Tauler, Herp and the Changing Layers of Mobility and Reception in the Low Countries (C

ANNA DLABACOVÁ

Tauler, Herp and the Changing Layers of Mobility and Reception in the Low Countries (c. 1460-1560)

In the middle of the fifteenth century, the Dutch mystic and observant Francis- can friar Hendrik Herp († 1477) wrote a mystical manual, the Spieghel der volcomenheit (Mirror of perfection, c. 1455-1460). His book became an imme- diate success among various circles of religious and devout men and women, reflecting the ‘multiple options’ of fifteenth-century religious life and reform.1 Today, there are still twenty-seven extant manuscripts of (parts) of the Middle Dutch Spieghel (dating c. 1460-1550) and four printed editions from the same period, of which thirty-seven copies have survived. Translations were made into Middle High German, Latin, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and French. Herp’s well-structured and systematically arranged guide was partly inspired by the writings of fourteenth-century mystics from the Low Countries and the Rhineland. His use of works by Ruusbroec has been widely emphasized in the twentieth century.2 However, Herp also must have known, read and used sermons by the Dominican who (most likely) came to visit Ruusbroec in his Groenendaal monastery: Johannnes Tauler († 1361).3 Aside from the dissemi-

1 John Van Engen, ‘Multiple Options: The World of the Fifteenth-Century Church’, in: Church History, 77 (2008), p. 257-284. Anna Dlabacová, ‘Hendrik Herp: observant en mysticus. De «Spieghel der volcomenheit» (ca. 1455 /1460) in nieuw perspectief’, in: Queeste. Tijdschrift over middeleeuwse letterkunde, 15 (2008), p. 142-167. General works on Herp: Lucidius Verschueren, ‘Leven en werk van Hendrik Herp’, in: Collectanea Franciscana Neerlandica, uitgegeven bij het Eeuwfeest van de komst der Minderbroeders in Nederland en van de stichting eener eigen Pro- vincia Germaniae Inferioris 1228-1529-1929, deel II. ’s-Hertogenbosch, 1931a, p. 345-393. Lucidius Verschueren, Hendrik Herp O.F.M. Spieghel der volcomenheit. Deel I: Inleiding. Deel II: Tekst. Antwerpen, 1931b. Benjamin De Troeyer, Bio-Bibliographia franciscana Neerlandica Ante saeculum XVI. I: Pars biographica: Auctores editionum qui scripserunt ante saeculum XVI. Nieuwkoop, 1974, p. 108-123. Benjamin De Troeyer, ‘Herp, Hendrik’, in: Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon 3. Berlin, 1981, p. 1127-1135 and Léonide Mees, Archange Houbaert, Benjamin De Troeyer, ‘Herp (Henri de; Harphius)’, in: Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Tome VII, première partie. Paris, 1969, p. 346-351. 2 Kurt Ruh, Geschichte der abendländischen Mystik. Band IV. Die Niederländische Mystik des 14. bis 16. Jahrhundert. München, 1999, p. 221. Cf. L. Reypens, ‘Ruusbroec’s mystiek als bekroning der Inkeeringstheorie’, in: Ons Geestelijk Erf, 6 (1932), p. 257-281, there p. 273. 3 On Tauler’s life and work: Louise Gnädinger, Johannes Tauler. Lebenswelt und mystische Lehre. München, 1993. On the use of Tauler by Herp see Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 150. The visit by Tauler to Ruusbroec in Groenendaal is discussed in: Louise Gnädinger and Johannes G. Mayer, ‘Tauler, Johannes OP’, in: Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfas- serlexikon 9. Berlin, 1995, p. 631-657, there p. 636 and mainly Geert Warnar, ‘Tauler in Groenendaal. Mystik und Gelehrtheit in der niederländischen Literatur des 14. Jahrhunderts’, in: Angelika Lehmann-Benz, Ulrike Zellmann & Urban Küsters (red.), Schnittpunkte. Deutsch- Niederländische Literaturbeziehungen im späten Mittelalter. Münster, 2003, p. 55-66.

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nation of the actual Tauler sermons, Tauler’s spirituality (or at least parts thereof) was therefore disseminated via Herp’s Middle Dutch Spieghel and its translations into Latin and major European languages throughout fifteenth and sixteenth-century Western Europe. The link between Herp and Tauler also becomes apparent within the actual dissemination and reception of the Middle Dutch Spieghel. Two manuscripts containing (collections of) Middle Dutch Tauler sermons also accommodate a chapter from Herp’s vernacular text.4 Assuming that each manuscript tells its own unique story (whether intentional or not) with regard to its historical context, conception and reception, I argue that these two Tauler-Herp manuscripts constitute an excellent case study for the changing religious and intellectual circles in which the works of both authors were read within a time frame last- ing approximately one century (c. 1460-1560). To do so, I first take a closer look at the way Tauler inspired Herp and the textual transmission that could have provided Herp with his knowledge of Tauler (1). I then return to the central question as to the relationship between Herp and Tauler concerning the transmission of their texts in Dutch manuscripts. To see how the relationship between the two mystics was perceived and constructed, and how it developed, I discuss the two manuscripts in chrono- logical order (2). Finally, I conclude the investigation into the connection between Tauler and Herp in Dutch manuscripts with a short reflection on the aspects that shaped and subsequently changed this relationship (3). How do the changes within the transmission of texts and the way readers and book-produc- ers (potentially) connect texts to each other interrelate?

1. HOW DID HERP KNOW TAULER?

There are two ways of looking at Herp’s (possible) use of Tauler’s sermons. Firstly, there is his use of passages, metaphors and quotations from the Tauler sermons. The manner in which Herp read and studied these sermons influenced his use of the material. In some cases it seems that Herp first used a passage from Tauler in one of his Latin works (Herp wrote a large number of sermons in Latin, which have survived in several collections – for example Speculum aureum de praeceptis divinae legis and De processu humani profectus – and mystical treatises such as Eden and Scala amoris novem distinta scalaribus)

4 The two manuscripts are Heverlee, Norbertijnerabdij Park: 8, and Ghent, University Library: 1351. The manuscript Cambridge, Harvard University, Houghton Library: Riant 91 (dated 1522) contains a Tauler-sermon, Vetter no. 63 (Ferdinand Vetter [ed.], Die Predigten Taulers aus Engel- berger und der Freiburger Handschrift sowie aus Schmidts Abschriften der ehemaligen Straßburger Handschriften. Berlin, 1910) and possibly a Middle Dutch translation of Herp’s first Collatio. See Christine Boot, ‘Medieval Netherlandic Manuscripts in Libraries in the State of Massachusetts’, in: Archives et Bibliothèque de Belgique/Archief- en Bibliotheekwezen in België, 50 (1979), p. 311-371, there p. 346 and p. 348.

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and later ‘repeated’ the passage in the vernacular Spieghel.5 Secondly, and an issue of paramount importance to answering the first question, is to gain an idea into how he actually acquired his knowledge of Tauler– what kind of manuscript might he have consulted? Was his knowledge restricted to a selection of Tauler sermons? Or did he possibly know Tauler through other authors? Verschueren, the editor of Herp’s Spieghel, identifies passages in Herp’s Spieghel that are closely related to passages in Tauler sermons. In the introduc- tion to his edition, he writes that it is almost certain that Tauler inspired Herp. After all, Herp uses the same typical thoughts, comparisons, exempla and scrip- tural applications.6 According to Verschueren, only one obstacle stands in the way: there seems to be no actual quotation from Tauler in the entirety of the Spieghel. However, Verschueren is aware that he is comparing the Middle Dutch Spieghel to Tauler in Middle High German and sometimes in Latin.7 He pro- poses a possible solution for the absence of quotations, namely that Herp may have used a Middle Dutch translation (or adaptation) of Tauler. As Herp lived in the Low Countries and wrote in Middle Dutch (at least for the Spieghel), this suggestion would seem to hold a certain measure of credence. Furthermore, the transmission of Tauler sermons in Dutch manuscripts shows great independence from the transmission in German manuscripts: Middle Dutch collections that are structured according to the liturgical year contain different material and more of it.8 This might easily explain the absence of quotations from the Middle High German texts. Another factor for this absence is highlighted by Kurt Ruh, who reassesses Herp’s ‘compilatorship’ in general and shows his independence through his selection and self-willed interpretation of his models.9

5 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 150, states that this happened with the pseudo-Tauler sermon Sermo II post Octavam Epiphaniae, which first inspired Herp in his Collatio III/sermo V in De processu humani profectus. This seems strange, as Verschueren regards the Tres Collatio- nes as a summary of the Spieghel: Verschueren 1931a, Leven en werken, p. 375. Cf. Kristina Freienhagen-Baumgardt, Hendrik Herps «Spieghel der volcomenheit» in Oberdeutscher Über- lieferung. Ein Beitrag zur Rezeptionsgeschichte niederländischer Mystik im oberdeutschen Raum. Leuven, 1998 (Miscellanea Neerlandica, 17), p. 12; Georgette Epiney-Burgard [ed.], Henri Herp, Trois conférences spirituelles. Genève, 1983, p. 22-26 and Georgette Epiney-Burgard [ed.], Henri Herp, De processu humani profectus. Sermones de diversis materiis vitae contemplativae. Wies- baden, 1982, p. 127-134. 6 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 150. Cf. Stephanus G. Axters, ‘Johannes Tauler in de Nederlanden’, in: E. Filthaut (ed.), Johannes Tauler. Ein Deutscher Mystiker. Gedenkschrift zum 600. Todestag. Essen, 1961, p. 348-370, there p. 360-361. 7 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 150. Verschueren uses the 1929 Corin edition (A.L. Corin, Sermons de J. Tauler et autres écrits mystiques. II. Le Codex Vindobonensis 2739. Liège/ Paris, 1929) and an edition by Surius in a 1623 Paris print (D. Ioannis Thavleri, clarissimi ac illvminati theologi, Sermones, de tempore & de sanctis totius anni, planè pijssimi: reliquaque eius pietati ac deuotioni maximè inseruientia). 8 Gerard Isaac Lieftinck, De Middelnederlandsche Tauler-handschriften. Groningen-Batavia, 1936, p. 137. Gnädinger and Mayer 1995, Tauler, Johannes, p. 639 (e.). Geert Warnar, ‘Ruus- broecs Brulocht tussen de preken van Tauler in handschrift en druk’, in: Ons Geestelijk Erf, 80 (2009), p. 48-63, there p. 51. 9 Ruh 1999, Abendländische Mystik, p. 228: “Der Vergleich zeigt erneut, wie Herp mit seinen Quellen umgeht: auswählend und interpretierend. Gewiß ist er ein «Kompilator» (…) der eigen-

