92875 OGE 3 01 Van Dijk.Indd

STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Ubertino da Casale and the Devotio Moderna

Ubertino da Casale is best known to modern scholarship as a fervent partisan of the Spiritual Franciscans, and as one of the most radical exponents of the apocalyptic doctrine of Joachim of Fiore in the fifth book of his principal theological work, the Arbor vitae crucifixae Iesu Christi. He presents a rather enigmatic figure, who disappears from the historical record in the later 1320s, and is presumed to have died – in precisely what circumstances is a matter of controversy – around 1330. In the later Middle Ages, his Arbor vitae continued to enjoy a certain popularity across southern Europe, notably amongst the Franciscan Observants in Italy and Spain. It was less well known in northern Europe, with the significant exception of the Low Countries. This exception has attracted some comment, without ever being explained. Kurt Ruh, for instance, remarked in his entry on Ubertino in the Verfasserlexikon: ‘Kaum ein Zufall wird es sein, daß sich fast die ganze (bisher bekannte) H[ubertinus]-Rezeption im germanischen Raum auf die Niederlande konzentriert, auch wenn man die These des P. Optatus […] von der ‘Ubereinstimmung’ H[ubertinus]’, zumal in seinem christozentrischen Denken, ‘mit der niederländischen Frömmigkeit’ nicht als ausreichenden Erklärungsgrund anerkennen will.’1 The Capuchin friar Optatus, to whom Ruh here refers, is the only other scholar to have attempted any kind of assessment of the influence of Ubertino’s Arbor vitae in the Low Countries. He provides just three pages of summary indications, which then formed the material basis for C. C. de Bruin’s discussion of the topic in his survey of the medieval vita Christi tradition.2

¶ An earlier version of this paper was delivered at the 42nd International Congress on Medieval Studies, 10-13 May 2007, at Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, in session 89, ‘The Devotio Moderna and its Creative Use of Sources’. My thanks to Mathilde van Dijk for the invitation. I thank Mathilde, Anna Dlabacová and Nigel F. Palmer for reading earlier drafts of this article; Rahel Bacher, Sabrina Corbellini, Paul Lachance OFM, Marianne Hansen, Thom Mertens, Renée Nip and Rowan Tomlinson for help with individual points; and Mark Bainbridge for his assistance in preparing the translations from Latin texts. My thanks for the provision of manuscript copies to the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels, the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Den Haag, and the Staats- bibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz; and to the John Rylands University Library, Manchester, for permitting me to inspect a manuscript in its possession. — All translations from medieval texts are my own, with the exception of the single quotation from the trilingual Ruusbroec edition. A modern punctuation and capitalisation has been interposed uniformly on all quotations from such texts cited from original manuscripts and early printed books. 1 Kurt Ruh, ‘Hubertinus von Casale’, in: idem, Burghart Wachinger et al., Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon, 14 vols (Berlin and New York, 21977-2008) [hereinafter 2Verfasserlexikon], 4 (1983), cols. 211-19 and 11 (2004), col. 694, here 4, col. 215. 2 Optatus, ‘De invloed van Hubertinus van Casale op het geestelijk leven in de Nederlanden’, Franciscaans leven 30 (1947), pp. 112-14; C. C. de Bruin, ‘Middeleeuwse Levens van Jesus als leidraad voor meditatie en contemplatie’, Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis 58 (1978), pp. 129-55; 60 (1980), pp. 162-81; and 63 (1983), pp. 129-73, at 58 (1978), pp. 153-55, and 63 (1983), pp. 154-55 and pp. 165-66.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 199199 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 200 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

The transmission of the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries, both in Latin and in Dutch translation, is in fact considerably more substantial than previously noted. The particular enthusiasm for this work in the region is not coincidental. Its reception can be traced back to the years around 1400: and not in the milieu of the Franciscan Observance, which would only reach the Netherlands some decades later, but amongst the Augustinian canons regular of the Windesheim congregation. The interest of the early Modern Devout in the Arbor vitae had nothing to do with its apocalyptic theology, but with its status as a sophisticated and highly-structured contemplative work; one which contained certain distinctive features that correspond precisely to particular features of the contemplative practice and devotional works of the Devotio Moderna. Beyond these common formal aspects, the Arbor vitae contains a distinctive and original theology of the interior suffering of Christ, which Ubertino connects to the image of the sacred heart and describes as Christ’s dolores cordiales. This was directly influ- ential on the conceptualisation of the suffering of Christ, and in turn on the nature of imitating his life, amongst the early writers of the Devotio Moderna. This is most evident in the case of Jan van Schoonhoven – the individual who had defended Ruusbroec’s works against the criticism of Jean Gerson, and whose historical significance, so Ruh again, ‘beruht indes darauf, daß er die maßgebliche Persönlichkeit ist, die den Schwerpunkt der Spiritualität von Groenendaal zu den Windesheimern verlagerte.’3 This article is an attempt to provide a systematic survey of the transmission and reception of the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries to c. 1520. We will thus begin with an analysis of the extant Latin manuscripts, the testimonies from library catalogues and other sources of manuscripts now lost, and of the manuscripts containing portions of the text in Dutch translation. The evidence for the transmission of the work in Germany, such as it is, will be adduced to provide a comparative perspective. We will then examine certain aspects of the work that help to explain its popularity in the region, with specific focus on the Devotio Moderna in the period up to c. 1410. Finally, we will define the subsequent patterns of use of the Arbor vitae through the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, relying in this later period on the evidence supplied by existing case studies of particular authors and works. Before we look at all this evidence for the work’s transmission, we should take a moment to ask exactly what the Arbor vitae actually is.

THE ARBOR VITAE

At the simplest level, the Arbor vitae is a life of Christ with two prologues and five books. It is also extraordinarily long. The sole printed version, a Venetian incunable from 1485, runs to nearly five hundred folio sides, in two columns

3 Kurt Ruh, Geschichte der abendländischen Mystik, 4, Die niederländische Mystik des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1999), pp. 124-25.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 200200 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 201

of 59 lines of heavily abbreviated text.4 It is exactly contemporary with the Meditationes vitae Christi of Johannes de Caulibus, another north Italian Franciscan, and these two works are the earliest in the genre of exhaustive vitae Christi in Latin prose. As such, the Arbor vitae occupies an important position in this literary tradition,5 but it is very different in character both to the Meditationes, and to the subsequent fourteenth-century works in the same genre.6 Structured around the image of a tree, the Arbor vitae proceeds from the roots upwards to the fruits of the branches, adopting an earlier model from Bonaventura’s Lignum vitae. Within this structure, the Arbor vitae covers not merely the life of Christ on Earth, but the entirety of salvation history seen through the lens of Christ’s involvement – from creation through to the second coming and the end of the world. Carlos Mateo Martínez Ruiz, who has recently dedicated a major study to the Arbor vitae, describes the work as a theological summa: a work that expounds the essential content of Christian doctrine, in this case freed from the formal constraints of academic writing in a university context, but with the same concern to present the totality of theological knowledge, and with a similarly intimate knowledge of scholastic theology and biblical exegesis. Ubertino binds salvation history to christology in such a way that every theological issue is explicable only in terms of a moment in Christ’s existence, with the church (and thus Ubertino’s treatment of ecclesiology) appearing as the ‘fruits’ of the tree in the fifth book.7 At the centre of the work stands the fourth and longest book, dealing with Christ’s Passion. It is here that Ubertino sets out his unique and exceptionally complex mystical theology. He presents a contemplative ascent in which union with God is made accessible to the believer through the cross as the culmination of Christ’s earthly existence, and ultimately through the transformation of the individual into the crucified Christ – a transformation that had been realised most perfectly by Francis of Assisi.8

4 This edition is cited from the modern reprint: Ubertinus de Casali, Arbor vitae crucifixae Jesu, with an introduction and bibliography by Charles T. Davis [Monumenta politica et philosophica rariora series 1/4] (Turin, 1961). 5 See Tobias A. Kemper, Die Kreuzigung Christi. Motivgeschichtliche Studien zu lateinischen und deutschen Passionstraktaten des Spätmittelalters [Münchener Texte und Untersuchungen 131] (Tübingen, 2006), pp. 86-88. 6 See Michael Cusato, ‘Two Uses of the Vita Christi Genre in Tuscany, c. 1300: John de Caulibus and Ubertino da Casale compared. A Response to Daniel Lesnick, ten years hence’, Franciscan Studies 57 (1999), pp. 131-48, at pp. 141-46. 7 See Carlos Mateo Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion de los acontecimientos de la pascua a la cristologia. El cuarto libro del Arbor vitae crucifixae Iesu de Ubertino de Casale [Studia Antoniana 41] (Rome, 2000), pp. 114-17; on the arbor as the structuring principle of the work, see pp. 94-114. 8 See Kurt Ruh, Geschichte der abendländischen Mystik, 2, Frauenmystik und Franziskanische Mystik der Frühzeit (Munich, 1993), pp. 485-95; on the centrality of Francis to Ubertino’s christo- centric spirituality see Optatus, In de schaduw van het kruis. Een synthese van de christelijke volmaaktheid volgens de leer van Hubertinus van Casale [Gekruiste handen 5] (Mechelen, 1952), pp. 13-17.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 201201 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 202 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

It is as a result of Martínez Ruiz’ philological study that the process of composition and further redaction of the Arbor vitae is now properly understood. There are, in fact, two very different versions of the work. The first version was produced in 1305, during Ubertino’s period of residence at the Italian mountain friary of La Verna, the site of Francis’ stigmatization. Ubertino provides an account of his activity there in the first prologue to the Arbor vitae, which enables the different stages of its production to be closely reconstructed.9 It is this first version that was printed in 1485, and which has thus been used by modern scholarship. At some point shortly after 1312, Ubertino then began work on a second version. A number of manuscripts preserving an intermediate text – Ubertino’s ‘work in progress’ – survive,10 with the final recension of the second version probably taking place, according to Martínez Ruiz, during the years 1326-29.11 This second version represents a complete reworking of the entire treatise. The material was restructured in a more systematic fashion, and Ubertino reformulated large portions of the text. Most radically, he made substantial cuts in the fifth book, in which his highly controversial apocalyptic doctrine had been set out. He removed all the contentious material in which he had associated popes Boniface VIII and Benedict XI with the Antichrist, together with the material he had incorporated from Petrus Johannis Olivi’s commentary on the Apocalypse, and all his own deliberations on the approaching end of the world. The crucial chapter Iesus falsificatus (Book 5, c. 8) was totally excised – a step Martínez Ruiz terms ‘la eliminación total no ya de un texto, sino de una doctrina’ – and replaced by the more harmless-sounding Iesus glorificatus.12 David Burr has established from an analysis of Ubertino’s works on the Franciscan poverty controversy that, by the early 1320s, he no longer espoused his earlier apocalyptic positions.13 This conclusion accords neatly with Martínez Ruiz’ findings, and confirms that a development had taken place in Ubertino’s thought away from his earlier eschatological preoccupations. The course of history had evidently not progressed as Ubertino had expected. Martínez Ruiz has proven beyond all doubt that it was Ubertino, and not some third party, who was responsible for what amounts to a complete rewriting of the Arbor vitae. It was a work that had accompanied Ubertino for much of his life, and which he developed, rewrote and polished across a quarter of a century. For our purposes, the most significant aspect of the new classification of the variant recensions is their geographical distribution. The manuscripts of

9 See Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, pp. 31-63 and 233-37. Note that pp. 40-45 correct and replace the earlier study of Ubertino’s work in 1305 in Carlos Martínez Ruiz, ‘Il processo redazionale dell’Arbor uite crucifixe Iesu di Ubertino da Casale’, in: Alvaro Cacciotti and Barbara Faes de Mottoni, Editori di Quaracchi. 100 Anni dopo. Bilancio e prospettive. Atti del colloquio internazionale, Roma 29-30 Maggio 1995, Scuola superiore di studi medievali e francescani Pontificio Ateneo Antonianum [Medioevo 3] (Rome, 1997), pp. 275-78. 10 See Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, pp. 271-74 and 597. 11 Ibidem, pp. 312-16 and 579-81. 12 Ibidem, pp. 63-75, the quotation at p. 73. 13 David Burr, The Spiritual Franciscans. From Protest to Persecution in the Century After Saint Francis (University Park, PA, 2001), pp. 270-75.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 202202 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 203

the first recension of 1305 are confined to Italy and Spain, with a very small number in France. The same is true of the six manuscripts of the intermediate version, all of which derive from the libraries of convents known to have been visited by Ubertino in the period 1312-16.14 The manuscripts of the second version, by contrast, are all from the Low Countries or Germany, with the exception of a two-volume set from 1440, now in Lisbon and of unknown provenance. Martínez Ruiz adduces the evidence of this localised geographical distribution to support his argument that Ubertino produced the second version in 1326-29 at the Benedictine abbey of Gembloux, to which he had been tech- nically assigned in 1317.15 Be that as it may, the significant implication of the geographical distribution of the manuscripts is that only the second version was available to readers in the Low Countries; a systematised, rewritten version stripped of all controversial apocalyptic doctrine. These northern manuscripts were not texts expurgated by subsequent hands that attest to ‘un accueil plutôt froid à ses élucubrations joachimites’, as Frédégand Callaey once thought.16 Rather, readers in the Low Countries were simply never aware of Ubertino’s apocalyptic doctrines (at least not until the printed edition became available in 1485), and consequently never had to make any accommodation for it in their assessment of the work. It is to an assessment of these manuscripts that we should now turn.

MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LATIN TEXT

B.-G. Guyot’s conspectus of Latin copies of the Arbor vitae, published in 1976 and now augmented by Martínez Ruiz, lists a total (across all versions) of twelve copies, either individual manuscripts or multi-volume sets, with all five books; a further five just with the first four books; nine with between one and three books, containing no other texts and thus probably parts of multi-volume sets missing their companion volumes; and eight with shorter excerpts.17 We can augment this list with a further thirteen manuscript witnesses not previously

14 Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, pp. 271-72 and 597. 15 Ibidem, pp. 313-14 and 598. 16 Frédégand Callaey, L’Idéalisme franciscain spirituel au XIVe siècle. Étude sur Ubertin de Casale (Louvain etc., 1911), p. 135; see further his discussion of the supposedly ‘expurgated’ manuscripts at pp. 263-69, and in idem, ‘L’Influence et la diffusion de l’Arbor vitae d’Ubertin de Casale’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 17 (1921), pp. 533-46, at pp. 536-37. 17 Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, pp. 597-98; idem, ‘Ubertino de Casale, autor de dos versiones del Arbor vitae’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 89 (1996), pp. 447-68, at pp. 448- 50; B.-G. Guyot, ‘L’“Arbor vitae crucifixae Iesu” d’Ubertin de Casale et ses emprunts au “De articulis fidei” de S. Thomas d’Aquin’, in: Romano Stephen Almagno and Conrad L. Harkins, Studies Honoring Ignatius Charles Brady, Friar Minor [Franciscan Institute Publications. Theol- ogy Series 6] (St Bonaventure, NY, 1976), pp. 293-307, at pp. 300-02. I exclude Cologne, His- torisches Archiv, GB 8° 71, 43r-46v, included in all three lists, as this is not a Latin excerpt but a segment in German translation. Similarly excluded is the ‘shortened redaction’ mentioned by De Bruin, ‘Middeleeuwse Levens van Jesus’, 58 (1978), pp. 154-55, in Amsterdam, Universiteits- bibliotheek, hs V J 10, 44v-76v, as this is actually a copy of Bonaventura’s Lignum vitae.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 203203 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 204 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

recorded.18 This provides a revised total of fourteen copies with the entire work (including two three-volume sets each missing one volume), and a further five just with the first four books; eleven with between one and three books; and sixteen with shorter excerpts. Approximately two-fifths of these are from the Low Countries, including Cologne at the extreme south-east point of the region: six complete copies (including two multi-volume sets each missing one volume)19; three with between one and three books; and six with shorter excerpts. By contrast, only one manuscript with two books, and five with shorter excerpts, are of German origin (not counting those from Cologne), and all but two of these copies are from Basel. The following conspectus provides details solely of the date and origin, if known, of the manuscripts concerned. The bibliographical information is not intended to be comprehensive, but to direct the reader in the first instance to a description in the relevant library catalogue, and to provide further reference to additional, or more modern information only where necessary. Those known to Martínez Ruiz (and to Guyot) are marked with an asterisk.

1. Manuscripts from the Low Countries and the neighbouring area of Germany

*Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 646 Books 1-3; Leuven, Augustinian Canons Regular of Sint-Maartensdal (Windesheim congregation); 1524.20 *Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 728 Books 1-3; Oudergem, ‘Rooklooster’, Augustinian Canons Regular (Wind- esheim congregation); fifteenth century.21

18 In addition to those from Germany and the Low Countries listed below, we can add [1] Vatican City, Biblioteca Vaticana Apostolica, Vat. lat. 7732 (books 1-2; Mons Soracte, Benedictines; 1482): see Girard J. Etzkorn, Iter vaticanum franciscanum. A Description of Some One Hundred Manuscripts of the Vaticanus Latinus Collection [Studien und Texte zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 50] (Leiden etc., 1996), pp. 227-28; and [2] Göttingen, Staats- und Universitätsbibli- othek, 8° Theol. 121, fol. 198v (excerpt from book 1; probably France; 1st half of 15th c.): see Irmgard Fischer, Die Handschriften der Niedersächsischen Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen. Neuzugänge 1894-1966 (Wiesbaden, 1968), pp. 46-55. 19 These are the pair in Groningen, and the pair divided between Münster and Oldenburg. I consider the three manuscripts from the Augustinian canons of Utrecht, now in the Utrecht Univer- siteitsbibliotheek, to have formed one complete set, although by three different hands. 20 J. Van den Gheyn, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliothèque royale de Belgique, 3, Théologie (Brussels, 1903), pp. 288-89 (no. 2094); Martin Wittek and Thérèse Glorieux-de Gand, Manuscrits datés conservés en Belgique, 5, 1481-1540. Manuscrits conservés à la bibliothèque royale Albert 1er, Bruxelles (Brussels, 1987), pp. 80-81 (no. 760) and pl. 1158-59; Willem Lourdaux and Marcel Haverals, Bibliotheca Vallis Sancti Martini in Lovanio. Bijdrage tot de studie van het geestesleven in de Nederlanden (15de-18de eeuw) [Symbolae series A/8], 2 vols. (Leuven, 1978-82), here 2, pp. 1-2. 21 Van den Gheyn, Catalogue des manuscrits, p. 288 (no. 2093); more precise information is given by Callaey, ‘L’Influence et la diffusion’, pp. 536-38.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 204204 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 205

*Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 1164 Books 1-3, c. 23; origin unknown, though in 1624 in the possession of the Jesuits in Leuven; fifteenth century.22 *Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 1273 Books 1-5; Groenendaal, Augustinian Canons Regular (Windesheim congregation); sixteenth century.23 *Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, IV 423, unspecified folio Excerpt(?); Tongeren, ‘Ter Nood Gods’, Augustinian Canons Regular (Windesheim congregation); fifteenth century.24 Cologne, Historisches Archiv, GB 8° 184, 40r-47r Excerpt from Book 4, on the eucharist; Cologne, Canons Regular of the Holy Cross (Crutched Friars); first half of fifteenth century.25 Groningen, Universiteitsbibliotheek, 17 Books 1-2 (vol. 1) and 4-5 (vol. 2); Groningen, female Franciscan Tertiaries of the ‘Olde Convent’ (Chapter of Utrecht), but copied by Henricus filius Engberti de Andel, canon of the Sint Adriaanskerk in Naaldwijk; 1460.26 Lincoln, Cathedral Chapter Library, MS. 93 (A. 4. 1) Books 4-5; The Hague, female Franciscan Tertiaries of Sint Elizabeth (Chapter of Utrecht), but copied by Henricus filius Engberti de Andel, canon of the Sint Adriaanskerk in Naaldwijk; 1460.27 *Liège, Bibliothèque du Grand Séminaire, 6 G 20, 1r-67r Book 4, excerpts on the Passion; Liège, Canons Regular of the Holy Cross (Crutched Friars); first half of fifteenth century.28

22 Ibidem, p. 289 (no. 2095). 23 Ibidem, p. 289 (no. 2096). 24 Although listed by both Guyot and Martínez Ruiz as containing an excerpt from the Arbor vitae, none of the scholarly literature concerning this manuscript, a rapiarium with hundreds of excerpts, mentions such an excerpt or identifies its location. For the most recent cursory descriptions see J. Alaerts ed., Jan van Ruusbroec. Opera omnia, 4, Dat rijcke der ghelieven [Studiën en tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 20/4] (Tielt and Turnhout, 2002), p. 127; Karl Stooker and Theo Verbeij, Collecties op orde. Middelnederlandse handschriften uit kloosters en semi-religieuze gemeenschappen in de Nederlanden, 2, Repertorium (Leuven, 1997), pp. 396-397 (no. 1182). 25 Joachim Vennebusch, Die theologischen Handschriften des Stadtarchivs Köln, 2, Die Quart- Handschriften der Gymnasialbibliothek [Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Köln, Sonder- reihe: Die Handschriften des Archivs 2/2] (Cologne and Vienna, 1980), pp. 206-10. 26 H. Brugmans, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum universitatis Groninganae bibliothecae (Groningen, 1898), p. 12; Jos. M. M. Hermans, Middeleeuwse handschriften uit Groningse kloosters (Groningen, 1988), pp. 67-68 (no. 17) and pl. 52. J. P. Gumbert suggests that Henricus filius Engberti, scribe both of this pair of manuscripts (two volumes surviving from a three-volume set) and of the Lincoln manuscript, was probably a scribe who copied to order for money; see J. P. Gumbert, The Dutch and Their Books in the Manuscript Age. The Panizzi Lectures 1989 (London, 1990), p. 70. 27 R. M. Thomson, Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Lincoln Cathedral Chapter Library (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 69-70 and pl. 31. 28 Hugolinus Lippens, ‘Descriptio codicum franciscanorum bibliothecae maioris seminarii Leo- diensis’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 7 (1914), pp. 122-31, 341-46, 527-32, and 739-48, here pp. 741-42 (no. 27).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 205205 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 206 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

*Liège, Bibliothèque du Grand Séminaire, 6 L 18, [a] 121r-125r; [b] 137r-138v [a] Excerpt from Book 3, c. 13; [b] excerpt from prologue 1; Liège, Canons Regular of the Holy Cross (Crutched Friars); second half of fifteenth century.29 *Liège, Bibliothèque de l’Université, 236 and 356 Books 1-5 (2 vols); Liège, Canons Regular of the Holy Cross (Crutched Friars); fourteenth century.30 *Manchester, John Rylands University Library, Latin MS. 200 Books 1-5; Cologne, Carthusians of St Barbara; fifteenth century.31 Münster, Universitätsbibliothek, Hs. Staender Nr. 528 [destroyed 1945] Books 1-2; Böddeken, Augustinian Canons Regular (Windesheim congregation); 1427-32.32 Oldenburg, Landesbibliothek, Cim I 45 Books 4-5; Böddeken, Augustinian Canons Regular (Windesheim congregation); first half of fifteenth century (actually 1427-32, being the companion volume to the Münster manuscript).33 *Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Cat. 309 (3 B 11, olim Eccl. 145) Books 1-2; Utrecht, Augustinian Canons Regular (Windesheim congregation); mid-fifteenth century.34 *Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Cat. 310 (4 D 9, olim Eccl. 205) Book 3; Utrecht, Augustinian Canons Regular (Windesheim congregation); c. 1470.35

29 Ibidem, pp. 529-30 (no. 20), noting only excerpt [b]; for excerpt [a], see Morton W. Bloomfield et al., Incipits of Latin Works on the Virtues and Vices, 1100-1500 A. D., Including a Section of Incipits of Works on the Pater Noster [Mediaeval Academy of America Publication 88] (Cambridge, MA, 1979), p. 620 (no. 8559). 30 M. Grandjean and M. Fiess, Bibliothèque de l’Université de Liège. Catalogue des manuscrits (Liège, 1875), p. 127 (no. 198). 31 Moses Tyson, ‘Hand-List of Additions to the Collection of Latin Manuscripts in the John Rylands Library, 1908-1928’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester 12 (1928), pp. 581-604, here p. 583; Sigrid Krämer, ‘Die mittelalterliche Bibliothek der Kartause St. Barbara in Köln’, Börsenblatt für den Deutschen Buchhandel. Frankfurter Ausgabe 71 (4 September 1979), pp. B 158-68, here p. B 163, which corrects Richard Bruce Marks, The Medieval Manuscript Library of the Charterhouse of St Barbara in Cologne, 2 vols [Analecta Cartusiana 21-22] (Salzburg, 1974), p. 408. 32 Joseph Staender, Chirographorum in Regia Bibliotheca Paulina Monasteriensi Catalogus (Wroc¥aw, 1889), p. 116 (no. 528 (220)); Wolfgang Oeser, ‘Die Handschriftenbestände und die Schreibtätigkeit im Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Böddeken’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 7 (1967), cols. 317-448, here col. 418 (no. 13). 33 Irene Stahl, Handschriften in Nordwestdeutschland. Aurich – Emden – Oldenburg [Mittelalterliche Handschriften in Niedersachsen. Kurzkatalog 3] (Wiesbaden, 1993), p. 146. 34 Koert van der Horst, Illuminated and Decorated Medieval Manuscripts in the University Library, Utrecht. An Illustrated Catalogue (Maarssen and The Hague, 1989), p. 15 (no. 52) and pl. 231-32. 35 Ibidem, p. 26 (no. 89) and pl. 445; for the precise dating, by comparative analysis of the pen- work initials, see Handschriften en oude drukken van de Utrechtse Universiteitsbibliotheek. Samengesteld bij het 400-jarig bestaan van de bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, 1584-1984 (Utrecht, 21984), p. 69.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 206206 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 207

*Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Cat. 348 (4 D 5, olim Eccl. 200) Books 4-5; Utrecht, Augustinian Canons Regular (Windesheim congregation); earlier (or mid-)fifteenth century.36 Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Cat. 240 (4 G 11, olim Eccl. 276), 73v-75v Excerpts from Book 4; Utrecht, Benedictines of the Sint-Paulusabdij; second half of fifteenth century.37

2. Manuscripts of German origin

*Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, A V 27 Books 4-5; Basel, Dominicans; 1443.38 Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, A IX 95 Excerpts in a collection of Orationes et meditationes excerptae ex Ubertini de Casale libro de arbore crucifixi et aliis variis multis, 1r-147r; in the hand of Balthasar, Cistercian abbot of Zinna (attested in Basel 1436, 1438, 1443, 1453-54 and probably also 1455-56); 1454.39 Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, A X 92, 1r – v Excerpt, unspecified; Basel, Carthusians; first half of fifteenth century.40 Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, A X 142, 50r-117r and 119v-128v Excerpts, unspecified; Basel, Dominicans; fifteenth century.41 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. Diez. C. oct. 20 Excerpts [a] in a collection of Vaticinia de reformatione ecclesiae et de Antichristo, 1r-5r; [b] in a collection of Vaticinia de Carolo V. imperatore, 9r-11r; origin unknown; second half of sixteenth century.42 Frankfurt am Main, Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek, Ms. Praed. 162, [a] 116r-122r; [b] 122v [a] Excerpt from Book 4, on the eucharist; [b] excerpt from Book 2, c. 5; Frankfurt, Dominicans; c. 1500.43

