka City’s Changing Geographies of Public Assistance 大阪市立大学大学院文学研究科 人間行動学専攻地理学専修 ヨハネス キ ー ナ ー Johannes Kiener Content 1. Introduction .....................................................................................................................4 1.1. Research Aim, Data and Method ............................................................................4 1.2. Osaka City, the Geographical Focus ......................................................................9 1.3. Japanese Public Assistance ................................................................................. 12 1.4. Homelessness in Japan ........................................................................................ 17 1.5. Thesis Structure ................................................................................................... 20 2. Spaces of Urban Welfare Regimes and Welfare State Restructuring ...................... 23 2.1. Welfare State Restructuring ................................................................................ 23 2.2. Geographies of Welfare ........................................................................................ 32 2.3. Characteristics of Welfare Geographies in Japan .............................................. 44 2.4. Summary ............................................................................................................... 52 3. Public Assistance and Support for Homeless and Impoverished People in Japan . 56 3.1. Basic Outlines of Public Assistance .................................................................... 56 3.2. Major Changes of Public Assistance ................................................................... 68 3.3. Newly Introduced Laws Dealing with Homelessness ........................................ 79 3.4. Summary ............................................................................................................... 84 4. The Long Shadow of Day Laborer Policies on Osaka City’s Welfare Regime ......... 86 4.1. The Airin System and Welfare for Day Laborers ............................................... 87 4.2. Osaka Cities Policies Towards Public Assistance .............................................. 98 4.3. New Support for Homeless and Impoverished People ...................................... 111 4.4. Summary ............................................................................................................. 120 5. Welfare Geographies from Containment to Segregation ........................................ 129 5.1. Socio-economic Disparities................................................................................. 129 5.2. Dynamics of Public Assistance .......................................................................... 144 5.3. Public Assistance Receiving Households .......................................................... 152 5.4. Dynamics of Benefit Types................................................................................. 162 5.5. The Costs of Public Assistance .......................................................................... 183 5.6. Summary ............................................................................................................. 187 2 6. The Inner City as Space for Entrepreneurial Welfare ............................................ 190 6.1. A Short Historical Overview on Nishinari Ward .............................................. 190 6.2. Landlords and Real Estate Agents .................................................................... 195 6.3. Innovations for the Development of Welfare Apartments ............................... 200 6.4. Resentments Towards Welfare Housing ........................................................... 209 6.5. Summary ............................................................................................................. 213 7. Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 215 7.1. The Rise of the Entrepreneurial Welfare City ................................................. 215 7.2. Problems on the Ground .................................................................................... 219 Literature .......................................................................................................................... 223 3 1. Introduction In Japan public assistance used to be strongly residualized since the oil crisis of the 1970s. Keynesian welfare policies were rejected in favor of supply-side accumulation strategies, focusing strongly on work provision as poor relief. Active informal welfare practices, a status-segregated social insurance system based on occupational welfare for “core” workers, and low spending on personal social services, designed to support self- help, mutual aid, market welfare activities and enterprise welfare developed instead (Kono 2005). For instance, policies concentrated on keeping down the cost for social welfare by strengthening the role of families as providers for personal care, involving a tightening of eligibility for public assistance, cutbacks in the child allowance program and special child-rearing allowance for single mothers, as well as encouraging co- residency (Peng 2002). Therefore, the Japanese welfare state was often referred to as “residual” or in Bob Jessop’s (1993) words, advanced “Schumpeterian workfare state”. This situation started to change at the beginning of the 2000s, when public assistance became to be widely applied to solve rising issues of homelessness and poverty after the burst of the bubble economy. The results were rapidly increasing numbers of public assistance receiving households, concentrating heavily in inner city areas of major Japanese cities. This tremendous increase of public assistance receiving households, its geographical concentration and the housing business related to it became soon a major concern of the public debate, and governmental bodies at all administrative levels started to engage in the planning and realization of new policies to mitigate emerging issues. 1.1. Research Aim, Data and Method These changes of public assistance have been studied from various points of view, that can be roughly divided into four groups. The first group relies heavily on publications of governmental institutions, and focuses on policy changes of public assistance over time (Makizono 2017, Takechi 1989, Uchida 2014), working out contradictions between the constitution and the praxis of public assistance allocation (Ikeda 2011), or analyzing the relation between policy changes and the number of public assistance recipients (Zhou & Suzuki 2011). The second group focuses on welfare facilities run under the Public Assistance Act (seikatsu hogo-hō), unveiling how their role and clients changed over time (Eguchi 2003, Takama 2004), or how they engage in supporting an independent life in the community of their clients (Mizuuchi 2010a, ZKSK 2012). The third group of research that focuses especially on the role of public assistance as 4 support for homeless people – a recurring topic also in research without this explicit focus – unveils the weakness of current allocation practices (Saga 1998, Suzuki 2008). Finally, the fourth group consists of considerable research that has been done on housing for public assistance recipients, focusing on its role for the revitalization of old buildings and local communities (Mizuuchi 2013, 2018, Yamamoto 2010), on the role of special types of housing like supportive houses (Inada 2011, Shirahase 2014, 2017) or free and low budget hostels (Yamada 2016), or showing how housing for public assistance recipients geographically dispersed over wider inner city areas (Mizuuchi 2007, 2010b). While this research brought many valuable insights, it has some shortcomings. First, research that analyzes public assistance over a longer period of time lacks other empirical material than documents of government institution. Second, research employing empirical material, like those focusing on homelessness or housing for public assistance recipients has always a short-term perspective. Third, most empirical research engages with short term policy aims, like “How can we support the homeless?” or “How can vacant buildings be revitalized?” Fourth, a focus on the city as geographical unit in which public assistance policies are reinterpreted is missing. This research aims to fill these gaps by analyzing government documents and empirical data on public assistance over a timeframe of 25 years from 1990 to 2015. Osaka city, an administrational unit that can actively influence the provision of public assistance, is employed as field of analysis, focusing especially on its policies towards homeless people, including day laborers and other people without adequate housing. The aim of this approach is to uncover the public assistance geographies and their changes, by focusing on welfare state restructuring at the urban scale, the so called urban welfare regime. The analysis employs three questions to describe the relation between Osaka city’s policies and the geographies of public assistance: How does the urban welfare regime reframe individuals who receive public assistance, and which changes can be identified over time? How does the way of providing public assistance and the role of state agencies in it change over time? How are actors engaged in the