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Since a full study of the textual relations between Tauler and Herp would not be appropriate for the scope of this article, I will base the following exam- ination largely on the references in Verschueren’s Spieghel-edition.10 I have opted for a thematic exploration of Herp’s use of Tauler, namely Herp’s thoughts on images and his use of metaphors to illustrate the process which leads towards mystical union. I am aware that this choice brings restrictions to the current study. However, in my opinion it will provide enough material to draw some preliminary conclusions regarding the way that Tauler inspired Herp and the ‘method’ applied by Herp when writing the Spieghel, thereby making Tauler’s thoughts / ideas available within the framework of a new vernacular text. An important thing to bear in mind is that Herp never explicitly mentions his contemporary and fourteenth-century sources. One of the most intriguing aspects of the Spieghel is the process of the soul becoming virtually imageless in order to reach the unio mystica. However, Herp also makes use of various metaphors to illustrate the effects involved in the process towards the unio. Images and thoughts as an obstruction to the mystical ascent and the theory and gradation of bad and good (or ‘better’) images is unfolded in chapter 28 (Van drierehande beelden inder herten). This chapter is based in whole on the Tauler sermon Ego vox clamantis.11 Like Tauler, Herp discusses three kinds of images: harmful images (which one receives through desire), vain or idle images (which ‘flow’ into the heart) and images that seem good, but still prevent the soul from contemplation. Herp concludes his chapter with a reference to the first and second part of the Spieghel, the XII Stervinghen [XII Mortifications] and the active life.12 Indeed, the initial step in the process of stripping the soul of images is taken in the first part of the Spieghel (chapter 5. Van een afsceyden alre gheselscap der creaturen). It discusses exactly the same topic as chapter 28, but here Herp writes about three kinds of ghedachten (thoughts; concepts) rather than beelden (concepts, but also thoughts). Although the meanings of these Middle Dutch

ständig, auch eigenwillig mit seinen Vorlagen umgeht. Präzis zu untersuchen, in welcher Weise dies geschieht, ist eine dringliche Aufgabe der Forschung.” 10 There are twenty-seven passages which, according to Verschueren, are related to one or more Tauler-sermons: Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, chapter 1, p. 23, lines 32-59; c. 3, p. 37, 83; c. 5, p. 47, 66-96/79-84; c. 8, p. 61, 20-30; c. 9, p. 67, 48; c. 11, p. 77, 36-46; c. 12, p. 83, 11-12; c. 13, p. 93, 10-15; c. 13, p. 95, 24-38; c. 25, p. 157-9, 13-19; c. 28, p. 167-169, 2-50; c. 33, p. 191, 23; c. 33, p. 195, 74-80; c. 33, p. 197, 102-106; c. 40, p. 237-9, 19-30; c. 43, p. 255, 35; c. 47, p. 289-91, 61-91; c. 49, §1, p. 303-5, 3-49; c. 49, §3, p. 315-7, 22-30; c. 50, p. 323-5, 103-129; c. 50, p. 325, 131-141; c. 51, p. 329, 42-58; c. 53, p. 339, 68-70; c. 56, p. 351, 2-15; c. 57, p. 357, 24-25; c. 57, p. 361, 79-99; c. 58, p. 363, 16-20; c. 65, p. 421, 83-87. 11 Although this sermon is not present in the Middle High German Tauler transmission, it is highly likely that it is not pseudo-Tauler: Gnädinger and Mayer 1995, Tauler, Johannes, p. 637 and 651. Cf. Bernhard Ridderbos, De melancholie van de kunstenaar. Hugo van der Goes en de oudnederlandse schilderkunst. Den Haag: Sdu uitgeverij, 1991, p. 201-205, on Herp’s imageless contemplation (he was unaware of Herp’s use of Tauler) in relation to Hugo van der Goes. 12 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 28, p. 171, lines 48-50: “Ende aldus hebben wi cor- telic gheroert dat belet van een scouwende leven, aenghesien oec die dinghen die wi voer ghes- proken hebben van den sterven ende van den werkende leven.”

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words are similar, the fact that Herp was so consequent in his choice of words in the two chapters may suggest a slight distinction in the connotation of the two words. The first two kinds of thoughts, concepts or images are addressed in reverse order.13 In fact, although Verschueren only makes a brief reference to this chapter in a footnote in chapter 28, chapter 5 is even more closely based on Ego vox clamantis. In this chapter, Herp adopts more of the metaphors used by Tauler, for example the comparison of the flowing movement of the images to the flying of birds:

[Spieghel, chapter 28. Van [Spieghel, chapter 5. Van [Ego vox clamantis, Hever- drierhande beelden inder een afsceyden alre ghe- lee, NP: 8] herten] selscap der creatueren] Die ander beelden sijn ydel Die ierste sijn ijdel ghe- Dat ander dat sijn ydel beel- ende vallen dicwijl in dat dachten, die eenen men- den: dat sijn ydele invalle herte, mer si en onsteken schen niet aen en cleven in daer die mensche niet af en dat herte niet mit ongheoer- der begheerten, al vallen si hout als die voghelen die deneerder begheerten.14 menichvoldelic in der her- daer henen vlyeghen ende ten, als dat die zee vloyt den Rijn die daer wech ende die voghelen vlieg- vlyet ende dies ghelijc.16 hen ende diesghelijcs.15

The comparison of the texts shows that Herp makes some minor changes as well, for example by changing the Rhine to the sea. Towards the end of the passage focusing on the second kind of images, Herp uses the same metaphor as Tauler, namely of one nail driving out another nail to illustrate the process of driving out bad images – this seems to be more fluent in Herp’s text (in Ego vox clamantis the metaphor is explained afterwards):

[Spieghel, chapter 28] [Spieghel, chapter 5] [Ego vox clamantis] Ende als een mensche dat Ende het is een teyken Waer dat hertte metter min- niet en doet, dat is een tey- van eenen ydelen herte nen gods is becommeert, ken van eenen ydelen herte ende laeuwer devocien, daer en mach die ydelheit ende lauwe viericheit: want daer dat menschelike gheen stadt hebben. Slaet want daer het herte vol is herte vol is der minnen den dan eenen naghel uut der minnen gods, daer gods, daer moet alle ijdel- metten anderen, dat is: moet alle ydelheit wiken, heit ende leecheit wiken, nemt van hooghe hemel- als wi sien dat men den ghelikerwijs als die een sche dinghen yet in u alsoe

13 Verschueren mentions that Herp focuses on this theme once again in one of his later Latin sermons – according to Verschueren, only the order has been changed (or possibly corrected, AD): Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 5, p. 43, note 11-96. 14 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 28, p. 169, lines 12-14. 15 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 5, p. 45, lines 12-15. 16 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 4r.

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[Spieghel, chapter 28] [Spieghel, chapter 5] [Ego vox clamantis] eenen naghel mitten ande- nagel mitten anderen uut- dyep dattet die nederste ren uutslaet.17 gheslaghen werdt.18 eertsche dinghen altemale uut jaghe ende verdrijve.19

In chapter 5, Herp also adds a passage after the first two kinds of ‘thoughts’, stating that these thoughts or images originate in the onghestorvenheit ons selfs – the uncompleted process of mortification.20 By doing this, he clearly incorporates Tauler’s ideas and classification of images into his own argument, which, in this part of the Spieghel, concentrates on the process of mortification. Verschueren only utilises a footnote in chapter 5 at the point where Herp says that it is not his intention to leave his reader without any image at all and ‘gives’ his reader the image of Christ (purely as a step towards ‘imagelessness’). According to Verschueren, this is an adaptation of a passage in the Tauler sermon Corin 29,21 but the similarity of the opening of the passage to a passage in Ego vox clamantis shows that Herp may have based this passage on this sermon as well.22 This also seems more logical, as the rest of his chapter was inspired by this sermon. Another example of Herp’s similar use of metaphors is the image of God as a painter or sculptor who forms his friends by letting them suffer. Herp describes this image, which can also be found in a Tauler sermon, in the last paragraph of his chapter on the trials of the true friends of God (chapter 49, ¶ 3).23 Again, this metaphor is used twice by Herp; it also appears in one of the XII Mortifications:

17 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 28, p. 169, lines 21-25. 18 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 5, p. 45, lines 18-21. 19 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 4r. 20 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 5, p. 45, lines 36-51. Cf. p. 36-41 (a passages in chapter 28 where Herp touches on the process of mortification once more). 21 Corin 1929, Sermons de J. Tauler, p. 326 (line 25)-327 (line 9). Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 5, p. 47-9, lines 66-96. Cf. footnote 79-84, where Verschueren does mention that this passages also partly [!] occurs in Ego vox clamantis. 22 The beginning that Herp uses (“Nochtan en willic niet dat ghij sonder alle beelden ende ghedachten wesen sult…”, Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 5, p. 47, lines 66-68) only occurs in Ego vox clamantis (“Niet en suldi meynen dat ic u alll [sic] beelden wil verbieden, want ic wil een beelde in u drucken”, Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 5r). 23 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 49, §3, p. 315-317, lines 22-30; Vetter 1910, Predigten Taulers, no. 3 and 4, lines 22-29 and Corin 1929, Sermons de J. Tauler, p. 25 (no. 2), lines 7-24. In fact, this whole chapter is structured in a similar way to this Tauler sermon in that it uses the same metaphor of the three kinds of myrrh: Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 49, §1, p. 303, note 3-49. In the next chapter (50), Herp uses Tauler’s metaphor of stained glass (white, black and yellow), again from the same sermon: p. 325, lines 136-141; Vetter 1910, Predigten Taulers, p. 21, lines 14-21.