36 Van der Horst, Illuminated and Decorated Medieval Manuscripts, p. 10 (no. 32) and pl. 142-43. 37 P. A. Tiele, Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum bibliothecae universitatis Rheno-Trajectinae (Utrecht and The Hague, 1887), pp. 79-80; Robrecht Lievens, Jordanus van Quedlinburg in de Nederlanden. Een onderzoek van de handschriften [Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde. Reeks 6/82] (Gent, 1958), pp. 368-71 (ms. Uu). 38 Beat Matthias von Scarpatetti, Katalog der datierten Handschriften in der Schweiz in lateinischer Schrift vom Anfang des Mittelalters bis 1550. Die Handschriften der Bibliotheken von Aarau, Appenzell und Basel, 1, Text (Dietikon and Zürich, 1977), p. 43 (no. 117). 39 Ibidem, p. 85 (no. 228); on Balthasar, see p. 253. 40 www.musicadevota.com/basel%20AX92.htm [accessed 19 August 2009]. 41 www.musicadevota.com/basel%20AX142.htm [accessed 19 August 2009]. 42 Ursula Winter, Die europäischen Handschriften der Bibliothek Diez, part 3, Die Manuscripta Dieziana C [Die Handschriften-Verzeichnisse der Deutschen Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, N. F. 1] (Wiesbaden, 1994), pp. 148-49. 43 Gerhardt Powitz, Die Handschriften der Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main, 1, Die Handschriften des Dominikanerklosters und des Leonhardstifts in Frankfurt am Main [Kataloge der Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main 2] (Frankfurt, 1968), pp. 358-62.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 207207 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 208 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

An initial assessment of the provenance of the extant manuscripts offers some very clear indications. The preponderance of manuscripts from convents of Augustinian canons of the Windesheim congregation is evident, and it should not have escaped notice that the central houses of the movement are all represented with full copies: Groenendaal, Rooklooster, Utrecht and Böddeken in Germany. The copy from Böddeken (that is, the volume now in Oldenburg and its companion formerly in Münster, originally two parts of a three-volume set) is particularly illuminative of the importance that the Arbor vitae was accorded by the Windesheim congregation in the early fifteenth century. Augustinian canons from Bethlehem near Zwolle had been invited in 1409 to occupy an old and largely disused Benedictine nunnery at Böddeken by the prince bishop of Paderborn, Wilhelm von Berg, whose interests lay in the rejuvenation of the religious life of the bishopric by drawing on the new impetus of the Devotio Moderna. The new Augustinian canonry at Böddeken initially joined the chapter of Neuss, prior to formal integration into the Windesheim congregation (with the remaining convents of the Neuss chapter) in 1430. Böddeken became a key centre for religious reform and for the propagation of the Devotio Moderna into north-western Germany, beginning with the reform of the nearby canonry of Dalheim in 1429. Approximately 25 convents were directly reformed from Böddeken, and when the famous chronicler Johannes Busch visited in 1456, he found a total of 27 canons and 173 lay brothers and conversi, with a further 56 canons engaged in reform or acting as rectors in other convents.44 The estab- lishment of a library at Böddeken only became a priority under prior Arnold Hüls (prior 1432-39), as Wolfgang Oeser has demonstrated. In the earlier period, the canons of Böddeken were instead principally occupied with the construction and consolidation of their new foundation. During this period, books were copied not systematically or for ascetic purposes, as they would be after 1432, but on an ad hoc basis as they were needed.45 The history of the library at Böddeken can be reconstructed with great accuracy, and the earliest work of moral-didactic literature to be copied at Böddeken was Ubertino’s Arbor vitae, written (according to the colophon of the Oldenburg volume) per fratrem Albertum de Monasterio sub priore Hermanno van der Recke. Hermann was prior in the years 1427-32, and thus the production of this manuscript of the Arbor vitae predates the systematic construction of the library at Böddeken. Oeser explained this with reference to the importance of the con-

44 On Böddeken see crucially Oeser, ‘Die Handschriftenbestände’; Thomas Kock, Die Buchkultur der Devotio moderna. Handschriftenproduktion, Literaturversorgung und Bibliotheksaufbau im Zeitalter des Medienwechsels [Tradition – Reform – Innovation. Studien zur Modernität des Mittelalters 2] (Frankfurt am Main etc., 22002), pp. 249-65; and idem, ‘›Per totum Almanicum orbem‹. Reformbeziehungen und Ausbreitung der niederländischen ›Devotio moderna‹’, in: Marek Derwich and Martial Staub, Die ›Neue Frömmigkeit‹ in Europa im Spätmittelalter [Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 205] (Göttingen, 2004), pp. 31-56, with a helpful map of the convents reformed from Böddeken (including, incidentally, Basel), p. 54. 45 Oeser, ‘Die Handschriftenbestände’, cols. 326-27.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 208208 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 209

templation of the life and Passion of Christ for the Devotio Moderna.46 This is undoubtedly true, but it is particularly significant for our purposes that it should be the Arbor vitae that was singled out from the mass of devotional literature on the Passion to be copied in this way, as a foundational and essential text necessary for the spiritual life of the convent. Another cluster of manuscripts originate in houses of the Canons Regular of the Holy Cross (known in England as the Crutched Friars), which were closely associated with the Devotio Moderna following the thoroughgoing reform of the order that was introduced in 1410.47 Only two manuscripts have any connection with Franciscan institutions: the two surviving volumes of a three-volume set from the Franciscan female tertiaries of the ‘Olde convent’ in Groningen, and a volume with books four and five – almost certainly part of a multi-volume set – from the female tertiaries of Sint Elizabeth in The Hague. Both these manuscripts, as noted above, were copied by the same scribe, an Augustinian canon in Naald- wijk. The ‘Franciscan’ origin of these two manuscripts is, in fact, deceptive. Both these tertiary convents belonged to the Chapter of Utrecht, now understood as the third principal institutional manifestation of the Devotio Moderna, and much more closely connected to the other two principal manifestations – the Brothers and Sisters of the Common Life, and the Windesheim congregation of Augustinian canons and canonesses regular – than it ever was to the Franciscans. The founders of the Chapter of Utrecht had adopted the Franciscan tertiary rule at the point of inception in 1399 for use in its convents, but those convents were not subject to oversight from the Franciscan order itself.48 None, in fact, of the extant Latin

46 Ibidem, cols. 331-32. See further the conspectus of known Böddeken manuscripts at cols. 414- 38; the volume of the Arbor vitae formerly in Münster is no. 13 (col. 418); the Oldenburg volume was unknown to Oeser, and corresponds to the entry under ‘nichtuntersuchte Handschriften’, no. 37 (col. 437-48). The third volume in the set was presumably lost during the process of secu- larisation in the first quarter of the 19th c., on which see Kock, Die Buchkultur, pp. 251-55, and Rudolf Muhs, ‘Libri Sancti Maynulfi. Die Bibliothek der Chorherren von Böddeken und die Säkularisation’, Westfälische Zeitschrift 137 (1987), pp. 245-72. 47 Pieter van den Bosch, ‘Die Kreuzherrenreform des 15. Jahrhunderts. Urheber, Zielsetzung und Verlauf’, in: Kaspar Elm, Reformbemühungen und Observanzbestrebungen im spätmittelalterlichen Ordenswesen [Berliner historische Studien 14. Ordensstudien 6] (Berlin, 1989), pp. 71-82, especially pp. 80-82; with specific reference to book production and intellectual culture see Jacques Stiennon, ‘Introduction à l’étude des scriptoria des Crosiers de Liège et de Huy au XVe siècle’, in: Les Manuscrits des Crosiers de Huy, Liège et Cuyk au XVe siècle [Bibliotheca universitatis Leodiensis 5] (Liège, 1951), pp. 25-53, especially pp. 27-29, and Falk Eisermann, ›Stimulus amoris‹. Inhalt, lateinische Überlieferung, deutsche Übersetzungen, Rezeption [Münchener Texte und Untersuchungen 118] (Tübingen, 2001), pp. 333-38; for more recent bibliography on the Order see Stefan Bringer, ‘Die Kreuzherren (Ordo Sanctae Crucis)’, in: Friedhelm Jürgensmeier and Regina Elisabeth Schwerdtfeger, Orden und Klöster im Zeitalter von Reformation und katholischer Reform 1500-1700, 2 [Katholisches Leben und Kirchenreform im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung 66] (Münster, 2006), pp. 175-92. 48 See Hildo van Engen, De derde orde van Sint-Franciscus in het middeleeuwse bisdom Utrecht. Een bijdrage tot de institutionele geschiedenis van de Moderne Devotie [Middeleeuwse Studies en Bronnen 95] (Hilversum, 2006), especially pp. 111-44, with a full list of tertiary institutions of the Chapter of Utrecht at pp. 411-14; and John Van Engen, Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life. The Devotio Moderna and the World of the Later Middle Ages (Philadelphia, PA, 2008), pp. 121-25.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 209209 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 210 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

manuscripts from the Low Countries are thus properly of Franciscan origin. The small group of manuscripts otherwise from Germany are mostly from Basel and are primarily Dominican in origin. The additional material in those manuscripts containing excerpts is largely produced by authors from the Low Countries. This, together with the geographical localisation of the German manuscripts, suggests that this cluster of manuscripts is to be regarded as an outlying tendril of the transmission in the Low Countries, and not as a witness to an independent and more widespread transmission in Germany at large. But to complete our initial assessment, we should now turn to the evidence provided by library catalogues and similar documentation, to augment the survey of the extant manuscripts.

LIBRARY CATALOGUES AND BOOK LISTS

In the following, I omit mention of those entries from library catalogues that correspond to manuscripts still extant, and thus noted in the conspectus above. We may begin with the southern Low Countries, for which the four- volume Corpus catalogorum Belgii provides convenient access to the relevant material. – Huy, Canons Regular of the Holy Cross (Crutched Friars): a catalogue of the library from the first half of the fifteenth century, with 108 items in total, incorporates an addition of six items (100-05) labelled by a librarian with the heading Isti sunt tractatus emendi a me cum etc. (i.e., volumes that the librarian sees as necessities to acquire), of which two are as follows: (101) Arborem crucifixi Boneventure. (102) Arborem crucifixi vite Ihesu Christi h. The first volume is Bonaventura’s Lignum vitae; the second, as signalled by the ‘h’, is most probably Ubertino’s Arbor vitae.49 – Le Jardinet near Walcourt, Cistercians (male from 1430): a list of twenty books sent c. 1500 from the abbey to its monks introducing reform at the Benedictine abbey of Lobbes in Hainault includes (as item 7) Libellus quorundam extractorum ex Hubertino.50 – Bois-Seigneur-Isaac, Augustinian Canons Regular (Windesheim congregation from 1443): in a series of extracts from part 5 (‘minor benefactors’) of the Latin chronicle of Bois-Seigneur-Isaac, whose first layer covers the period to 1469, are noted ten donations of books, including (as item 7): Dominus Lambertus Cabelgiet presbiter dedit nobis libros Ubertini de arbore

49 Albert Derolez and Benjamin Victor, with Lucien Reynhout, Corpus catalogorum Belgii. The Medieval Booklists of the Southern Low Countries, 2, Provinces of Liège, Luxemburg and Namur (Brussels, 1994), pp. 16-24, with the list edited pp. 21-24 (no. 1). Note that the editors do not place the ‘h’ in the body of the text, but consign it to the apparatus. It is present in the original manuscript (see pl. 1), and likely signifies h[ubertinus], in order to distinguish it from Bonaventura’s similarly-titled work listed immediately beforehand. 50 Ibidem, pp. 193-95 (no. 78).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 210210 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 211

crucifixe vite Ihesu Christi, in duobus voluminibus, et glosam magistri Nycholai de Lyra super quatuor evangelia.51 – Oudergem, ‘Rooklooster’, Augustinian Canons Regular (Windesheim congregation): an incomplete booklist listing 124 items present in the library in 1503 includes (as items 71 and 72) Primum volumen arboris crucifixe secundum Hubertinum. Secundum volumen unde supra eiusdem. Only the first part of this two-volume set has survived (Brussels, Koninklijke Biblio- theek, 728), as noted above. An early sixteenth century catalogue listing 413 items according to their location in the library, prior to its reorganisa- tion in 1522, records the same pair of manuscripts at bench ‘red D’, nos. 7 and 8 (items 82 and 83 in the full catalogue). At bench ‘red P’, no. 2, we find a further manuscript with an excerpt from the Arbor vitae (item 376 in the full catalogue) Sermo contra mendicationem. Speculum anime. Expositio decem preceptorum et de laude beate Marie cum excerpto ex Ubertino.52 – Tournai, private owner: the will of one Peter le Vasseur, 11 May 1477, includes six donations of one or more books each, of which the fourth is as follows: Item donne a sire Marc Cornut, pretre, ung petit livre grosset, intitulé et nommé arbor vite crucifixe Ihesu Cristi. The meaning of ung petit livre grosset is not clear, but probably means ‘a fat, small-format book’. Given the precision of the title provided, this may well be Ubertino’s Arbor vitae, and not the Lignum vitae of Bonaventura.53