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[Spieghel, chapter 11. Van [Spieghel, chapter 49. ¶ 3. [Vetter no. 3; Heverlee, gherustheit ende lijdsam- Vanden derden graet der NP: 8, f. 15v] heit in wederspoet] proevinghe] Want noeyt en was beelde- Ende daerom sal dese Die maelder en voersiet maker also abel, die mit so mensche voer hem nemen nemmermeer alsoe vlijte- groter neernstighe sorchvol- dat nye en ghewas enich lijc in sinen sin hoe hi dicheit die trecken van een konstich scilder, die mit eenen ijeghelijcken trec beelde arbeit te trecken na soe groter naernsticheit ende streke strijken sal aen der volcomenheit des exem- alle die trecken des exem- den beelde, hoe cort oft hoe plaers, daer hijt na maket, plaers heeft pinen in ghe- lanc oft hoe breet dat als God almechtich van ewi- lijcheit te conterfeyten, in anders niet en mach sijn, cheit wt sijnre ongheme- lancheit, breetheit, gheor- sal dat beelde een meester- tenre wijsheit hevet voersien deneertheit, ende oec in lijke forme crijghen. Ende ende voer gheordiniert van- ghelijcheit vander verwen hoe hi die roode ende blau den verborghen vrienden, daer ouer te trecken, als veruwe legghen sal. God hoe Hise brenghen solde mit God van ewicheit mit die heeft inder eeuwicheit sodanighen middel des sijnre onghemetenre wijs- ende inder eeuwigher wijs- lidens tot een volcomen heit hevet voersien ende heit een yeghelijc dinc bat ghelikenisse Cristi Ihesu.24 voirgheordiniert van soda- gheordinert ende voersien. nighen wtvercoren vrien- Ende hij heeft oec toten den, dat hi se mit dese mensche meerder blijt hoe middelen trouwelic ende hi hem metten lyden mach salichlic brenghen solde stryken ende veruwen tot tot die alre volcomenste dier formen dat hi hem ghelijcheit Cristi.25 behaechlijc worden26

Eventually, memoria (together with the will and the intellect one of the higher faculties or powers of the soul) has to be stripped of all images and memories of earthly things; it has to become like a clear blue sky.27 To illustrate this clarity of the mind, Herp borrows an exemplum from Tauler. It paints the image of a Holy Father who, through the clarity of his mind, is no longer able to remember a request for something material.

[Spieghel, chapter 51] [Vetter no. 6, Heverlee ms.] [Vetter no.6] Als wi lesen van eenen hei- Men vint van eenen hei- Man vindet von eime heili- lighen vader, die also ver- leghen vader bescreven gen vatter, der waz also haven was in sijnre memo- dat hij alsoe beeldeloos bildelos daz ime kein bilde rien, dat hi gheen beelden was dat hem gheen beel- enbleip; do kloppfete einer van eerdsche dinghen in den in en bleven. Op een an siner túren und hiesch hem beholden en conste. tijt cloept een voer sijn ime ettewaz; er sprach er Het gheviel, dat een broe- selle ende eysschede wat wollte es ime holen; do er der quam voer sijn celle en van hem; hij seyde hij hinin kam, do waz es ime begheerde wat van hem sout hem hallen. Doen hij zumole vergessen; genre gheleent te hebben. in quaem, doen wast hem kloppfete aber; er sprach:

24 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 11, p. 79, lines 39-46. 25 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 49, §3, p. 315-317, lines 21-30. 26 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 15v. 27 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 51, p. 327, lines 11-22.

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[Spieghel, chapter 51] [Vetter no. 6, Heverlee ms.] [Vetter no.6] Die vader antwerde: bruder, altemael vergheten ende ‚was wiltu?’ Dieser hiesch blijft hier, ic sal ingaen ende doen clopte die ander aber; er meinde aber er halent u. Mer eer hij binnen weder; die vader sprac: wolte es ime holen und conste comen so en had hi want[!] wilstu? Doen vergas es aber; zu dem dir- niet alleen vergheten, dat hi eyschede hij dat selve. ten mole gienre kloppfete halen solde, mer oec dien Die vader meynde echter aber; do sprach diser: broeder, die hi voer die dore hij sout hem halen, ende ‚kum und nim selber, ich liet staen wachten. Ende die hi vergaet anderwerf. enkan des bildes also lange broeder clopte anderwerf. Doen cloopte die ander in mir nit enthalten, also Doen ginc die vader uut derdewerf. Doen sprac blos ist min gemute aller ende vraechde hem, wat hi die: comt in ende nement bilde.’30 begherde: want hi hadt al selve. Ic en can des vergheten, dat hem die broe- beelds niet in my also der gheseit hadde. Hij ginc langhe onthouden, soe dan anderwerf in om dat bloot is mijn ghemoede dinc te halen, mer hi vergats alre beelden.29 weder al te mael. Doen die broeder derdewerf cloppede ende hij voer quam, doen antwoerde hij: Lieve broeder, gaet selve in ende nemt, dat ghij begheert: want ic en can dat beelt of die memorie van dien dinghe so langhe niet beholden, dat ict u halen mochte.28

Herp’s version of Tauler’s example is not only more detailed, making it longer; he also ensures that this story fits within the framework of his larger Spieghel, in which he is quite specific that it is the memoria (one of the higher faculties of the soul) that has to be cleared of images.31 In his companion to mystical contemplation, Herp has much more space to develop and clarify theories. A great deal of attention is paid to the structure of the soul (higher and lower faculties). He therefore does not call the Holy Father beeldeloos or bildelos, but defines his state as verhaven in sijnre memorien [elevated in his memoria], providing Tauler’s more general ‘imagelessness’ with a specific place in the soul and in his mystical handbook. Although Herp rewrites and incorporates the passages from Tauler into his own larger argument, there is still a clear intrinsic relationship between the two authors. How was the relationship between Herp and Tauler perceived and

28 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 51, p. 329, lines 42-58. 29 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 110v. 30 Vetter 1910, Predigten Taulers, no. 6 (p. 27, lines 3-10). 31 Also in chapter 35. Vanden anderen geysteliken voet als der verstandelheyt. Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 35, p. 201-203. Cf. Gnädinger 1993, Johannes Tauler, p. 201 and p. 224 on driving out images with short prayers.

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constructed, and how did it develop within the transmission of their texts in Dutch manuscripts?

2. TWO MIDDLE DUTCH TAULER-HERP MANUSCRIPTS

The Heverlee-manuscript

The first manuscript is a hitherto neglected codex which is kept in the library of the Park Abbey in Heverlee (near Louvain).32 It is hoped that the current study will draw more attention to this manuscript, which contains a fascinating set of texts for the study of Middle Dutch spiritual literature. Most recently, the codex was described for the inventory of Middle Dutch sermons (Repertorium of Middle Dutch sermons).33 The manuscript has not yet been dated in any scholarly publication.34 Based on paleographic data, Erik Kwakkel dates the manuscript to the second half of the fifteenth century.35 As we will see, the codex contains a complete chapter from Herp’s Spieghel.36 This information allows us to further narrow the date down to between circa 1460 and 1500.37 Except for a pair of parchment leaves, the manuscript is made of paper and written by one scribe in two columns in a carefully written littera hybrida. The quires are bound together in a contemporary (flexible) parchment cover. The first sermon starts with a pen-flourished red and blue initial, and throughout the manuscript there are several red initials with predominantly purple pen flourishes.38 According to the description of the manuscript in the Repertorium of Middle Dutch sermons, the manuscript can be divided into three ‘blocks’: f. 1r-107v, f. 108r-115v and f. 116r-169v.39 On the basis of a partially blank column on f. 143v (fourteen lines are left blank intentionally) after the end of the chapter from Herp’s Spieghel, I would argue that the latter part, at least in view of the mise-en-page, is to be subdivided into two parts: the first from

32 Heverlee, NP: 8. 33 Daniël Ermens and Willemien van Dijk, Repertorium of Middle Dutch Sermons preserved in manuscripts from before 1550. V. Den Bosch – Leeuwarden. Leuven, 2008 (Miscellanea Neer- landica, 29:5), p. 478-485. 34 Cf. Ermens and Van Dijk 2008, Middle Dutch Sermons, p. 478. 35 Thanks to Erik Kwakkel (Leiden University), who looked at photographs of the manuscript. 36 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 140v-143v 37 Although the precise date is not known, Herp wrote the Spieghel between circa 1455 and 1460 (cf. Verschueren 1931a, Leven en werken, p. 364-375). The oldest Middle Dutch manuscript of the text is dated 1462(?) (Leiden, UB: LTK 1129). 38 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 1r, 7v, 10v, 38r, 41v, 49r, 56v, 116r, 118v and 126r. On 10v, the pen flourishes are black. The layout and pen flourishes show a remarkable similarity with a manuscript that contains the complete Spieghel: Brussel, KBR: IV 37. This manuscript also contains a Mid- dle-Dutch translation of Herp’s Collatio prima and works by Ruusbroec (Die geestelike brulocht and Vanden blinkenden steen). Examples of pen-flourished initials are to be found on f. 23v, 41r and 203v. Unfortunately, little is known about the provenance of this manuscript. 39 Ermens en Van Dijk 2008, Middle Dutch Sermons, p. 478.

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Fig. 1. MS. Heverlee, Norbertijnerabdij Park: 8, f. 1r

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f. 116r to f. 143v and the second from f. 144r to the end of the manuscript on f. 169v. Thus, the contents of the manuscript can be divided into four parts (see Appendix I for an overview). The first part contains 41 sermons arranged according to the liturgical year and run from the second Sunday of Advent to the twentieth Sunday after Trinitatis. All of these sermons are attributed to Tauler in the rubric placed before the first sermon: Dese nauolghende leere ende sermoenen heeft ghep- redict die heilighe man la [Ian?] tauweleere [These following lessons and sermons have been preached by the holy man Johannes Tauler].40 Commencing with the sermons Miserunt judeii ab Hierusalem and Ego vox clamantis (one of Herp’s major sources of inspiration), this part of the manuscript contains a cycle that is typical of the transmission of Tauler sermons in Dutch manuscripts and can be classed under the second group within this transmission.41 The second part, from folio 108r to 115v, contains just four texts. Again, the first four are Tauler sermons, but this time they are not liturgically arranged. The fourth sermon is announced without specifying an occasion at all: En een gheestelijke leere ende sermoen [And a spiritual lesson and sermon].42 This corpus comprising effectively loosely arranged sermons is concluded with a short text on the question as to Wat god is [What God is].43 The oldest known manuscript (c. 1400) containing this text was written in Brussels and belonged to the Brussels beguines of Molenbeek, who also owned a manuscript of Tauler sermons (1486) containing a similar collection to the Heverlee-manuscript.44 An important part for the study of the connection between Tauler and Herp is the third part of the Heverlee manuscript, which contains Tauler sermons, the Bannerbüchlein and a chapter from Herp’s Spieghel. A more in-depth anal- ysis will follow below. The fourth and last part of the manuscript starts with a number of texts which assume the features of a list, including the ‘Seven gifts of the Holy Ghost’ (containing excerpts from Ruusbroec) and ‘Eight points

40 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 1r. The majority of the sermons can be found in Vetter’s edition and/or (partially) in Corin. Some sermons are texts attributed to Tauler within the Middle Dutch tradition and are edited by Lieftinck in his study on the Middle Dutch Tauler manuscripts (Lieftinck 1936, De Middelnederlandsche Tauler-handschriften). One sermon is known to be composed by Meis- ter Eckhart. See Appendix I. 41 Gnädinger and Mayer 1995, Tauler, Johannes, p. 639 (e.). Lieftinck 1936, Tauler-handschriften, p. 137-144 and 150-151. In the so-called ‘group II’ of the Middle Dutch Tauler transmission, the texts are arranged according to the liturgical year. The group also shows great independence from the German Tauler transmission with a large number of texts that do not occur in the German Tauler collections. Cf. Warnar 2003, Tauler in Groenendaal, p. 51. The order of the ecclesiastical year is not always strictly observed: at the very beginning of the manuscript, for example, the scribe wrote two sermons for the fourth Sunday of the Advent and only then returned to the second Sunday before subsequently continuing with a sermon for the feast of Christmas: Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 1r-5v, 5v-7v and 7v-10v. See Appendix I. Several feasts are provided with two or more sermons. The pen-flourished initials in this part of the codex seem to indicate sermons for important feast days such as Christmas, Ascension Day and Pentecost: f. 7v, 38r, 41v. 42 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 114v. 43 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 115r-115v. Ermens en Van Dijk 2008, Middle Dutch Sermons, p. 482. 44 Brussel, KBR: II 1039, f. 63v-67v. The Tauler manuscript is Brussel, KBR: 2184.

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belonging to a commencing, an advanced and a perfect person’.45 Again, just like the text on the question of what God is, these texts can be found in the manuscript formerly in the possession of the Brussels beguinage.46 That which seems to be the last part of the text regarding the eight points is in fact the tenth letter by Hadewijch.47 After an unidentified text on the theme Gal. 6,14 and two prayers, the manuscript concludes with two more Tauler sermons. As with the second part, the third part of the Heverlee-manuscript starts with Tauler sermons or sermons attributed to him. After these sermons follows the so-called Bannerbüchlein.48 This text is generally attributed to Rulman Merswin, the converted banker and merchant from fourteenth-century Stras- bourg and founder of the religious community Zum Grünen Wörth. Merswin counted Tauler among his close contacts (Tauler acted as his father-confessor) and the works by Ruusbroec as one of his sources of inspiration.49 Another work which was probably written by Merswin is the Neunfelsenbuch.50 The Bannerbüchlein probably functioned originally as a kind of ‘community-literature’ to legitimate and voice the ideals of the Grünen Wörth community.51 According to Warnar, an early link to Tauler’s work is suggested by a clear allusion to the allegory of the Bannerbüchlein in one of Tauler’s sermons.52 In the Heverlee manuscript, the Bannerbüchlein is formed as a sermon, something which is only the case in the manuscript in Hildesheim, Dombibliothek 724b and in three other fifteenth-century Tauler manuscripts, all of which come from the Low Countries.53 One of these manuscripts is the Tauler manuscript that belonged to the Brussels beguines of Molenbeek.54

45 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 144r-146r. 46 Brussel, KBR: II 1039, f. 146r-153v and f. 173r-178r. In the Brussels manuscript, the first two series are said to belong to gheesteliken menschen (f. 173r) and beghinnende menschen (f. 174v); in the Heverlee-manuscript these are beghinnende menschen (f. 145r) and voertgaende menschen (f. 145v). The last set belongs to volcomen godliken menschen (f. 175v-176r and f. 145v). 47 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 146r-147r. J. van Mierlo, Brieven / Hadewijch. Dl. 1: Tekst en commentaar. Antwerpen, 1947 (Leuvense studiën en tekstuitgaven, 14), p. 85-91. I thank Geert Warnar (Universiteit Leiden) for identifying this text. 48 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 133v-135r. 49 Warnar 2009, Ruusbroecs Brulocht, p. 54. Cf. Th. Mertens, ‘Ruusbroec onder de godsvrienden’, in: R. Schlusemann and P. Wackers (red.), Die spätmittelalterliche Rezeption niederlän- discher Literatur im deutschen Sprachgebiet. Amsterdam, 1997, p. 109-130. More general information on the fourteenth-century ‘Friends of God’: Bernard McGinn, The harvest of mysticism in medieval Germany (1300-1500). The presence of God: a history of Western Christian mysticism. Vol. 4. New York, 2005, p. 407-431. G. Steer, ‘Merswin, Rulman’, in: Die deutsche Liter- atur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon 6. Berlin, 1987, p. 420-442 on Rulman Merswin. 50 On the relation between Merswin’s Neunfelsenbuch and Herp’s chapter 60 of the Spieghel: Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 149-150 and footnote 82 below. 51 Steer 1987, Merswin, Rulman, p. 422-427. 52 Warnar 2009, Ruusbroecs Brulocht, p. 55 (Vetter no. 52). 53 Warnar 2009, Ruusbroecs Brulocht, p. 54-55, mentions Brussel, KBR: 2184; Deventer, SAB: cat. I, 66 and Utrecht, MCC: h 1. 54 Brussel, KBR: 2184.

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The Bannerbüchlein sermon is followed by two texts which were included in the 1543 Cologne Tauler edition under the heading Des erleüchten D. Johan. Tauleri Epistolen oder Sendtbrieff [Epistels or pastoral letters].55 The first text, introduced in the Heverlee manuscript as Een leere [A lesson], is included as Tauler’s second pastoral letter or chapter vli (¶ Wye mann maennigerley Irewege in dem inwendigen leben kennen vnd schauwen vnd den rechten weg zu der volkommenheyt treffen sol).56 In the manuscript, the beginning of the text is ‘adapted’ in such a way that the text seems to connect directly with the previous text, the Bannerbüchlein. Instead of commencing with In Christo Jesu liebe kinder Ir sollent wissen…, the text starts as follows: Wij willen dese redene een eynde gheuen Ende willen beghinnen te spreken vanden….57 The second text, concerning life in religious communities, is introduced as a letter in the manuscript (Een schoon epistel).58 This ‘letter’ is followed by a shorter text (Een cortte goede leere), which I have not yet been able to identify, but which seems to be another (excerpt?) from a (pseudo?) Tauler sermon.59 The scribe subsequently copied a short Tauler sermon about inward confession.60 To conclude this sequence of Tauler sermons and related texts, the scribe or compiler of the Heverlee manuscript chose to use a chapter from Herp’s Spieghel der volcomenheit. Unsurprisingly, he or she decided upon the chapter on ‘how the faithful friends of God are tested in the abandonment of God’ (Hoe die ghetrouwe vrienden gheproeft werden inder ghelatenis), which is subdivided into three paragraphs representing three degrees of trial of the true friends of God. Herp’s chapter merges perfectly with the previous texts, which originally circulated in fourteenth-century Strasbourg within loosely arranged literal and spiritual circles that could be identified as the so-called Gottesfreunde. Herp’s use of the term ‘friend of god’ seems to be similar to the way this term was used within these circles in general, and more specifically by Tauler.61 The