Further discoveries provide two further attestations to augment the material supplied by the Corpus catalogorum Belgii. First, the chronicle of the Carthusian house of Herne records the death in 1465 of a monk named Gerardus Haghen van Breda, who spent 36 years in the order and conscripsit libros Hubertini et alia et valde multa copulata reliquit.54 Second, the so-called Rooklooster-register includes an entry for Ubertino. This work represents the culmination of two different strands in fifteenth-century bibliography: bio-bibliographical catalogues of writers (like that of Johannes Trithemius, on which the Rooklooster- register draws), and library catalogues. Written at the Augustinian canonry of the Rooklooster at some point in the early sixteenth century, and updated until c. 1532, it lists the holdings of particular works from approximately one hundred different libraries, basically arranged by author. It is not, however, a universal,

51 Albert Derolez, Benjamin Victor and Wouter Bracke, with Jan-Willem Klein, Corpus catalogorum Belgii. The Medieval Booklists of the Southern Low Countries, 4, Provinces of Brabant and Hainault (Brussels, 2001), pp. 39-42 (no. 8). 52 Ibidem, pp. 178-209, with the list from 1503 at pp. 186-93 (no. 85) and the later catalogue at pp. 193-209 (no. 86). 53 Ibidem, pp. 360-61 (no. 195). My thanks to Rowan Tomlinson for her assistance in the interpretation of this Middle French passage. 54 Edmond Lamalle ed., Arnold Beeltsens et Jean Ammonius. Chronique de la Chartreuse de la Chapelle à Hérinnes-lez-Enghien [Bibliothèque de la Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 8] (Leuven, 1932), p. 65; cf. De Bruin, ‘Middeleeuwse Levens van Jesus’, 63 (1983), p. 154.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 211211 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 212 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

systematic catalogue intended as a scholarly tool, but an attempt to construct an ideal library, based on the known holdings of ecclesiastical institutions across the Low Countries. Consequently it does not always record multiple copies; many institutions are represented by very few books, unrelated to the extent of their actual holdings; and as the catalogue is itself based on older catalogues, it is not especially accurate.55 It uses a key of syllables and letters to identify particular libraries in the body of the work. These are often very hard to tell apart, as proves to be the case for the entry on Ubertino.56 This begins with a short biographical piece abbreviated from Trithemius’ Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (on which more presently), followed by the following bibliographical entry: Primum volumen arboris crucifixe vite Ihesu Vniuersis Christi Ihesu P 138 Secundum volumen eiusdem. Attende quod in hoc facto Ibidem 139.57 Difficulty is presented by the P siglum, as it is not possible to tell if this is upper-case (and thus Park near Leuven, Premonstratensians) or lower-case (and thus Leuven, Dominicans).58 In either case, a two-volume set is recorded here that is not otherwise attested or extant. No work comparable to the Corpus catalogorum Belgii exists for the northern Netherlands. A survey article by P. F. J. Obbema, intended as the precursor to a projected work of this nature, does however provide a substantive bibliography of existing edited catalogues.59 A careful examination of these reveals just two further items of interest: – Appingedam near Groningen, private owner: the will of one Scheltatus van Dyrtsum, prebendary in Appingedam and formerly priest in Uphusen, 1462, includes seventeen donations of one or more books each. These include a multi-volume vita Jhesu on paper, of which the first three parts were left to the Brothers of the Common Life in Groningen, and the fourth part to the (male) Cistercian convent of Ihlo in eastern Frisia.60 It is possible, though not certain, that a multi-volume vita Christi divisible in such a way is Ubertino’s Arbor vitae: we have seen examples above of two- and three- volume sets of the Arbor vitae in which the first volume holds books 1-3.

55 The literature on the Rooklooster-register is very extensive; the best recent survey, with all further references, is provided by Kock, Die Buchkultur, pp. 233-47. 56 The prologue and the indices are edited most accessibly in Mauritius Mittler, with a contribution by Joachim Vennebusch, Studien zur Geschichte der Siegburger Abteibibliothek [Siegburger Studien 8] (Siegburg, 1976), pp. 10-23; see further the helpful map at p. 27. On the structure of the work and the problems associated with its use, see Kock, Die Buchkultur, pp. 233-38. 57 The Rooklooster-register is unedited; I cite from the unique manuscript: Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. ser. nov. 12694, here fol. 173v. 58 See ibidem, fol. 21r, and Mittler, Studien, p. 21. 59 P. F. J. Obbema, ‘Naar een corpus van middeleeuwse bibliotheekcatalogi uit de Noordelijke Nederlanden’, in: Jos. M. M. Hermans and Klaas van der Hoek, Boeken in de late Middeleeuwen. Verslag van de Groningse Codicologendagen 1992 [Boekhistorische reeks 1] (Groningen, 1994), pp. 325-36. 60 F. J. Bakker, ‘Handschriften en boeken in Groningse archiefstukken tot 1597’, Driemaande- lijkse Bladen voor Taal en Volksleven in het Oosten van Nederland 39 (1987), pp. 93-117, and 40 (1988), pp. 1-26, here 39, p. 106 and 40, pp. 13-14.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 212212 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 213

– Groningen, private owner: Willem Frederiks (‘Wilhelmus Frederici’), priest of the Sint-Maartenskerk, purchased in 1488 the incunable edition of the Arbor vitae, which he donated to the library of the church prior to his death in 1525. Frederiks, the dominant figure in the ecclesiastical and political life of Groningen for a period of about fifty years, was a close associate of the early Dutch humanists and friend of Erasmus who was himself active as a writer.61

The indexed volumes of the Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge for Germany, Austria and Switzerland provide two further attestations for the Germanic region more widely: – Vienna, Dominicans: a library catalogue from 1513, though probably recording the library’s possessions from the end of the fifteenth century, notes seventeen items at bench M, including M 6. Fratris Ubertini de Casali, ordinis minorum, arbor vite crucifixi Iesu, incipit: Universis Christi Iesu vere fidelibus.62 – Nuremberg, library of Hartmann Schedel (1440-1514): the principal part of the catalogue of his library, probably produced 1498, records (under the group heading Sacri codices historie sancte theoloice veritatis) Arbor vite crucifixe Ubertini de ordine minorum.63

These attestations complete the picture of the transmission of the Latin Arbor vitae in the Low Countries (and in Germany) and afford some further conclusions to our initial assessment earlier. Additional manuscripts that belonged to Augustinian canonries of the Windesheim congregation and to Canons Regular of the Holy Cross (for which Huy was the mother house) confirm the widespread transmission in these orders. Amongst the other manuscripts attested in the medieval Low Countries, the most significant evidence is that for ownership of the Arbor vitae by secular clerics. The copy belonging to the Augustinian convent of Bois-Seigneur-Isaac was donated by a secular priest, and two further priests owned works that may have been the Arbor vitae. The incunable purchased by a fourth priest, Willem Frederiks, is particularly significant in that it

61 Jos. M. M. Hermans, Boeken in Groningen voor 1600. Studies rond de librije van de Sint- Maarten (Groningen, 1987), pp. 263 and 273; Bakker, ‘Handschriften en boeken’, 39, p. 101. On Willem Frederiks in the context of early humanist culture see Willem Zuidema, Wilhelmus Fred- erici, persona van Sint-Maarten te Groningen, (1489-1525) en de Groninger staatkunde van zijn tijd (Groningen, 1888), especially pp. 103-08; Fokke Akkerman, ‘The Early Reformation in Gron- ingen. On Two Latin Disputations’, in: idem, A. J. Vanderjagt and A. H. van der Laan, North- ern Humanism in European Context, 1469-1625 [Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 94] (Lei- den etc., 1999), pp. 1-42, at pp. 3-5; and idem, ‘Erasmus und die Friesen’, in: Fabio Forner, Carla Maria Monti and Paul Gerhard Schmidt, Margarita amicorum. Studi di cultura europea per Agostino Sottili [Bibliotheca erudita. Studi e documenti di storia e filologia 26, 1] (Milan, 2005), pp. 3-21, at pp. 14-18. 62 Theodor Gottlieb ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Österreichs, 1, Niederösterreich (Vienna, 1915), pp. 284-414 (no. 31), here p. 367. 63 Paul Ruf ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, 3, part 3, Bistum Bamberg (Munich, 1939), pp. 802-39 (no. 146), here p. 828, ll. 33-34.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 213213 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 214 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

attests to the availability of the first recension of the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries by 1488 at the latest, following its publication in 1485 in an edition with a very large print-run in Venice: well over one hundred copies are still extant.64 The manuscript copies in the Low Countries, as we noted earlier, are all of the second recension. The geographical distribution of the manuscripts shows a particular concentration in the southern Low Countries. This may be somewhat illusory: the survival rate of manuscripts in the northern Netherlands is well known to be much lower than in the south, not least as a result of the more organised, systematic and prolonged character of the iconoclastic assault – the beeldenstorm – in the north in 1566-67.65 Perhaps the most surprising result of our conspectus is the complete lack of any Latin manuscripts from the Low Countries (or Germany) of Franciscan origin, aside from the pair discussed previously from tertiary communities of the Chapter of Utrecht, which had no real connection to the Franciscan Order proper. Only one additional fragment of information that might attest to a properly Franciscan transmission of the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries exists. A list in a manuscript written by a Bollandist scribe (Brussels, Biblio- theca Bollandiana, 157, fol. 3), records eleven items in a now-lost manuscript of 1472 in the Franciscan convent of Antwerp, and which may or may not have been in the convent library during the Middle Ages. The ninth item is an excerpt from the Arbor vitae with an unusual rubric: Hubertinus in libro Arboris vitae crucifixae Iesu Christi. [Ad sustinendum tranquilliter inimici prosperitatem].66 The attestations of two further complete manuscripts in Germany outside of the far north-west are also of some importance. In the absence of other evidence, we may legitimately regard the copy once in the Dominican convent in Vienna as related to the cluster of predominantly Dominican manuscripts in Basel. The presence of a copy in the library of the famous bibliophile Hartmann Schedel is in itself unremarkable, but these two attestations do bear witness to a slightly more widespread availability of the Arbor vitae in Germany at least in the later fifteenth century. Schedel is also a witness to a certain level of interest in the Arbor vitae amongst the early German and Dutch humanists. Willem Frederiks in Groningen was not the only prominent humanist to have purchased a copy of the incunable edition. The jurist Peter Rinck (d. 1501), thrice-elected rector of Cologne university in 1484/85, was another. A noted patron of the arts and close associate of several German humanist writers, his

64 See the Incunabula Short-Title Catalogue (ISTC), www.bl.uk/catalogues/istc/, no. iu00055000 [accessed 3 September 2007]. 65 For a clear account, with further references, see Jonathan Israel, The Dutch Republic. Its Rise, Greatness and Fall, 1477-1806 (Oxford, 1995), pp. 147-53; an overview of the survival of manuscripts with religious content in the Low Countries is given by Pieter Obbema, De middeleeuwen in handen. Over de boekcultuur in de late middeleeuwen (Hilversum, 1996), pp. 91-102. 66 Bonaventura Kruitwagen, ‘Descriptio nonnullorum codicum mss. quibus insunt libelli “Speculum perfectionis” et “Actus B. Francisci”’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 1 (1908), pp. 301- 412, here pp. 313-15, with a description of the Bollandist manuscript at p. 306.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 214214 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 215

extensive library contained an incunable edition of the Arbor vitae that survives today in the university of Tilburg.67 The interest demonstrated in the Arbor vitae by these figures and by Johannes Trithemius, abbot of Sponheim in the Rhineland, is testimony to a bio-bibliographical focus amongst the German humanist writers of the late fifteenth- century, and is as such distinct from the interest of the Modern Devout in the religious content of the work that we shall examine later. Yet Trithemius’ knowledge of Ubertino is not without importance for our purposes. The information he provides in the Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, published in Basel in 1494, represents a state of knowledge of Ubertino’s life and work as it was known in late medieval northern Europe, and offers one of the very few direct bio-bibliographical evaluations of Ubertino that survive from the later Middle Ages. His account was quickly received within the milieu of the Devotio Moderna, as its incorporation within the Rooklooster-register in the early sixteenth century attests. Trithemius records Ubertino as a rigorist engaged in the reform of his order, and as an author of religious works (specifically the Arbor vitae) of particular distinction. He records that he died as a Carthusian: an otherwise unsupported, but not uncommon assertion.68 His oblique reference to the necessity of reading the work cautiously makes no specific mention of apocalyptic doctrine. His direction to take particular caution where Ubertino expounds on the canticum Simeonis (i.e. Lc 2, 25-35) permits the identification of the catholici doctores on whose authority Trithemius relies to justify his admo- nition: namely Jean Gerson, whose criticism of the Arbor vitae in two epistolary treatises of 1425 and 1426 proceeds in both from Ubertino’s commentary on this biblical text.69 I give Trithemius’ entry on Ubertino here in full:

67 Tilburg, Bibliotheek van de Theologische Faculteit, TFK INC 8(1); Lydia S. Wierda, Catalogus van de handschriften, incunabelen en postincunabelen uit het bezit van de orde der minderbroeders- kapucijnen in Nederland, nu aanwezig in de Bibliotheek van de Theologische Faculteit Tilburg [Miscellanea Neerlandica 36] (Leuven, 2006), pp. 183-84 and pl. 12-15. On Peter Rinck, see Franz Irsigler, ‘Peter Rinck († 8. Februar 1501)’, in: Bernhard Poll, Rheinische Lebensbilder, 6 (Cologne, 1975), pp. 55-69; with specific reference to his library, see Heinz Martin Werhahn, ‘Die Bücher des Dr. Peter Rinck’ in: Hermann Corsten and Gerhart Lohse, Kölner Schule. Festgabe zum 60. Geburtstag von Rudolf Juchhoff [Arbeiten aus dem Bibliothekar-Lehrinstitut des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen 7] (Cologne, 1955), pp. 179-88; and Hermann Knaus, ‘Zum Kölner gotischen Bucheinband: Die Meister des Johann Rinck und des Peter Rinck’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 11 (1970-71), cols. 593-608, at cols. 601-08. 68 See Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, p. 318. Note that one piece of evidence cited to support the argument that Ubertino joined the Carthusian order, namely an entry to this effect in the Manchester manuscript of the Arbor vitae (fol. 1r, upper margin), proves on closer inspection to have no independent evidentiary value, as it is a quotation from Trithemius (or, although less likely, perhaps the direct source of some of Trithemius’ information). 69 [1] Gerson’s epistolary treatise to his brother Jean, prior of the Celestine convent of Lyon, 1 October 1425, inc. Quia unum est necessarium…; [2] His epistolary treatise De susceptione humanitatis Christi, to Jean Bassandi, provincial of the Celestine province of France, 18 September 1426, inc. Reverendo patri domino provinciali…; in: P. Glorieux ed., Jean Gerson. Oeuvres complètes, 10 vols (Paris etc., 1960-73), here 2, pp. 259-63 (no. 55) and 263-74 (no. 56). On the reception of the Arbor vitae by Gerson and Trithemius, see further Callaey, L’Idealisme franciscain spirituel, pp. 136-37.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 215215 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 216 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Ubertino da Casale: of the Order of Friars Minor; was the pupil of Giovanni da Parma, sometime Minister General; a devout man, sufficiently learned in the sacred scriptures. When he saw that his order was falling away from its first foundation, he undertook certain new divisions under the guise of reformation, and secured their confirmation by the supreme pontiff. At the petitions of the custodians and ministers [of the order], these, however, were immediately revoked by the same pope, because they were seen to have provoked serious scandal and the schism of the order; whereupon the agitated Ubertino entered the Carthusian order. He wrote a truly outstanding and distinguished volume, useful to religious and devout persons, which he entitled ‘The Tree of the Cruci- fied Life’, in five books ([beginning] ‘To the entire truly faithful of Christ…’); sermons and letters, and certain other works. Certain Doctors of the Church warn us that Ubertino is to be read cautiously in certain places in the aforementioned volume; most of all where he takes up the Canticle of Simeon, where that which he says concerning certain points, the Church, mother of us all, may judge otherwise. The author, nevertheless, is to be excused, because the matter was not yet determined, etc. He became famous during the reign of the emperor Albrecht, in the year of the Lord 1300.70 Only small fragments of evidence survive that provide similarly direct evaluations of the Arbor vitae in the milieu of the Devotio Moderna, outside of the indirect evidence of its reception in other literary works. The fifteenth-century list of books for reading at table from the Augustinian canonry (Windesheim congregation) of Zevenborren near Brussels includes about 300 items – as Thomas Kock suggests, probably most of its library. Alongside the specific readings indicated for particular feasts, saints’ days, and daily scriptural texts, more general indications are provided of material suitable for certain occasions. Ubertino’s Arbor vitae is included alongside a series of similar, lengthy works (Ludolf von Sachsen’s Vita Christi, the Horologium sapientiae of Heinrich Seuse and Simone Fidati da Cascia’s De gestis Domini salvatoris), all of which belonged to classification ‘B’ (evidently vitae Christi) in the convent library, under the heading In solenniis professionum materia lectioni apta, i.e. appropriate

70 [H]Vbertinus de Casali: ordinis fratrum minorum, Iohannis de Parma generalis ministri quondam auditor; uir deuotus et in scripturis sanctis sufficienter eruditus. Cum uideret ordinem suum a prima institutione deficere, nouas quasdam sub specie reformationis separationes incepit et eas a summo pontifice confirmari obtinuit; quae tamen ad petitiones custodum et ministrorum statim per eundem papam fuerunt reuocatae, quoniam in graue scandalum et scissuram ordinis uidebantur praesumptae. Vnde commotus Hubertinus ordinem Carthusiensium ingressus est. Scripsit ualde praeclarum et insigne uolumen religiosis et deuotis personis utile, quod praenotauit ‘Arborem uitae crucifixae’, li. v., ‘Vniuersis Christi uere fide[libus]’; sermones et epistolas; et quaedam alia. Admonent nos quidam catholici doctores Hubertinum in praefato uolumine in certis locis, maxime ubi canticum Simeonis assumit, caute esse legendum; eo quod de quibusdam articulis aliter sentiat mater omnium nostrum ecclesia. Auctor tamen ipse excusandus est, quia nec dum determinatum fuit, et cetera. Claruit sub Alberto imperatore anno domini millesimo ccc. – Johannes Trithemius, Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Johann Amerbach: Basel, [after 28 August] 1494), fol. 77r [Copy consulted: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. 1Q 3.7(1)]; on this work see Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516) [Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Bistums und Hochstifts Würzburg 23] (Würzburg, 21991), pp. 117-32 and 250.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 216216 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 217

to be read on the occasion of the solemn profession of the religious vow.71 This does provide a further attestation of a lost manuscript not elsewhere recorded, and the evidence that the Arbor vitae was considered suitable for reading at table. Whether this ever took place at Zevenborren is a matter of some doubt. It would certainly not have been read out in full, and its position alongside some very lengthy works as suitable reading for a rather specific occasion relativises its importance in the list considerably. Indeed, the impression that the list provides is that of an attempt to incorporate the entire library under the available headings (one of which is indifferens lectio). A similar piece of evidence is provided by a reading-list drawn up in 1526 by Rochus Heyme, sub-prior of the Augustinian canonry (Windesheim congregation) of Sint-Maartensdal in Leuven. Heyme, active in Sint-Maartensdal 1513-31, is known as the copyist and donor of nine volumes; he was one of the last Modern Devout still to copy books for ascetic purposes well into the age of print. Two of these nine volumes form his copy of the Arbor vitae, the first of which (with books 1-3) has survived, and is noted above (now Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 646).72 His reading-list forms part of a handbook for novice-masters. It indicates the material that a new canon should read during his novitiate, and then in the period immediately after his full profession. In the second category is found (as no. 40) Quatuor primos libros arboris crucifixe vite Ihesu fratris Hubertini. Evidently Heyme regarded the Arbor vitae as a more challenging work, suitable for newly-professed canons rather than for novices; though as Kock points out, there is little substantive difference in the degree of difficulty between the two sections of the list.73 Our assessment of the Latin transmission of the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries is complete. We should turn now to the evidence for its reception in Dutch and German translation.

MANUSCRIPTS OF THE TEXT IN TRANSLATION

The Arbor vitae was never translated in full into any Germanic vernacular. I divide the manuscript witnesses to the translation and adaptation of Ubertino’s work into Dutch and German into four general categories. First, individual dicta; second, shorter texts and prayers; third, longer texts (of which there are very few); and fourth, excerpts from the Arbor vitae incorporated into longer compendia of vernacular texts on the life and Passion of Christ. To establish this conspectus, I have relied principally on the Bibliotheca Neerlandica Manuscripta database (hereinafter BNM).74 A comprehensive bibliography for

71 See Kock, Die Buchkultur, pp. 154-85, with an edition of a section from the reading-list at pp. 351-60 (the Arbor vitae at p. 358). 72 Lourdaux and Haverals, Bibliotheca Vallis Sancti Martini, pp. 179-80. 73 Kock, Die Buchkultur, pp. 136-48, with an edition of the list pp. 137-42. 74 http://bnm.leidenuniv.nl [accessed 3 September 2007].

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 217217 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 218 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

each manuscript is not provided. Rather, I have sought to provide in the foot- note to each manuscript first (under D, for ‘description’), a reference to a modern, comprehensive description (insofar as such exists); and second (under T, for ‘text’), a reference to a printed source that provides the fullest details of the text from the Arbor vitae, if this is necessary in addition. Only where no such printed source exists is the BNM cited as the source of the text quoted. Those manuscripts listed in the earlier conspectus of vernacular texts attributed to Ubertino, that of Kurt Ruh in the Verfasserlexikon (see note 2 above), are marked with an asterisk. All incipits are given diplomatically. I begin with the first category, manuscripts containing isolated dicta attributed to Ubertino. As this is the least illuminating category of texts, incipits are not provided. Two further notes of caution must be sounded here. First, that the list is likely to be incomplete, as individual dicta are often not detailed precisely even in the more comprehensive catalogues. Second, that the source for such dicta may not in all cases be the Latin Arbor vitae, but an intermediary work in the Dutch vernacular that incorporates quotations from the Arbor vitae, which have then been further excerpted. The works of Jacobus van Gruitrode, which we shall encounter later, likely played an important role in this process.

1. Dicta

Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, IV 242, unspecified folio Text attributed to Ubertino listed in BNM without identification of folio. ’s-Hertogenbosch, Sint-Geertruiklooster (Dominican female tertiaries, then Augustinian canonesses after 1496); 1479. 75 Leeuwarden, Provinciale Bibliotheek van Friesland, 693 Hs, 53v Dictum attributed to Ubertino in a collection of dicta and prayers, 53v-88v. Origin unknown (Holland; perhaps lay owner); c. 1500.76 Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Ltk. 222, 40r and 80v Two dicta attributed to Ubertino in an alphabetical florilegium, 1r-83v. Origin unknown (Holland; Delft?); second half of fifteenth century (after 1458).77

75 D: Stooker and Verbeij, Collecties op orde, 2, pp. 207-08 (no. 628); A. M. Koldeweij, In Buscoducis 1450-1629. Kunst uit de Bourgondische tijd te ’s-Hertogenbosch. De cultuur van late Middeleeuwen en Renaissance (Maarssen and The Hague, 1990), p. 189 (no. 115); F. Hendrickx ed., De Kartuizers en hun klooster te Zelem. Tentoonstelling ter gelegenheid van het negende eeuwfeest van de Orde 1084-1984, Diest – Stedelijke Museum, 30 juni – 30 september 1984 [Diestsche Cronycke 7] (Diest, 1984), pp. 222-26 (no. 37); François Masai and Martin Wittek, Manuscrits datés conservés en Belgique, 4, 1461-1480. Manuscrits conservés à la Bibliothèque Royale Albert Ier Bruxelles (Brussels and Gent, 1982), p. 84 (no. 580) and p. 933. T: BNM. 76 D: Jos. M. M. Hermans, Klaas van der Hoek and Lydia S. Wierda, Gebeden- en getijden- boeken en andere devote handschriften in de Provinciale Bibliotheek van Friesland. Tentoonstel- ling 24 april – 31 juli 1987 Provinciale Bibliotheek van Friesland (Leeuwarden, 1987), pp. 34-36 (no. 10). T: BNM. 77 D: G. I. Lieftinck, Codicum in finibus Belgarum ante annum 1550 conscriptorum qui in bibliotheca universitatis asservantur, 1, Codices 168-360 societatis cui nomen Maatschappij der

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 218218 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 219

Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Ltk. 314, 15v-17r Texts attributed to Ubertino in a short collection of dicta on the Passion. Origin unknown (Holland); second half of fifteenth century.78 Philadelphia, Collection of Mrs Phyllis Goodhart Gordan, MS 45, unspecified folio [whereabouts unknown]79 Texts attributed to Ubertino in a collection of dicta, 111v-254v. Origin unknown (northeast Netherlands); c. 1500.80

2. Shorter Texts and Prayers

*Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 15067, 171r-174v Spiritual exercise for the seven days of the week, dependent on prologue 1

Den H. Ubertinus devote ouffeninghe vant heylich leven Christi. Den bondelken van mirre is mijn beminde: hij sal wonen tusschen mijn borsten. Wat is dit bondelken van myrhe anders als die bittere myrhe […] soo verbeyden ick metten biddende decipelen ende met maria die moeder Jesu volherdenden in den gebeden ende beloofden h. geest dien soeten vertrooster in allen. Origin unknown (bound with a manuscript of 1422 by a female scribe from the northern Netherlands); seventeenth century.81

Nederlandsche Letterkunde [Bibliotheca universitatis Leidensis. Codices manuscripti 5] (Leuven, 1948), pp. 35-36; Willem de Vreese, De handschriften van Jan van Ruusbroec’s werken, 2 vols (Gent, 1900-02), here 2, pp. 502-08 (ms. Gg (66)). 78 D: Lieftinck, Codices 168-330, pp. 134-35. 79 Although many of the manuscripts in this collection were donated after Phyllis Gordan’s death to the Bryn Mawr College Library (Pennsylvania), this manuscript was not among them, and its present whereabouts is unknown to the library staff (personal correspondence from Marianne Hansen, 3 November 2008). 80 D: Philip E. Webber, ‘Medieval Netherlandic Manuscripts in Greater Philadelphia Libraries’, Archives et bibliothèques de Belgique/ Archief- en bibliotheekwezen in België 47 (1976), pp. 459- 513, here pp. 460-62. The Boecsken vander lidsamheit that precedes this collection of dicta, and which Webber discusses in detail p. 462, is actually the treatise Vander edelre doecht der verdul- dicheit, an anonymous work written in the milieu of the Devotio Moderna (very possibly from within the Windesheim congregation) in the period 1410-30, extant in 32 manuscripts and five sixteenth-century printed editions; see now Werner J. Hoffmann, ‘Die volkssprachliche Rezeption des ›Horologium sapientiae‹ in der Devotio moderna’, in: Rüdiger Blumrich and Philipp Kaiser, Heinrich Seuses Philosophia spiritualis. Quellen, Konzept, Formen und Rezeption. Tagung Eichstätt 2.-4. Oktober 1991 [Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter 17] (Wiesbaden, 1994), pp. 202-54, here pp. 247-53. 81 D: Jan Deschamps and Herman Mulder, Inventaris van de Middelnederlandse handschriften van de Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België (voorlopige uitgave), 8 (Brussels, 2006), pp. 26-27. T: Callaey, ‘L’Influence et la diffusion’, pp. 542-46 [full edition]. Kurt Ruh lists this post-medieval manuscript as an adaptation from a text he names Der Rosengarten Jesu und Marias (Ruh, ‘Hubertinus von Casale’, cols. 215-16). This text is actually Jacobus van Gruitrode’s Rosarium Jesu et Mariae in Dutch translation, and it is to be doubted whether the Brussels manuscript is in fact related to it at all.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 219219 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 220 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