55 Des erleüchten D. Johan. Tauleri Epistolen oder Sendtbrieff zu seynen geistlichen frunden vnd kinderen die das gemüt erleüchten vnd antzunden lauterlich in der liebe Gottes, 1543, f. 321v. On this part of the Cologne Tauler-edition, filled with Letters, canticles prophecies etc. see a.o. Gnädinger and Mayer 1995, Tauler, Johannes, p. 652. 56 Tauler-edition 1543, f. 323r. 57 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 135r-138r. 58 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 138r-139v. Tauler-edition 1543, f. 321v (¶ Wie man in eyner vergaderung geistlich leben sol). 59 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 139v-140r: “O lieue kinder een cortte leere Alsoe dick als men mach soe sal men dat ooghe des ghemoets met eender minlijker begheeringhen daer toe keeren dat god alleene in dijnen gronde werde ghemeynt…Soe wat mensschen dese wijse van leuen houdet Eest dat hij met aendacht der eeuwigher gheboerten begheert hij sal der sonder twijfel ghewaer worden Ende sonderlinghe soe gheeft hem god veel minlijker gauen die ic hierom cortheit wille achter late.” 60 Heverlee, NP: 8, f. 140r-140v. Vetter 1910, Predigten Taulers, no. 58. 61 On the use of the term in the circles of the Gottesfreunde, and especially by Seuse and Tauler: Regina D. Schiewer, ‘Vos amici dei estis. Die ‘Gottesfreunde’ des 14. Jahrhunderts bei Seuse, Tauler und in den ‘Engelberger predigten’: Religiöse Elite, Verein oder Literaturzirkel?’, in: Almut Suerbaum & Annette Volfing, Amicitia: Friendship in Medieval Culture. Papers in Hon- our of Nigel F. Palmer. Oxford German Studies, 36 (2007), p. 227-246. Schiewer’s preliminary research into the use of the term Gottesfreund(e) in Suso and Tauler indicates that the term was

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scribe/compiler must have recognized the thematic similarities and possibly also the more intrinsic relation in the third paragraph of Herp’s chapter, where Herp uses the metaphor of God as a painter (see above). Nevertheless, Herp’s name is not mentioned. In this way, a part of his work becomes another one of those short Middle Dutch texts that were combined with Tauler sermons in Middle Dutch Tauler manuscripts.62 Readers of the Heverlee manuscript might have read Herp whilst being under the impression that they were reading Tauler, something which occurred more frequently with Merswin’s work.63 The decision to combine Tauler with parts of Herp’s text may also have been (partially) a matter of historical and contextual awareness: both men were men- dicants, mystics and talented preachers. Thus, the connection that is constructed in this manuscript could have been triggered by Herp’s important position within the Franciscan order and his reputation as an excellent preacher. In turn, the Spieghel could have been used as a source of material for sermons.64 The proximity of Herp to Ruusbroec’s works and Ruusbroec’s proximity to Tauler might also have played a role.65 Like Ruusbroec, Herp didn’t write sermons in the vernacular, but he did compose a comprehensive treatise. The form of Herp’s vernacular text, effectively a complete handbook for mystical ascent, is altogether different to Tauler’s sermons. A meaningful combination of texts by the two authors in a manuscript requires a well-considered selection from the Spieghel, which in turn requires a rather profound knowledge of the text – one is almost obliged to take a ‘sermon-like’ chapter from Herp’s comprehensive

not used for a (specific) community or for certain circles one could belong to. Rather, the term is used for people who strive to progress in the mystical ascent and receive certain revelations of God’s mysteries (similarly in Herp’s Spieghel the contemplative life is only accessible for friends of God whom God has ‘invited’(others stay his servants): Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 27, §1, p. 163-165, lines 4-28). The Gelassenheit plays a major role in helping the friends of God to reach their goal (Cf. Herps chapters 48 and 49: Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 48 and c. 49, p. 293-317). Tauler also makes the distinction of false friends and real friends of god – recognizing the real from the false is not easy (p. 242-243, Vetter 1910, Predigten Taulers, no. 48 (Ego sum lux mundi)). Very similar thoughts are developed by Herp in chapter 48. Hoe die ontrouwe vrienden hon toenen inder ghelatenheit in vijf manieren (Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp II, c. 48, p. 293-301). Furthermore, Herp chose Luc. 14,10 (Amice ascende superius) as the leading theme of his Latin work Scala amoris novem distincta, of which a Dutch translation was copied in olim Münster, Paulinische Bibliothek: Hs. 698. This manuscript was lost in the Second World War. For a partial edition and identification of the text, see: F. Jostes, ‘Beiträge zur Ken- ntnis der Niederdeutschen Mystik’, in: Germania, 31 (1886), p. 1-41; p. 164-204 and R. Lievens, ‘Hendrik Herps ‘Eden’ in het Middelnederlands’, in: Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsche taal- en letterkunde, 89 (1973), p. 1-11 (mistakenly identified as Eden). 62 Cf. Lieftinck 1936, Tauler-handschriften, p. xxvij. 63 Gnädinger and Mayer 1995, Tauler, Johannes, p. 650 (f.) 64 Cf. J.M. Willeumier-Schalij, ‘Hendrik Herp als predikant’, in: Ons Geestelijk Erf, 60 (1986), p. 23-37. 65 Cf. Maarten J.F.M. Hoenen, ‘Johannes Tauler († 1361) in den Niederlanden. Grundzüge eines philosophie- und rezeptionsgeschichtlichen Forschungsprogramms’, in: Freiburger Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Theologie, 41 (1994), p. 389-444, there p. 398-400.

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treatise.66 Thus the scribe or compiler of the manuscript must have had Herp’s work at his disposal and probably worked in an environment where in addition to Tauler, Herp’s text was circulated and studied intensively.67

The Ghent manuscript

The second Middle Dutch manuscript, in which works by Tauler and Herp are combined, is a codex that is today kept in the Ghent University Library.68 The codex is described in detail by Reynaert in his catalogue of Middle Dutch manuscripts in the library’s collection.69 He dates the manuscript to the third quarter of the sixteenth-century. The manuscript is written on paper in a littera hybrida in one column and bound in the original leather binding with wood covers. It measures 141≈102 mm, meaning that it is considerably smaller than the Heverlee-manuscript. Reynaert distinguishes between four different scribes; the vast majority of the text is written by the second scribe.70 Aside from the text, which is generally written in black ink, there are rubrics and plain initials in red. The codex was most likely written in a milieu of Poor Clares.71 The manuscript contains a large set of approximately seventy (mostly short) texts, which I will not be able to discuss in detail here (for a full overview see Appendix II). The structure of this manuscript is much less clear than the Hever- lee codex, at least for the modern reader. The manuscript starts with a sermon and several expositions on the Song of Songs.72 In another manuscript, this first sermon is (partially) attributed to father Michiel van Oerderen, possibly a Fran- ciscan observant who worked in close proximity to Matthias of Dordrecht / Weynsen – an active preacher, editor and intermediary between writers and printers. As guardian of the Leiden and Antwerp observant friaries, leader of the Cologne province and ‘founder’ of the separate Dutch province, he was also

66 Ruusbroec’s short work Vanden vier becoringhen was also transmitted as ‘pseudo-Tauler’: Warnar 2009, Ruusbroecs Brulocht, p. 52. 67 The link between the Franciscan observance and the dissemination of Tauler sermons in the second half of the fifteenth century also becomes apparent in a note in the Hildesheim manuscript: cf. Warnar 2009, Ruusbroecs Brulocht, p. 53. 68 Gent, UB: 1351. 69 J. Reynaert, Catalogus van de Middelnederlandse handschriften in de bibliotheek van de Rijksuniversiteit te Gent II/1: De handschriften verworven na 1852 (deel I). Gent, 1996 (Werken uitgegeven door de Faculteit van de Letteren en Wijsbegeerte, 182), p. 240-254. An older description can be found in Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 82-88. 70 Reynaert 1996, Middelnederlandse handschriften, p. 241. The first scribe wrote f. 1r-22r (7th line); the second scribe f. 22r (7th line)-100v and f. 109r-252v; the third scribe copied f. 101r-103r (11th line) and the fourth wrote f. 103r (12th line) -108v. 71 Based on the explicit on f. 136r: “Daerom seyde ons heylighe moeder clara…”. Reynaert 1996, Middelnederlandse handschriften, p. 241 and Cosmas Peters, ‘Een preek van pater Gabriel-Maria O.F.M.’, in: Ons Geestelijk Erf, 24 (1950), p. 210-215, there p. 210-211. 72 Gent, UB: 1351, f. 1r-53v.

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an important administrator.73 After the expositions on the Song of Songs there are two sermons by Tauler with an anonymous sermon situated between them. Both rubrics copied before the Tauler sermons mention Tauler’s name.74 Fur- ther on in the manuscript there is a quote attributed to brother Dirc (Coelde of Münster), a famous observant preacher and author of many works.75 Another section of short, excerpt-like texts, exempla, counsels and reflections follows.76 From f. 158r onwards there is a sequence of sermons, starting with a sermon by Gabriel-Maria Nicolai, another Franciscan observant.77 There are then four sermons by the Franciscan observant Geert van Campen, who, according to a notation in another manuscript, was guardian of the observant Franciscan friary in Mechlin.78 After an unidentified ‘instruction’, there is a Middle Dutch translation of a work by the Cologne Carthusian Johannes Lanspergius (Enchiridion vitae spiritualis).79 According to Verschueren, an important source for this short treatise was Herp’s Spieghel.80 Lanspergius also wrote the so-called Car- thusian mirror (‘Kartuizerspiegel’ in Dutch), in which he mentions both Tauler and Herp as his sources.81 His Enchiridion vitae spiritualis, containing nine