*Cologne, Historisches Archiv, GB 8° 71, [a] 43r-46v and [b] 57r-58v [a] Extract on the Passion

Hubertinus seit in arbore crucifixi dat gheen ghescapen verstant mach die bangicheit ende pine begripen die onse lieve here in sinen sinnen droech vander tijt dat hi in sijnre moeder buuc ontfanghen waert al totten eynde daer hi inden cruce starf ende hi brencter suete redene toe […] Ach het is noch vele ellendigher als in Machabeorum staet geschreven ‘Die glorie des sonders is alse dreck ende wormen Huden verheffet hi hem ende morghen en vintmen hem niet want hi is weder ghekiert in sijn eerde ende sine ghedachten sinnen vergaen.’ [b] Dictum Amsterdam, unidentified female convent; second half of fifteenth century (c.1470).82

Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek, Hs 1847, 169v-171r Extract (in Low German) from prologue 1

Dit schrift de hilge doecktoir Vbertijn yn syme boiche dat geheischen is van deme boeme des gecrucegeden leuens Iheso aldus. O geloue dir nadem alre wairlichsten lichte des kristen gelouuen […] ind ynfynck den hilgen geist so mych doichte myt den bidden den discipulen ende myt der moder. Amen. Origin unknown (presumably Cologne); second half of fifteenth century.83

The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 71 H 64, 104r-109v Marian prayer on the eucharist

Vanden heilighen werdighen sacramente tot maria. [U]bertinus. O Mijn alder bermhertichste moeder maria ghebenedide erde O volle acker welken god […] bloeme der saechtmoedicheit. die leeft ende rengneert. god over alle werelde der werelden amen. Origin unknown (Brabant region); late fifteenth/ early sixteenth century.84

82 D/T [a]: Karl Menne, Deutsche und niederländische Handschriften [Mitteilungen aus dem Stadt- archiv von Köln. Sonderreihe: Die Handschriften des Archivs 10/ 1] 2 vols (Cologne, 1931-37), 1, pp. 51-55 (no. 46); de Vreese, De handschriften, 1, pp. 429-45 (ms. X (57)). T [b]: Catalogus van de fotoalbums van Middelnederlandse handschriften: Medii aevi manuscriptorum spiritualium neerlandicorum reproductio (z. g. Collectie Titus Brandsma). In 1938 bewerkt door Zr. G. Feugen. Fotomechanische herdruk U. B. Nijmegen 1968, met aanvullingen [by A. Gruijs], pp. 51-55. 83 D/T: Kurt Hans Staub and Thomas Sänger, Deutsche und niederländische Handschriften. Mit Ausnahme der Gebetbuchhandschriften [Die Handschriften der Hessischen Landes- und Hoch- schulbibliothek Darmstadt 6] (Wiesbaden, 1991), pp. 94-97 (no. 60). 84 D: Klaas van der Hoek, Toine Sterk and Ed. van der Vlist, Inventaris van de handschriften van de Koninklijke Bibliotheek, part 2, Kastnummers 71-72 (The Hague, 1993), pp. 78-79; J. P. J. Brandhorst and K. H. Broekhuijsen-Kruijer, De verluchte handschriften en incunabelen van de Koninklijke Bibliotheek. Een overzicht voorzien van een iconografische index (The Hague, 1985), p. 113 (no. 427). T: Joachim Moschall, Marien voerspan of sapeel. Eine mittelnieder- ländische Bearbeitung der „Goldenen Schmiede” des Konrad von Würzburg [Erlanger Studien 40] (Erlangen, 1983), pp. 77-80.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 220220 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 221

*The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, KNAW XXX, 129v-139v Extract on Mary

Hubertynus spreect vander maghet marien. Overmits maria der hemelscher con- inghinnen sijn die sacramenten der godliker ontfermherticheit veruolt die heme- len sijn om hare wil neder gheneycht Die fonteynen der wateren sijn op gheloken Die fundamenten der werelt sijn ondect Dat is doe cristus van haer gheboren wort […] Ende die siel is also groot datse nyemant onthouden en can noch veruollen dan god alleen doer om ontsieh di haer te beulecken mit lelicheit der sonden want so puer moet si weder tot gode gaen als si was doe si daer wt ghinck. Origin unknown; late fifteenth/ early sixteenth century.85

*’s-Heerenberg, Stichting Huis Bergh, v. H. 19/ L 0282, [a] 133r-152v and [b] 181r [a] Spiritual exercise on the Passion (missing the beginning)

… sult werckende. Ende dit doende soe sal iu lief dats ihesus rusten als een bundelken van myrren tusschen uwen borsten […] Biddet ende eysschet haer hulpe op dat gi moecht volgen haeren voetstappen. Ende dit gi moecht leven na uwen beloeften ende opset. Amen. [b] Dictum Origin unknown (Brabant region); century 1470.86

Heverlee, Norbertijnenabdij Park, 833bis, 1r-4v Spiritual exercise for the seven days of the week, dependent on prologue 1

Des maendaechs seldy verkeeren met alder ynnicheit te overdincken die hooghe boetscap die ghedaen wert totter glorioser maget marien. O onuutsprekelike goedertierenheit die ons naden menscheliken nederval […] Tot welker salicheit ons moet bringhen die leeft met den vader in eenheit des heilighen geest. Origin unknown (probably Augustinian canonesses; north Brabant region); fifteenth century.87

Leuven, Universiteitsbibliotheek, G 218, 80v-98r (destroyed 1940) Spiritual exercise for the seven days of the week, dependent on prologue 1 (similar text to the ’s-Heerenberg manuscript above)

85 D/T: Lucidius Verschueren ed., Hendrik Herp O. F. M. Spieghel der Volcomenheit, 1, Inleiding [Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 1] (Antwerp, 1931), pp. 71-73 (no. 33). 86 D/T [a]: H. J. Leloux, ‘Laatmiddeleeuwse getijden- en gebedenboeken in het Middelnederlands uit het bezit van het Huis Bergh’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 54 (1980), pp. 182-232, here pp. 223-27. T [b]: BNM. 87 D: Maria Meertens, De godsvrucht in de Nederlanden naar handschriften van gebedenboeken der XVe eeuw, 6, Beschrijvende catalogus der handschriften ([no place], 1934), pp. 236-39 (no. 39). T: Meertens, De godsvrucht, 1, God H. Drieëenheid. De mysterien van Christus’ leven en lijden ([no place], 1930), pp. 94-96.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 221221 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 222 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Dit is een orberlike ende een seer ynnige oeffeninge des heiligen ende devoten leraers S. Ubertinus. Een bundelken van myrren is mi mijn lief […] Ende dat gi moecht leven na uwen beloeften ende opset. Amen. Origin unknown (probably female convent; north Brabant region); late fifteenth/ early sixteenth century.88

Philadelphia, Free Library, European Ms. 217, 51r-67v Prayers to Mary

Item dese drij nauolghende hoeykens [i.e., chaplets] sijn ghenomen wt Ubertinus Dat eerste des dij[n]sdaechs Pater noster ter eeren der eewigher gheboerten [cristi] inder vaderlicker herten ende der tijtlicker gheboerten van der maget marien Ende der daghelijcscher gheboerten in onser zielen. O heylighe ioeffrouwe maria in wat verwonderen dijnre ghedachten was dijn ziele verhauen inder middernacht […] [Ihesus cristus] die soe mijnlijck oerlof naemt aenden ouden vaders hem belouen wederom te comen in uwen glorificeerden lichaem. Aue maria gracia Hier gruet den luchteren voet marien met eenen [pater noster]. Origin unknown (Brabant region); c. 1550.89

Purmerend, Streekarchief Waterland, Monnickendam 155, 216v-219r Prayers on the limbs of Christ

Hier beghint een ynnige dancberheit voer alle die droefheden die die guedertieren Jhesus voer ons geleden hevet mit grueten ende gebeden tot allen leden syns lichaems dat ghemaect heeft Hubertinus. Gebet. Dive benigne. O jhesu myn gesontmaker myn sueticheit myn hope myn minnen myn salicheit myn troest wat dancx of wederloens sel ic di waerdeliken wedergeven […] Ende mi doch willste tellen onder die alre myn beste leden dynre uutvercorenre here der…die mitten moerdenaren gerekent waste. Enkhuizen, probably lay owner; 1486.90

Sint-Truiden, Instituut voor Franciscaanse Geschiedenis, B 66, 60r Marian prayer on the eucharist (similar text to The Hague, KB, 71 H 64 above)

eyn schoen ghebet vanden werdighen heilighen sacrament. Ubertinus. O mijn alre barmhertichste moeder Maria ghebenedide eerde o volle acker […]. Origin and date unknown.91

88 D: Meertens, De godsvrucht, 6, Beschrijvende catalogus, pp. 228-30 (no. 37). T: Meertens, De godsvrucht, 1, God H. Drieëenheid, pp. 93-94. 89 D/T: Webber, ‘Medieval Netherlandic Manuscripts’, pp. 506-10. 90 D/T: Edmundus Mikkers, ‘Een 15e-eeuwse vertaling van St. Bernardus’ preken de diversis en van pseudo-Bernardijnse werken’, Cîteaux in de Nederlanden 7 (1956), pp. 45-49. 91 D/T: BNM.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 222222 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 223

Tilburg, Universiteitsbibliotheek, KHS 8 (olim 636), 14r-35v Collection of prayers and hymns for Christmas, on the life of Mary and Christ’s childhood, including texts ascribed to Ubertino

Ymmen op Kers dach. Verbliden wi ons […] O alre waerachtichste overste ewighe heilighe drievoudichste Vader Soen ende Heilighe Gheest amen. Origin unknown (southern Netherlands); late fifteenth/ early sixteenth century.92

Tilburg, Universiteitsbibliotheek, KHS 11 (olim 639), 10r-17r Prayers on the limbs of Christ (similar text to the Purmerend manuscript above)

Een ynnige dancbaerheit voer die droefheit die ons lieve Here Jhesus geleden heeft mit grueten ende gebeden tot alden leden syns lichaems dat gemaect heeft die devoete leerre Hubertinus. O Ihesu myn gesontmaker myn suetticheit myn minne myn salicheit ende myn troest […] Weest gegroet goeder. Probably Zwolle, Sisters of the Common Life (Agathaklooster Wijtenhuis); last quarter of fifteenth century (before 1507).93

3. Longer Texts

*Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. germ. oct. 37, 119v-133v Treatise, in High German (upper Rhenish dialect), on the nativity of Christ, ascribed to Ubertino and Bernard of Clairvaux

ein andehtige betrahtunge von der geburt Christi als die beschribet sanctus bernhardus vnd vbertinus. Do dz gerúwige swigen eines gemeinen fryden vnder dem keyser augusto die welte die vor betrúbet wz hette wider erfrówet also dz durch sin gebot alle welt wart an geschriben do geschach es von der gótlichen fúrsihtikeit dz joseph der gemahel der wúrdigen jungfrówen Marien die kúnigkliche jungfrówe die jetze von ir enpfengnisse ix monat vergangen worent […] wir sóllent in bitten dz er gedencke siner alten vnd siner ewigen erbarmherczikeit vnd dz er sich bewirdige vns zú bringen zú dem vatterlande vmb dz vnsz wider zú geben vmb dz er ist abgangen in disz ellende dz er vns vff fúrte in sin ewige selikeit. zú der selben ewigen selikeit helff vnsz die heilige drúualtikeit got vatter sún vnd heiliger geist zú allen ziten. A M E N.

92 D/T: Jeroen M. M. van de Ven, Over Brabant geschreven. Handschriften en archivalische bronnen in de Tilburgse Universiteitsbibliotheek [Miscellanea neerlandica 8-9], 2 vols (Leuven, 1994), here 1, Middeleeuwse handschriften en fragmenten, pp. 58-62; Carleen Baarda and Jos. M. M. Hermans, Brabantse handschriften. Gerrit van Orden (1774-1854) en zijn schenking van handschriften aan het Provinciaal Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen in Noord-Brabant (Tilburg, 1992), pp. 37-39. 93 D/T: Van de Ven, Over Brabant geschreven, 1, Middeleeuwse handschriften en fragmenten, pp. 74-80 (no. I, 11); Baarda and Hermans, Brabantse handschriften, pp. 44-47.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 223223 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 224 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Probably Strasbourg, female Dominicans (St Nikolaus in undis); fifteenth century.94

*Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 3057-58, [a] 2r-34v and [b] 35r-49v [a] Treatise on the interior suffering of Christ, using extracts drawn principally from book 4 of Ubertino’s Arbor vitae and the works of Bernardino da Siena, and citing amongst others Birgitta of Sweden (fols 28v-29r and 30r) and Nicholas of Lyra (fol. 33v)

Vanden inwindegen lijden ons liefs heeren Jesu christi na dat het die leeraers Vbertinus ende.s. Bernaerdus [sic] bescreuen wt het ingeuen vanden .h. geest. Als wij namaels zullen hooren zoe es dat inwendich lijden ons heeren Jesu christi ter herten genomen zijnde een ocxuijn ende wortele van alder gratien ende ver- diensten daer in te sceppen […] Welck christus lijden wij moeten sunderlinge ter herten nemen want anders en mach die mensche niet salich werden Als ghij zult hooren inden druck van onser lieuer vrouwen. [b] Treatise on the suffering of Mary, using extracts drawn principally from Ubertino’s Arbor vitae and the works of Bernardino of Siena, and citing amongst others Birgitta of Sweden (fols 38r-40v), Mechthild von Hackeborn (fol. 46v), and the vita of Margareta contracta von Magdeburg (fol. 47r)

Onbegrijpelijck ende ongemeten was den rouwe ende den druck onser lieuer vrouwen. Ende dat bewist die gloriose Vbertinus int vierde boeck des gecruijsten booms. ende leuens ons lieffs heeren Jesu christi inden tijtele Jesus biddende ter gereijcht ter eerden […] Och laet ons doen den anderen huelpen totten duechden. ende ons wachten dat wij nijemandt ocxuijn en worden van zonden Soe moegen wij gode behaegen. Deo gracias semper. Brussels, Augustinian canonesses of Sion (Sint-Elisabeth); first half of sixteenth century.95

Nijmegen, Universiteitsbibliotheek, HS 233, [a] 57v-77r and [b] 77r-85v [a] Treatise on the interior suffering of Christ, from book 4 (the same text as in Brussels, KB, 3057-58 above, 2r-34v)

94 D/T: Thomas Lentes, Gebetbuch und Gebärde. Religiöses Ausdrucksverhalten in Gebetbüchern aus dem Dominikanerinnen-Kloster St. Nikolaus in undis zu Straßburg (1350-1550) (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Münster, 1996), pp. 937-45; Hermann Degering, Kurzes Verzeichnis der germanischen Handschriften der Preussischen Staatsbibliothek, 3, Die Hand- schriften in Oktavformat und Register zu Bande I-III (Leipzig, 1932), pp. 15-16. 95 D: Stooker and Verbeij, Collecties op orde, 2, p. 91 (no. 248); A. Ampe, ‘Bibliografisch onderzoek en kritische uitgave van ‘Een soete meditatie hoe die verloren siele vanden sone Gods vonden es’’, De gulden passer 41 (1963), pp. 48-82, here pp. 50-52; Van den Gheyn, Catalogue des manuscrits, 3, Théologie, p. 289. T: All details taken directly from manuscript copies; for [a] see in addition P. C. Boeren, ‘Sint Bernardinus in de Nederlanden (15e eeuw)’, in: Albert Ampe, Dr. L. Reypens – Album. Opstellen aangeboden aan Prof. Dr. L. Reypens s. j. ter gelegenheid van zijn tachtigste verjaardag op 26 februari 1964 [Studiën en Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 16] (Antwerp, 1964), pp. 93-104, here pp. 101-02; Callaey, ‘L’Influence et la diffusion’, pp. 539-41.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 224224 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0516:05:05 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 225

Hier beghint vanden inwendighen lijden ons liefs heeren ihesu xpisti nae dat hubertinus die deuote leeraer bescriuet wt ingheuen des heijlighen gheests. Als wij namaels sullen horen hoe is dat inwendighe lijden ihesu xpisti ter herten ghenomen. een oerspronck ende een wortel van allen gracien ende verdienten. Hier om hebbe wijt opt corste gheset om meerre ghenuechte daer in te sceppen. versament die scriftueren des gloriose leeraers hubertinus vander minre brueders oerden. die hij bescriuet vanden inwendighen lijden ons heere ihesu xpisti. ende sijnre lieuer moeder maria […] want ander en mach die mensche niet salich werden. als ghij sult horen inden druck van onser lieuer vrouwe. [b] Treatise on the suffering of Mary, using book 4 (the same text as in Brussels, KB, 3057-58 above, 35r-49v)

Hier beghint vanden druck ende lijden onser lieuer vrowen. Onbegripelick ende onghemeten was dien rouwe ende dijen drucke onser lieuer vrouwen. Ende dat bewijst die gloriose leerer hubertinus int vierde boeck des ghecruijsten boems des leuens ihesu xpisti inden tijtulen […] Och laet ons allen malcanderen helpen tot doechden. ende wachten dat wij nijemant oersaeck en sijn van sonden. god salt ons wel verghelden bouen allen wercken die wij doen moghen. seijt sinte gregorius. Origin unknown (southern Netherlands); first half of sixteenth century (after 1503). Note that the compilation of texts on the Passion (fols 45r-57r) and the shorter text on the cross (fols 85v-87r), as the catalogue indicates, may also draw on the Arbor vitae.96

4. Named excerpts from the Arbor vitae in longer vernacular lives of Christ

Amsterdam, Universiteitsbibliotheek, I G 25, [a] 181r-185r and [b] 185r-243r [a] Spiritual exercise for the seven days of the week, dependent on prologue 1 (the same text as in Brussels, KB, 15067 above)

Een deuote oefeninge vbertinus des heilighen leerres En busselkijn van mirren is mi mijn lief tusschen minen borsten sel hi rusten wat is dit bondekijn van mirren Die bitter mirre beteikent bitterheit der passien […] [b] Ubertino is a named source for a contemplative treatise on the Passion of Christ, organised as a set of meditations from Friday through to Sun- day. Origin unknown; first half of sixteenth century.97

96 D/T: Gerda C. Huisman, Catalogus van de middeleeuwse handschriften in de Universiteits- bibliotheek Nijmegen [Miscellanea neerlandica 14] (Leuven, 1997), pp. 209-21. 97 D: Rudolf Th. M. van Dijk, Prolegomena ad Gerardi Magni opera omnia [Gerardi Magni opera omnia 1; Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis 192] (Turnhout, 2003), p. 115; Catalogus van de Fotoalbums, pp. 2-4 and Aanvullingen pp. 9-12; M. B. Mendes da Costa, Bibliotheek der Universiteit van Amsterdam. Catalogus der handschriften, 2, De handschriften der Stedelijke Bibliotheek met de latere aanwinsten (Amsterdam, 1902), p. 93 (no. 554).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 225225 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 226 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 133 H 1, [a] 91r-146v and [b] 238r-246r [a] Ubertino is a named source for a contemplative treatise on the life of Christ, organised as a set of meditations for the days of the week, and incorporating a Dutch translation of the prayers from the Articuli LXV de passione Domini of Jordan von Quedlinburg. [b] Spiritual exercise for the seven days of the week, dependent on prologue 1 (the same text as in Brussels, KB, 15067 and Amsterdam, UB, I G 25 above)

Hier beghint vbertinus deuote oeffeninghe vanden leuen ihesu christi. Een bondekijn van mirren is mi myn gheminde hi sel wonen tusschen minen borsten. Wat is dit bondekijn van mirren anders dan die bitter mirre […] so verbeyde ic mitten biddende discipulen Ende mit maria die werde moeder ihesu volhardende inden ghebede dien beloefden heilighen gheest die soete troester in allen. Vbertinus. Siet aldus heb ic iv cortelic besceruen des heilighen mans vbertinus deuote oeffeninghe gaet ende doet oec des ghelijc… Origin unknown (southern Netherlands); second half of fifteenth century.98

Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Ltk 262, Ira-IVvb and 1ra-339rb Ubertino is a named source for a life of Christ, from the creation of the world to the sending-out of the Holy Spirit, and organised according to the canonical hours of each of the seven days of the week. Delft, Augustinian canonesses (Sint Agnes in het dal van Josaphat); second half of fifteenth century (c. 1470).99

Nijmegen, Universiteitsbibliotheek, HS 207, 1r-279v Ubertino is a named source within a work providing sermons and other considerations for the whole of the church year, from 5 December through to Easter Saturday. Some of the citations from Ubertino may derive mediately from the sermons of the Observant Franciscan Jan Brugman, who is a further named source in this work. Possibly Dommelen near Valkenswaard, south of Eindhoven, Franciscans (north-east Netherlands); c. 1600.100

98 D: Brandhorst and Broekhuijsen-Kruijer, De verluchte handschriften, p. 63 (no. 233); Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum bibliothecae regiae, 1, Libri theologici (The Hague, 1922), p. 73 (no. 350). T: [a] Lievens, Jordanus van Quedlinburg, pp. 45-46 and 269-71 (ms. HH2); J. M. Willeumier-Schalij, ‘De LXV artikelen van de passie van Jordanus van Quedlinburg in Middelnederlandse handschriften’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 53 (1979), pp. 15-35, here pp. 19-20; [b] quotation directly from manuscript. 99 D: J. G. C. Venner and C. A. Chavannes-Mazel, ‘Delftse handschriften en boekverluchting’, in: De stad Delft. Cultuur en maatschappij tot 1572. Stedelijk museum Het Prinsenhof, Delft (Delft, 21981), 1, pp. 134-38; Lieftinck, Codices 168-330, pp. 76-77. 100 D: Huisman, Catalogus van de middeleeuwse handschriften, pp. 183-98.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 226226 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 227

This conspectus of vernacular witnesses to Ubertino’s Arbor vitae permits certain conclusions to be drawn. There is no evidence – at least, on the basis of the existing datings, some of which are very vague – that any of the vernacular manuscripts identified were produced prior to the second half of the fifteenth century. The origin of these manuscripts, however, is known in so few cases that it is impossible to assess the pattern of the distribution of the manuscripts amongst different religious orders, let alone to make any comparative statement with the Latin transmission. The geographical distribution, insofar as this can be established from linguistic evidence, is broadly similar to that of the Latin manuscripts: a particular concentration in the southern Low Countries, with fewer representatives (but representatives nonetheless) in the northern Low Countries and in the Low German-speaking area directly to the east. The sole manuscript that preserves a German text ascribed to Ubertino from outside of this border-region, in this case a contemplative treatise on the nativity of Christ, deserves additional attention. Its binding incorporates a parchment charter that mentions St. Nikolaus in undis, a female Dominican convent in Strasbourg, from which the manuscript thus probably originates. Whether the text ascribed to Ubertino was copied, or was even the work of a Dominican nun is not certain. The manuscript consists of five originally discrete parts, of which the first was written by a male scribe in 1478; the text ascribed to Ubertino constitutes the fifth part.101 Nonetheless, the probable Dominican provenance and the prox- imity of Strasbourg to Basel locate this text precisely within the same German context, namely the Dominican convents of the upper Rhine, in which a limited transmission of the Latin Arbor vitae can be identified from the mid-fifteenth century. More significant for our study of the Low Countries is the choice of texts translated and adapted from the Arbor vitae. It evidently represented a source of prayers, of which it contains many, and of shorter texts on Mary, about whom Ubertino has much to say. In these aspects, the vernacular transmission is thus wholly unsurprising. Nor is it of particular consequence that the Arbor vitae was used as a source for Dutch-language lives of Christ; this is again something that might reasonably be expected of any vita Christi circulating in the late medieval Netherlands, and we will see further evidence of this in printed texts later, in addition to the manuscripts listed here. More significant is the number of manuscripts, seven in total, containing Dutch and Low German adaptations of spiritual exercises derived from the first prologue to the Arbor vitae. Three of these in fact contain the same text (Brussels, KB, 15067; Amsterdam, UB, I G 25, and The Hague, KB, 133 H 1, following the sequence above; in the latter two cases, as the preface to longer devotional texts). Finally, it is the interior suffering of Christ, a specific aspect of the Passion, that is the subject of the most substantial text adapted from the Arbor vitae, represented by two manuscripts from the first half of the sixteenth century (Brussels, KB, 3057-58 and Nijmegen, UB, HS 233).

101 Lentes, Gebetbuch und Gebärde, p. 937.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 227227 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 228 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

All these vernacular texts would repay closer attention. Such examination, however, would require access to a reliable Latin text of the second recension of the Arbor vitae – the version that circulated in the Low Countries – as a suitable basis for comparison. The two principal recensions of the Arbor vitae are sufficiently divergent that the classification of these vernacular texts from the Low Countries in the spectrum between direct translation and loose adaptation cannot be properly undertaken on the basis of the standard incunable edition of the first recension. Furthermore, the existing descriptions of the manuscripts in question do not permit their definite localisation in the milieu of the Devotio Moderna (even if this is probable, given the evidence of the Latin transmission), and may draw us away from our principal line of sight. We may, however, profitably take the two distinctive foci of certain groups of these vernacular texts, namely the spiritual exercises derived from the first prologue, and the interior suffering of Christ, as indicators of late medieval Dutch interest in particular aspects of the Arbor vitae that would not otherwise present themselves as obvious. With this in mind, we shall now turn from our examination of the transmission of the Arbor vitae, to pursue explanations for this intensive reception of Ubertino’s work in the early Devotio Moderna, and amongst the Windesheim congregation in particular.