73 The attribution to Michiel van Oerderen is made in Brussel, KBR: 11151-55, f.198v-205v. Cf. Reynaert 1996, Middelnederlandse handschriften, p. 242. Just before this sermon, two sermons by Matthias Weynsen, held for the Poor Clares in Amsterdam (1521), were copied (f. 184r-196v and f.196v-198v). The sermons by Weynsen are published in M. Verjans, ‘Preken van Minder- broeders uit vroeger tijd’, in: Neerlandica Seraphica, X (1936), p. 134-142. Weynsen was also involved in the Theologia mystica-edition of Herp’s work by Dirk Loer in 1538. Loer used a Spieghel-manuscript which was property of Weynsen. See Benjamin De Troeyer, Bio-bibliographia franciscana neerlandica saeculi XVI. I:Pars biographica: de auteurs van de uitgegeven werken. Nieuwkoop, 1969, p. 36-40. 74 Gent, UB: 1351, f. 53v-65v (Een sermoen op des h. cruys verheffing. Johannis taular) and 82r-94r (Een sermoen op die.h. drijuuldicheyt dach van den deuoten leeraer Johannes tauweleer). Vetter 1910, Predigten Taulers, no. 65 and Corin 1924, Sermons de J. Tauler, p. 38-47. The anonymous sermon on f. 65v-82r is possibly by Willem Jordaens: Reynaert 1996, Middelneder- landse handschriften, p. 243, footnote 733. Cf. Kees Schepers [ed.], Ioannis Rusbrochii, De ornatv spiritvalivm nvptiarvm. Wilhelmo Iordani interprete. Turnhout, 2004, p. 15 and 18, who doubts the attribution to Jordaens. 75 Gent, UB: 1351, f. 124v-126r and 127r. On Dirc Coelde van Münster see De Troeyer 1974, Bio-Bibliographia franciscana, p. 196-248. 76 It contains i.a. an exemplum based on Tauler-sermon Vetter 1910, Predigten Taulers, no. 69, which again is based on Hildegard von Bingen’s Scivias: Gent, UB: 1351, f. 154-155r. Cf. Gnädinger and Mayer 1995, Tauler, Johannes, p. 635 (4.). 77 Gent, UB: 1351, f. 158r-160v. An edition of the sermon and information about Gabriel Nico- lai can be found in Peters 1950, Een preek. 78 Gent, UB: 1351, f. 160v-172v. The note on Geert van Campen being guardian in Mechlin can be found in Brussel, KBR: 3005-08, f. 90r: ghenomen uten sermone van den eerweerdighen gardiaen van Mechelen broeder Goert van Campe. In this codex, his work is also combined with Tauler. W. Schmitz, Het aandeel der Minderbroeders in onze middeleeuwse literatuur. Inleiding tot een bibliografie der Nederlandse franciscanen. Nijmegen-Utrecht, 1936, p. 78. Cf. Reynaert 1996, Middelnederlandse handschriften, p. 249. 79 Gent, UB: 1351, f. 183v-192r. Reynaert 1996, Middelnederlandse handschriften, p. 250. Ver- schueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 93, lines 126-127. 80 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 141. 81 Cf. Anna Dlabacová, ‘Herp in de herberg. Een zestiende-eeuwse pelgrimsreis met elementen uit de Spieghel der volcomenheit’, in: Ons Geestelijk Erf, 82 (2011), p. 3-58, there p. 29.

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obstacles that prevent a person from reaching perfection, is complemented by the nine degrees of Gelassenheit (ghelatenheit) in this process. This last text is a rigorously shortened version of chapter 60 (Van der bereydinghe des over- weseliken levens gheleghen in ghelatenheit des willes) from Herp’s Spieghel.82 Herp is mentioned in the rubric as an authority and his background as a Franciscan is made explicit (pater heynrick herp een seer verlicht minderbroeder in god). This version of Herp’s chapter, also known under the Latin title Scala graduum perfectionis, is always combined with the previous treatise.83 This diptych of texts by Herp and Lanspergius is directly followed by 25 folios filled with excerpts attributed to Tauler.84 Most of them are taken from the Insitutiones Taulerianae, and can thus be traced to the Cologne Tauler edition of 1543, where they were published in the last part of the printed edition together with the pastoral letters that are present in the Heverlee manuscript.85 These (pseudo-)Tauler excerpts are once more followed by a number of dicta, points, exempla and admonitions. Two excerpts are identified in the rubrics as taken from a sermon by Frans de Drijver and Geert (van Campen?), respec- tively.86 Together with Geert van Campen, Schmitz counts Frans de Drijver among the Franciscan observants.87 This sixteenth-century manuscript tells a completely different story from the Heverlee codex. Herp no longer maintains his place among 14th century (and older) mystics and their literature. Even Tauler’s role is significantly diminished. Instead, a major role is now reserved for another group of mendicant preachers, this time from Herp’s order: the observant Franciscans.

82 Gent, UB: 1351, f. 192r-199v. The chapter from the Spieghel is not only shortened; in fact, Verschueren and Ruh call it an ‘extract’ (Auszug) (Ruh 1999, Abendländische Mystik, p. 225; Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 139-141). This specific chapter has a complicated textual transmission. The chapter goes back to Merswin’s Neunfelsenbuch, but the transmission into the Spieghel is mediated via Herp’s Latin work Eden. The chapter was used in 1553 by Surius; the text in the 1543 Cologne Tauler-edition (Von neun stenden eins christlichen Lebens) is very different from Herp’s chapter. 83 Exactly the same combination, but in Latin, occurs in Brussel, KBR: 4615, f. 57r-66v. Ver- schueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 93-94. The two short texts were also combined in printed editions; see Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 141 and no. 65 and 66 (p. 126-7). 84 Gent, UB: 1351, f. 199v-224r. 85 The Institutiones Taulerianae is a Latin translation by Surius of the treatises (such as the Sendbriefe) that were originally published in the Cologne 1543 Tauler edition. Ampe studied these texts extensively: A. Ampe, ‘Een kritisch onderzoek van de «Institutiones Taulerianae»’, in: Ons Geestelijk Erf, 40 (1966), p. 167-240. 86 Gent, UB: 1351, f. 236r-237r (Een merckelijck punt van die liefde gods ghepreckt van broeder francen de drijver) and f. 237v-283r (Hier volghen vj. merckelijcke punten die pater geert ghepreckt heft). Cf. the already mentioned manuscript Brussel, KBR: 3005-08, f. 90r: VII puenten (…) ghenomen uten sermone van den eerweerdighen gardiaen van Mechelen broeder Goert van Campe. 87 Schmitz 1936, Aandeel der Minderbroeders, p. 78. Cf. Reynaert 1996, Middelnederlandse handschriften, p. 253.

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3. CONCLUSIONS: CHANGING LAYERS OF MOBILITY AND RECEPTION

The Spieghel der volcomenheit shows that Herp was directly familiar with Tauler. Two whole chapters on images where inspired by just one of his sermons.88 Herp thoroughly rewrote and fully incorporated ideas, divisions and exempla that he found useful as material for his own, more comprehensive argument. Furthermore, Herp’s extensive use of the Tauler sermon Ego vox clamantis – which is a fixed element in the transmission of Tauler sermons in Dutch manuscripts89 – seems to confirm Verschueren’s assumption that Herp acquired his knowledge of Tauler through a Dutch manuscript.90 The manuscript(s) he had at his disposal probably contained a Middle Dutch collection of Tauler sermons which was arranged according to the liturgical year and commenced with the sermons Miserunt judeii ab Hierusalem and Ego vox clamantis.91 The manuscript he used may not have been too different from the first part of the Heverlee manuscript.92 This intrinsic relation between Tauler and Herp must have established a connection between the two mystics in the minds of fifteenth-century readers and manuscript makers. In manuscripts, then, the relationship between the two mystics could be reinforced, and new connections could be formed. This process occurred, for example, in the workshop of the scribe who copied the Heverlee manuscript. He or she copied a manuscript which is a typical representative of the transmission of Tauler sermons in Dutch manuscripts and in which Tauler is a dominant force. In fact, Tauler is mentioned as the authority. With regard to Herp, we only read one chapter from his Spieghel, but the manner in which his text is arranged in the manuscript accounts for rather a close relationship between the authors. Herp’s chapter on the true friends of god is copied directly after a Tauler sermon, almost as if it was just another sermon or ‘lesson’ by the great Dominican himself. The theme selected from the Spieghel closely relates to Tauler and the other contents of the manuscript. Through the combination of these texts and the selection made from the Spieghel, Herp’s vernacular work is placed within a Tauler-based context dating back to the fourteenth-century circles congregating around Tauler and the

88 Cf. Hoenen 1994, Johannes Tauler, p. 400-401. Could Herp be seen as one of the representa- tives of the Dutch Albertist-tradition (together with for example Dionysius the Carthusian) that was connected to and inspired by Tauler’s thoughts? 89 Gnädinger and Mayer 1995, Tauler, Johannes, p. 639 (e.). In the Middle High German transmission, Ego vox clamantis can first be found in the 1521 Basel Tauler edition. 90 Cf. Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 150. 91 Cf. Gnädinger and Mayer 1995, Tauler, Johannes, p. 639 (e.). 92 Another candidate might be Brussel, KBR: 2184. After the beguines, the manuscript was owned by the guardian of the Mechlin observant friary until 1616 (f. 2r: R.P. Henricus Alde- nardensis sacre theologie Lector et Guardianus Mechliniensis dedit hunc librum subdito suo f. Gratiano clerico Belliol., anno 1616, 28 octobris). Lieftinck 1936, Tauler-handschriften, p. 36-47, 143 and Afb. IX (depiction of the note). Tauler is also mentioned in the 1620 library catalogue of the Mechlin monastery: Axters 1961, Johannes Tauler, p. 360-361.

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Strasbourg Gottesfreunde. Herp is not only admitted, but virtually absorbed into the literature of the fourteenth-century Friends of God; in effect, his chapter becomes pseudo-Tauler. In the Ghent manuscript, the relation between Tauler and Herp seems to be reversed. Here, the friars minor of the observance play the principal role, and Tauler is absorbed into their context, albeit not in the same way as Herp’s chapter was incorporated into the works from the fourteenth century. Tauler’s name is constantly mentioned – his authority was still respected as significant and meaningful. In the meantime, however, Herp has since become an important authority as well, at least partly due to the translations and editions of his work by the Carthusians in Cologne. In their edition of the Mystica Theologia, they celebrated Herp as Tauler’s equal.93 It is not only the presence of several sermons by observant preachers which is new. The activities of the Carthusians in Cologne are also felt strongly in this manuscript, just as they are in the 1543 Tauler edition and subsequent editions of the Institutiones Taulerianae. In the Carthusian circles, Herp and Tauler became intertwined in several ways (for example through the efforts of Lanspergius), and the transmission of texts by both mystics in the Ghent manuscript is effected in one way or the other via sixteenth-century Cologne. The corpus of pseudo-Tauler texts was more widely promulgated, which is probably the main reason why there are far more of these texts in the Ghent manuscript than in Heverlee, although the presence of the Sendbriefe in Heverlee might indicate the early role played by this codex and the milieu in which it was copied during the process of attributing texts to Tauler. It seems that Herp’s vernacular work was involved in this process from an early stage. This process ultimately culminated in the Cologne edition. The fact that some of the shorter texts in the Heverlee manuscript not directly associated with Tauler (the text regarding the question of what god is, the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost, and the texts on the eight points) can be found in a manuscript that was written and kept in Brussels might offer a clue as to where the Heverlee manuscript was conceived and copied. The same could account for the presence of the Hadewijch letter – the transmission of her letters cen- tered largely around the same city. In 1480/81, the abbot of the Abbey of Park ordered a manuscript with sermons from the Brussels convent of Jericho.94 Could his manuscript have contained Tauler sermons and remained in the abbey for over five hundred years until today?

93 Verschueren 1931b, Hendrik Herp I, p. 105, no. 15. Cf. Freienhagen-Baumgardt 1998, Hendrik Herps «Spieghel der volcomenheit», p. 16-18. 94 Patricia Stoop, Schrijven in commissie. Middelnederlandse biechtvaderpreken uit het Brusselse regularissenklooster Jericho in hun literaire context. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Ant- werp, Faculty of Arts and Philosophy, May 2009, p. 115-116 and 166. The sisters of the Jericho convent were in touch with the Franciscan observant friars from Boetendaal (a friary founded by Herp) and in possession of a copy of Herp’s Spieghel, made by one of the sisters (Brussel, KBR: 2136).

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A study of the two Middle Dutch Tauler-Herp manuscripts has shown that the concomitant transmission of texts by Tauler and Herp was determined by a number of factors: the perceived connection between the two authors, the milieu in which a manuscript was written, the changes within the transmission of their texts (for example the editing and translating activities carried out by the Cologne Carthusians) and other historical and religious circumstances, such as the rise of the (Dutch) observant Franciscans as important figures within the Counter-Reformation alongside the Carthusians.

APPENDIX I HEVERLEE, NP: 8 – OVERVIEW OF THE CONTENTS

A bold folio-number indicates that the text commences with a pen-flourished initial.

I 1r-3v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 4 Corin 1929, 69 on Joh. 1,19-21 adventus 3v-5v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 4 Tauler-edition on Joh. 1,23 adventus 1521, 166v-168r 5v-7v Johannes Tauler(?): sermon Dominica 2 Lieftinck 1936, on Luc. 21,25 adventus 57 and 297-301 7v-10v Johannes Tauler: sermon In nativitate Domini Vetter 1 on Luc. 1,27 10v-11v Johannes Tauler: sermon Johannes Apostolus Corin 1929, 10/ on Joh. 1,1 (27 dec.) Vetter 15 11v-13v Johannes Tauler: sermon Innocentes (28 dec.) Vetter 2 on Mat. 2,19 13v-14r Johannes Tauler: sermon In epiphania Domini Vetter 5 on Jes. 60,1 14r-17r Johannes Tauler: sermon In epiphania Domini Vetter 4 and 3 on Mat. 2,2 17r-17bisv Johannes Tauler(?): sermon Feria 5 post – on Joh. 8,31 dominicam 1 in quadragesima 17bisv-21r Johannes Tauler: sermon Feria 6 post dncam Vetter 8 on Joh. 5,1 1 in quadragesima 21r-24r Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 2 in Vetter 9 on Mat. 15,21 quadragesima (T20) 24r-27r Johannes Tauler: sermon Feria 2 post dncam Vetter 11 on Joh. 7,37 1 in passione Dni

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27r-28v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 2 in Vetter 14 on Joh. 11,50 passione Dni (Dominica palmis) 28v-30r Johannes Tauler(?): sermon Dominica 2 in Lieftinck 1936, on Joh. 11,50 passione Dni 293-296 (Dominica palmis) 30r-32r Johannes Tauler(?): sermon Dominica - on Joh. 20,16 resurrectionis Dni 32r-35r Meister Eckhart: sermon on Dominica in octava Lieftinck 1936, Joh.16,16 paschae 228-232/ Quint 1993, II, no. 69 35r-38r Johannes Tauler: sermon In litaniis minoribus Vetter 60a on Luc. 11,5 (in rogationibus) 38r-41v Johannes Tauler: sermon In ascensione Vetter 60b on Mar. 16,14 Domini 41v-44v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica Vetter 60e on Hand. 2,4 pentecostes et de Spiritu Sancto 44v-48r Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica Vetter 26 on Hand. 2,4 pentecostes et de Spiritu Sancto 48r-49r Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 1 post Vetter 60g on Luc. 14,16 trinitatem 49r-53r Johannes Tauler: sermon In festo ss. Corporis Vetter 32 on Joh. 6,55 Christi 53r-56v Johannes Tauler: sermon In festo ss. Corporis Vetter 33 on Joh. 6,55 Christi 56v-60r Johannes Tauler: sermon In festo ss. Corporis Vetter 60f on Joh. 6,57 Christi 60r-63r Johannes Tauler: sermon In festo ss. Corporis Vetter 60c on Joh. 6,57 Christi 63r-63v Johannes Tauler(?):sermon Dominica 2 post - on Luc. 16,25 trinitatem 63v-67v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 3 post Vetter 60h on 1 Petr. 5,6 trinitatem 67v-71v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 4 post Vetter 38 on Luc.6,36 pentecostem 71v-74r Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 4 post Vetter 62 on Luc. 6,36-38 pentecostem 74r-75v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 5 post Vetter 63 on Luc. 5,3 pentecostem 75v-78r Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 10 post Vetter 78 on Mat. 21,13 trinitatem

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78r-81r Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 11 post Vetter 57 on Luc. 18,10 trinitatem 81r-82v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 12 post Vetter 73 on 2 Cor. 3,6 trinitatem 82v-85v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 13 post Vetter 45 on Luc. 10,23 trinitatem 85v-89r Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 13 post Vetter 64 on Luc. 10,23 trinitatem 89r-92r Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 15 post Vetter 66 on Mat. 6,33 trinitatem 92r-95v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 16 post Vetter 67 on Ef. 3,14-15 trinitatem 96r-97v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 17 post Vetter 70 on Ef. 4,1 trinitatem 97v-99v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 18 post Vetter 71 on Ps. 36,5 trinitatem 99v-103r Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 19 post Vetter 56 on Ef. 4,23 trinitatem 103r-107v Johannes Tauler: sermon Dominica 20 post Vetter 81 on Mat. 22,4 trinitatem

II 108r-109v Johannes Tauler: sermon on In dedicatione Vetter 69 Mat. 22,4 ecclesiae 109v-111r Johannes Tauler: sermon on De s. apostolo, Vetter 6 Mat. 11,30 apostolis 111r-114r Johannes Tauler: sermon on Crux, exaltatio the exaltation of the cross (14 sep.) Vetter 65 114v-115r Johannes Tauler: sermon on – Vetter 60 Dt. 6,4 115r-115v Wat God is Brussel, KBR: II 1039, f. 63v-67v

III 116r-118v Johannes Tauler: sermon Michaelis et angeli Vetter 68 on Mat. 18,10 (29 sep) 118v-122v Johannes Tauler: sermon Omnes sancti Hofmann 1979, on Mat. 5,1 (1 nov) nr. 71

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122v-125v Johannes Tauler: sermon Johannes Baptista Vetter 61 on Joh. 1,7 (24 juni) 126r-128v Johannes Tauler(?): sermon – – 128v-129v Johannes Tauler(?): sermon – Roos 1936, 157-163 129v-130v Johannes Tauler(?): sermon – Lieftinck 1936, 275-278 130v-133v Johannes Tauler: sermon – Corin 1924, 13 on Ps. 36,5 133v-135r Rulman Merswin: –– Bannerbüchlein (sermon) 135r-138r Johannes Tauler(?): – Tauler-print 1543, Pastoral letter (Een leere) f. 323r 138r-139v Johannes Tauler(?): – Tauler-print 1543, Pastoral letter (Een schoon f. 321v epistel) 139v-140r Lesson (Een cortte goede – leere) 140r-140v Johannes Tauler: sermon – Vetter 58 on Jak. 5,16 140v-143v Hendrik Herp: Spieghel der Verschueren volcomenheit, chapter 49, 1931, II, 303-317 par. 1-3

(IV) 144r-145r Seven Gifts of the Holy Brussel, KBR: II Ghost (Ruusbroec) 1039, f. 146r-153v 145r-146r Eight points belonging to a Brussel, KBR: II commencing, an advanced 1039, f. and a perfect person 173r-178r 146r-147r Hadewijch of Brabant: Van Mierlo Tenth letter (adapted 1947, 85-91 towards the end) 147r-164r Text on Gal. 6,14 – 164r-165r Prayer – 165r Prayer – 165r-168r Johannes Tauler: sermon In festo ss. Trinitas Vetter 60d on Joh. 3,11. 168r-169v Johannes Tauler: sermon In epiphania Domini – on Mt 2,12.

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APPENDIX II GENT, UB: 1351 – OVERVIEW OF THE CONTENTS

Scribe I and II (22r) 1r-25r Michiel van Oerderen(?): Een merckelijck punt Brussels, RL: sermon on Cant. cantic. uut die expositie van 11151-55 2,15 cantica canticorum Scribe II 25r-29r Exposition on Cant. cantic Een ander soet woort 6,1 wter selfder expositien 29r-44v Exposition on Cant. cantic noch vanden seluen 6,10 44v-53v Exposition on Cant. cantic Een ander punt 7,7 53v-65v Johannes Tauler: sermon Een sermoen op des Vetter 65 on Joh. 12,32 h. cruys verheffing. Johannis taular 65v-82r Sermon on Joh. 12,24 Op sinte vincentius Willem mertelaer dach een Jordaens? sermoen Jordanis Cf. Rey- naert 1996 82r-94r Johannes Tauler: sermon Een sermoen op die Corin 1924, on Lk. 6,36 .h. drijuuldicheyt 38-47 dach van den deuoten leeraer Johannes tauweleer 94r-95v Exhortation/Lesson Een schoon exhortatie oft leeringe 95v-98r Points of adomnition Hier na volghen sommighe notabel punten der heyliger leeraers aengaende den godlijcken dienst 98r-100v Sermon Sermoen Scribe III 101r-103r Sermon (partial) Sinte beernaert seyt dit in een sermoen vanden Auentmael ons heeren Jhesu christe

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Scribe IV 103r-108v Thomas a Kempis: Dit heeft ghemaect Alphabetum religiosorum een deuoet regulier thomaes kempien in sinte agneten berch buijten swolle ende is int lattijn eennen AB Scribe II 109r-112v Twelve evangelical Hier na volghen die counsels .xij. Euangelische raden oft raden des heylighen euangelis ende op elck sommighe goede instructien en leeringhen wt die heylighe scriftuer ende doctoeren 112v-113r Dictum attributed to S. Een merckelijck punt Augustine 113v-114v Sermon on Wis. 10,12 Een merckelyck punt (excerpt) wt een sermoen op dat woot [!] fortem sertamen dedit illi v vinceret 114v-115v Devotional guidelines Dit is een maniere hoe ghij die heylighe daghen .h. maken [!] 115v-116r Seven points that impede Dese seuen punten spiritual progress hinderen ons alte zeer in onsen gheestelijcken voortganck 116r-v Sermon(?) on Lk. 12,40 Estote parate quia in qua hora non putari veniet filius hominis 117r-118r Devotional reflections Dit is een troostelijck woort den beghinnenden menschen 118r-121v Reflections on mortifica- Een merckelijck punt tion and equanimity van ghelatenheyt 121v-124v Devotional reflections Hoe hem een (guidelines) mensche hebben sal die hem wilt tot god keeren

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124v-126r Pater Hurst: sermon on Dit is ghepreckt op S. Maria Magdalena S. magdaleenen dach (Lk. 10,42) van pater hurst 126r-127r Johannes Cassianus: Een heylich out Collationes (excerpt on vader Seraphionis cardinal sins) seyt in sijnder scriften 127r Dirc (van Münster?): van broeder dierck excerpt 127r-128r Van tien scaden die van Van veel spreekens woerden comen comen.x. schaden 128r-129r Counsel Eenen raet daer ghi v af wachten moet 129r-129v Rule of life Een regele 129v-132r Over het onderscheid van Hier na volcht zonden onderscheijt van sonden naet gheuoelen der .h. leeraers ende oude vaderen die dat bescrijuen in deser manieren 132r-135r On different kinds of sin Dit sijn die sonden des herten 135r-138v Dictum attributed to Beda Een merckelijck punt Venerabilis 138v-144r Johannes Cassianus: Collationes (excerpt) 144r-151v Dictum attributed to Een merckelijck punt S. Augustine van goet betrouwen te hebben zeer troostelijc voor cleynmoedighe menschen 151v-152v Sermon (excerpt; point of Dit is een merckelijc interest 1) punt wt een sermoen merckt wel 152v-154v Sermon (?) (excerpt; point Een ander of interest 2) 154v Exempel (?) about S. Cecilia 154v-155r Exempel (Johannes Dit heeft een.h. Vetter 69 Tauler?) doctoor bescre[!] 155r-156v Exhortation Exhortacie

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156v-158r Birgitta of Sweden: Dit is een reuelatie Revelations die onse lieue heer vertoonde sijnder lieuer bruyt brigitte haer leerende hoe sij hem nauolghen sal in sijnder heyligher passien. nota bene 158r-160v Gabriel-Maria Nicolai: Dit heeft ghepreeckt Peters 1950, sermon onse eerweerdighe 210-215 vader generael van een edel weerdighe vrouwe sijn bicht dochter die dese oorden te houden van maria self gheopenbaert is 160v-164v Geert van Campen: sermon Dese sermoenen heeft ghepreckt pater Geert van Campen 164v-167r Geert van Campen: sermon Noch een vanden seluen pater 167r-168r Geert van Campen: sermon Een ander vanden (summary) seluen 168r-172v Geert van Campen: sermon Noch vanden seluen pater 173r-183v Instruction Hier na volcht een corte vermaninghe tot een gheestelijcke theolosie die den naesten ende lichsten wech es om heel met god vereenicht te worden so na alst hier moghelijck is 183v-192r Johannes Lanspergius: Hier volghen ix Enchiridion vitae spiritualis hinderen oft letselen die eenen mensch zeer beletten in den wech der deuchden om tot volcomenheyt te comen 192r-199v Hendrik Herp: Spieghel Hier na volcht die der volcomenheit leeringhe der (chap. 60) volmaectheyt van ix. graden ghenomen wt den werdigen pater heynrick herp een seer verlicht minderbroeder in god

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199v-224r Johannes Tauler(?): excerpts 199v-202v Hier na volghen veel goede leeringhen wt die schriften van die alder godlycste leeraer Joahnnis thauleer 202v-204r noch vanden seluen 204v-205r Johannes thau[!] 205r-208r Een vraghe (…) Tauleer… 208v-210v Een vraghe Johannis Thaleer 210v-213r Institutiones Taulerianae: Hoe ghij mercken Ampe 1996, 202 chap. 36 (excerpt) sult oft den eyghen wille heel doot es ende v heel ouerstort hebt in god 213r-215v Noch vanden seluen leeraer Hoe hem een mensch proeuen sal naet woort des apoestels eer hij sal gaen ten heylighen Sacrament 215v-216r Institutiones Taulerianae: Item van Ampe 1966, 208 chap. 48 (excerpt; pastoral versakinghen in letter) aermoeden dorheyt ende Ghelatenheyt 216r-v Johannes Tauler(?): Een cort puntken wat Vetter 78(?) sermon (excerpt) rechte deuocie es 216v-219v Institutiones Taulerianae: Noch vanden seluen Ampe 1966, 197 chap. 32 (excerpt) leeraer Thauleere van e.v. armoede der tijtelijcker dinghen ende des gheests ende van perfeckt steruen 220r-224r Institutiones Taulerianae: noch vanden seluen Ampe 1966, 201 chap. 35a (excerpt)

224r-229r Admonition Een schoon leeringhe voor scrupeloose menschen

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229r-234r Admonition Een merckelijcke leeringhe van discretie ende onderscheyt in deuotie 234r-v Exempel Een exempel hoe dat onse lieue heer eender maecht Openbaerde 235r-236r Dictum attributed to S. Een merckelijcke Augustine corte schoon leeringe 236r Dictum attributed to Christ Dit seyt onse lieuen here 236r-237r Frans de Drijver: sermon Een merckelijck punt (excerpt) van die liefde gods ghepreckt van broeder francen de drijuer 237v-238r Geert van Campen(?): Hier volghen vj. sermon (excerpts) merckelijcke punten die pater geert ghepreckt heeft 238r-v Dictum on the seven Item S. bernaert seyt virtues attributed to S. datter sijn vij Bernardus crachtighe duechden die elc bysondert syn in haer operatie ende sij syn ons ooc seer profijtelijc ende salich 238v-239v Points to reach perfect Sommighe punten contemplative life dienende totten volcomen schouwenden leuen 239v-241r Commentary on a letter by Hier na volcht een Paul (1 Cor. 7,29 et seq), punt wt die epistel attributed to Gregory the van sinte paulus: Great (excerpt) Daer sinte gregorius alten schoonen claren sententie op seyt merckt neerstelijck 241r-243r Seven degrees to reach true Van vij graden love 243r-244v Sermon Een minnelijc sermoen

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245r-252v Three points to reach a Dese drij virtuous life navolghende punten sullen v zeer profiteeren om te comen tot een deuchdelijck leuen mercket wel

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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SUMMARY

The intrinsic relationship between Tauler sermons and the comprehensive mystical guide Spieghel der volcomenheit, written between approximately 1455 and 1460 by the observant Franciscan friar Hendrik Herp, was recognized by readers and compilers of manuscripts. Texts by Tauler and Herp were combined in two Middle Dutch manu-

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scripts. In the first manuscript, Heverlee, Norbertijnerabdij Park: 8 (c. 1460-1500), Tauler plays a dominant role and is considered the authority, while a selection from Herp is neatly incorporated within a corpus of fourteenth-century texts by Tauler and other writers related to the Gottesfreunde literature. In the second manuscript, Ghent, University Library: 1351 (c. 1550-1575), the roles are reversed: Herp no longer maintains his reputation among 14th-century (and older) mystics and their literature, and Tauler’s role is also significantly diminished. Instead, a major role is now reserved for another group of mendicant preachers, this time from Herp’s order: the observant Fran- ciscans. The study of these two Tauler-Herp manuscripts shows that the concomitant transmission of texts by Tauler and Herp was determined by a number of factors: the perceived connection between the two authors, the milieu in which a manuscript was written, the changes within the transmission of their texts (for example the editing and translating activities carried out by the Cologne Carthusians) and obviously other historical circumstances, such as the rise of the (Dutch) observant Franciscans as important figures within the Counter-Reformation alongside the Carthusians.

Address of the author: Universiteit Leiden, LUCAS – Leiden University Centre for Arts in Society, P.O. Box 9515, 2300 RA Leiden, the Netherlands ([email protected] denuniv.nl)

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