THE APPEAL OF THE ARBOR VITAE

Certain basic characteristics of the Arbor vitae as a whole were undoubtedly appealing, in very general terms, to the Modern Devout. The severely ascetic, uncompromisingly rigorous tone of the work cannot be overlooked, and was certainly well in keeping with the stringent austerity that prevailed in the Devotio Moderna. Indeed, Callaey suggested that it was this aspect of the Arbor vitae, along with its pessimistic and unremitting focus on the misery of the human estate, which led scholars in the seventeenth and eighteenth century to associate Ubertino with the authorship, at least in part, of Thomas à Kempis’ De imitatione Christi.102 Ubertino’s various references, in the two prologues and elsewhere in the work, to his conversations with famous Franciscans of earlier generations, or with those who had known them, provide – as Callaey first pointed out – an intimate link to the spiritual fathers of the Franciscan order, either directly (to Corrado da Offida), or indirectly (to Giles of Assisi and Brother Leo, Francis’ scribe).103 This lends the Arbor vitae a certain cachet; a historical connection that binds the reader into a form of spirituality ostensibly descending from the alter Christus himself. In this way, the Arbor vitae bears comparison to the Actus beati Francisci et sociorum eius, better known to the modern world through its reception in the Italian vernacular as the Fioretti – the ‘Little Flowers’ of St Francis. This complex of texts, a collection of stories

102 Callaey, L’Idéalisme franciscain spirituel, p. 98. 103 Ibidem, pp. 61 and 110-18.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 228228 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 229

about Francis and subsequent Franciscans of the thirteenth century, is contemporary with the Arbor vitae and derives from the same milieu of the small north-central Italian mountain convents and hermitages that were home to the Spiritual Franciscans. Much of its late medieval popularity is to be ascribed to its formation and deployment of almost genetic links of oral transmission, by which it claims that its narratives descended from the earliest Franciscans through a series of well-known figures (notably Corrado da Offida, whom Ubertino had also known), all in the aura of saintliness, to its eventual scribes in the first decades after 1300.104 Both the Arbor vitae and the Actus beati Francisci present a more direct, personal and intimate connection to the saintly brothers of the Franciscan order in its Blütezeit and their spirituality than other comparable texts, like Bonaventura’s Legenda maior, or (with regard to the Arbor vitae) the Meditationes vitae Christi. We must now turn from the general to the particular, and examine an important formal aspect of the work: the spiritual exercises in the prologues and their relationship to the structure of the Arbor vitae as a whole. Ubertino equipped his work with two prologues, which are in both recensions of the work.105 The first is substantially longer, and is heavily autobiographical in character. After an extensive introductory captatio benevolentiae, Ubertino asserts the centrality of Christ to the world and to mankind in a variety of ways. Christ is similarly at the centre of this work, he continues, and the life of Christ is the fasciculus myrrhae, the bundle of myrrh that strove to place itself ‘between his breasts’ (following the Song of Songs: fasciculus murrae dilectus meus mihi inter ubera mea commorabitur (Ct 1, 12)) from the beginning of his novitiate. This bundle of myrrh, collected by his memory from the life of Christ, impelled him from his youth to imitate Christ: He [Christ] is the beginning, middle and end of our salvation. And so likewise he makes himself into the beginning, middle and end of the following book; for he is uniquely the causal agent, the matter, the form and the ultimate end of this book. For in truth nothing is intended in this book save the knowledge, sincere love, and imitable life of Jesus Christ. This is the bundle of beautiful myrrh which strove from the very beginning of my novitiate to place itself between my breasts, whence it was roughly cast out a thousand thousand times through my sacrilegious impurity. For from the beginning his spirit has dwelt within me, from which my faculty of memory endeavoured to collect that bundle of myrrh from the whole of the widest wood of his virtuous life; impelling me to imitate his footsteps almost from my mother’s breasts.106

104 See Sophronius Clasen, Legenda antiqua S. Francisci. Untersuchung über die nachbonaven- turianischen Franziskusquellen, Legenda trium sociorum, Speculum perfectionis, Actus b. Francisci et sociorum eius und verwandtes Schrifttum [Studia et documenta Franciscana 5] (Leiden, 1967), pp. 249-55, 302-13 and 339-43; on Corrado da Offida see Ruh, Frauenmystik und Franziskanische Mystik, pp. 468-69. 105 See Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, pp. 46-55. 106 Ipse principium, medium et finis nostre salutis. Similiter ipse se fecit principium, medium et finem libri sequentis, nam huius libri ipse est singulariter actor et materia, finis et forma. Nihil enim in hoc libro intenditur nisi Iesu Christi noticia et dilectio uiscerosa et imitatoria uita. Hic est

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 229229 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 230 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

In fact, Ubertino here crafts his autobiographical experience around a pre-existent work, namely Bernard of Clairvaux’s sermon on Ct 1, 12. Here, central aspects of Ubertino’s text are already present: the interpretation of the fasciculus myrrhae as the bitter life of Christ; the reference to the practise of collecting such a bundle of myrrh from the beginning of his religious life; and the centrality of the memory to this process (albeit without the active role that Ubertino ascribes to the memory: for Ubertino, memoria here is one of the powers of the soul, and so more than the simple mental faculty that it is for Bernard). You too, if you are wise, will imitate the bride’s prudence, and will not suffer this bundle of myrrh so precious to be taken away from the centre of your chest even for an hour, keeping all those bitter things which he bore for you always in your memory and turning them over in assiduous meditation; from which you too can say, ‘My beloved is as a bundle of myrrh to me, and will abide between my breasts’. And I too, brothers, took care to collect this bundle to me and to place it between my breasts from the beginning of my conversion [i.e., to the religious life], in place of the multitude of merits that I knew I did not have; a bundle collected from all of my Lord’s fears and bitter experiences, which the gospels’ groves are understood to have brought forth in great plenitude for the salvation of our kind.107 That Ubertino draws on Bernard regarding the interpretation of the fasciculus myrrhae in connection with the contemplation of the life of Christ is in itself unsurprising, as it is Bernard’s sermon that represents the seminal text for this interpretation in the Middle Ages. It underlies an extremely broad range of subsequent works, including a large number of vernacular texts in German and Dutch.108 Yet whereas Bernard speaks of the exercise of collecting a fasciculus myrrhae in terms of his study of the scriptural accounts of Christ’s life, it is the fasciculus myrrhae itself – Christ – which, or rather who, acts upon Ubertino.

speciose mirre fasciculus, qui a primeuo nouitiatus mei inter ubera mea se collocare studuit; a quibus millesies milies per meam impuritatem sacrilegam crudeliter est eiectus. Nam a principio spiritus eius ex quo in me stat; memoria satagebat hunc mirre fasciculum colligere de tota silua latissima sue uirtuose uite, quasi ab uberibus matris mee impellens eius uestigia imitari. – Ubertino da Casale, Arbor vite crucifixe, prol. 1, p. 3a. 107 Tu quoque, si sapis, imitaberis sponsae prudentiam, atque hunc myrrhae tam carum fasciculum de principali tui pectoris, nec ad horam patieris auferri, amara illa omnia quae pro te pertulit, semper in memoria retinens et assidua meditatione revolvens, quo possis dicere et tu: ‘Fasciculus myrrhae dilectus meus mihi, inter ubera mea commorabitur.’ Et ego, fratres, ab ineunte mea conversione, pro acervo meritorum quae mihi deesse sciebam, hunc mihi fasciculum colligare et inter ubera mea collocare curavi, collectum ex omnibus anxietatibus et amaritudinibus Domini mei […] quae in salutem nostri generis silva evangelica copiosissime noscitur protulisse. – J. Leclercq, C. H. Talbot and H. M. Rochais ed., Sancti Bernardi opera, 2, Sermones super Cantica canticorum 36-86 (Rome, 1958), sermo 43 (pp. 41-44), here §2, 2-3 (p. 42); on this passage, with all further references, see Kemper, Die Kreuzigung Christi, pp. 58-62. 108 A comprehensive overview is offered by Dietrich Schmidtke, ‘Myrrhenbüschel-(Fasciculus- myrrhae-)Texte’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 6 (1987), cols. 832-39 and 11 (2004), col. 1044; on the exegetical and literary tradition of the fasciculus myrrhae see Martin Schawe, ‘Fasciculus myrrhae – Pietà und Hoheslied’, Jahrbuch des Zentralinstituts für Kunstgeschichte 5-6 (1989-90), pp. 161- 212, especially pp. 162-82.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 230230 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 231

This is intimated in the passage cited above, in which it is the bundle of myrrh ‘which strove […] to place itself between my breasts’. After Ubertino discusses his early life as a friar, lax and fickle in his religious life and engaged in philosophical study, he describes how the spirit of Christ entered into him most powerfully and revealed to him, across the seven days of the week, the entire course of the life of Christ and Mary. The understanding of the whole life of Christ and Mary, and not just Christ’s Passion, in terms of the fasciculus myrrhae represents a substantial extension over Bernard. Every detail of both their lives can thus be understood as a discrete instance of suffering in this way. Ubertino explains that he felt joined to Christ in union, such that he was not merely recollecting past events in his mind, but felt as if he were actually present at them: And so Christ sent his spirit so strongly into my unworthy self, that from the beginning of my novitiate he wanted to occupy my whole heart in the contemplation of the deeds of his life, which he divided for me into seven parts according to the seven-fold number of days; so that the passage of the days of the entire life of Jesus and his most venerable mother, just as when they had come into this world, might be turned over in my heart. I must admit that he joined me to himself with such a strong union, that it seemed to me as though I was not just recollecting past events, but perpetually gazing upon present happenings. By miraculous transformation he made me feel that I was now the donkey, then the cow, then the manger, then the hay upon which he lay, then the servant assisting him, then born with him of the same mother, then the little baby Jesus himself; and so in all the deeds of his life.109 Ubertino then sets out his experience of the life of Christ, according to the seven days of the week. The use of sepe and semper indicate that this experience was repeated frequently, and he provides further confirmation of the way in which he perceived the various events: as, for instance, concerning his witness of the crucifixion on Fridays: ‘Every Friday it was not the memory, but the actual presence of Jesus’ suffering and death that appeared to me.’110 His visualisation of the resurrection and ascension of Christ on Sundays is accompanied by a similar phrase, in which the particular quality of the experience is underlined: ‘And on that day the spirit of Jesus made me experience, almost visibly and sensibly, all the mysteries of the Resurrection, the Ascension, and of Pentecost.’111

109 Sicque mihi indigno tam fortiter se immisit, quod a nouitiatus principio in totum cor meum occupare uellet in a[c]tibus uite sue; quam et mihi distinxit septenario, iuxta numerum dierum septimane, ut sic cum in orbem transissent dies totius uite Iesu et reuerendissime matris sue in corde meo uolueretur decursus. Fateor quod tanta me unione iungebat sibi, ut non tam preterita recolere quam presentia iugiter mihi uideretur inspicere. Et nunc me asinum, nunc bouem, nunc presepium, nunc fenum super quod iacebat, nunc sibi assistentem famulum, nunc sibi congenitum uterinum, nunc ipsum paruulum Iesum faciebat me mira transformatione sentire in omnibus actibus uite sue. – Ibidem, prol. 1, p. 3b. 110 Omnes dies ueneris uidebatur mihi non memoria sed presentia Iesu passionis et mortis. – Ubertino da Casale, Arbor vite crucifixe, prol. 1, p. 3b. 111 Et illa die omnia mysteria resurrectionis, ascensionis et pentecosten me faciebat spiritus Iesu quasi uisibiliter et sensibiliter experiri. – Ibidem, prol. 1, p. 3b.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 231231 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 232 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

After this description of personal experience, Ubertino sets out how he called to mind at meal-times some meal that Christ or Mary ate, and would fall asleep whilst contemplating a similar suitable topic. He then provides details for the whole week. Here we see his introduction together with his practice on Mondays as an example: I recalled each day’s meals in terms of some particular little meal of the mother and the son, be it written or imagined, and at night I slept with them similarly. And so on Mondays I ate with the virgin mother in the house of Zechariah, sitting between Jesus and John, and at night I was drawn back to be with the journeying virgin in the stable.112 He concludes this portion of the first prologue by stating that he has only offered a short summary of the subjects and modes of meditation that Christ helped form in him during his novitiate. In later years he would be taken to other levels of revelation, but the manner of meditation during his formative years as a Franciscan should not be underrated, and he commends the meditative schema that he has set out, based on his own personal experience, to his readers: The varieties of the mental conceptions and ways of thinking which the blessed Jesus continually formed in me in those early novitiate days cannot be expressed. And even if he may now form a mental conception of an ineffably other nature in me, of which something is said of that which he forms in me below in the fourth book, in the chapter ‘Jesus, having been tortured’, in the third cross; nevertheless the aforementioned ways of considering Jesus across the course of his life are not to be underrated in any way. Furthermore, I faithfully advise every mind that although it may understand by its intellect a higher degree, to which it is still not properly impelled by its affective faculty, it should now excite itself to those lower [degrees], to which it feels that the spirit impels it; and should never consider itself to be worthy to think over the least deed of Christ’s life.113 The remainder of the first prologue, which continues for several further pages, details Ubertino’s subsequent life and his production of the Arbor vitae. We will look at certain features of this later. The second prologue is much shorter, but is very different in character, being explicitly contemplative and even

112 Comestiones omnium dierum ad aliquod conuiuiolum matris et filii uel scriptum uel imaginatum referebam; et noctibus dormiebam cum eisdem similiter. Die namque lune comedebam cum uirgine matre in domo Zacharie in medio Iesu et Ioannis; et nocte cum peregrina uirgine recolligebar in stabulo. – Ibidem, prol. 1, p. 3b. 113 Non possunt exprimi uarietates conceptuum et modorum cogitandi, quos pius Iesus in illis primordiis nouitiatibus in me formabat continue. Et licet nunc ineffabiliter alterius conditionis in me formet conceptus, de quibus infra dicitur libro .iiii. cap. ‘Iesus ex cruciatus’, in tertia cruce, de qua aliquid in me format; tamen nullatenus sunt paruipendendi prefati modi concipiendi Iesum in sue uite decursu. Consulo autem fideliter omni menti, quod licet cognoscat per intellectum superiorem gradum ad quem tamen non bene impellitur per affectum, excitet nunc se ad inferiora ad que sentit se impellere spiritum; et nunquam reputet se dignum cogitare minimum actum uite Christi. – Ibidem, prol. 1, p. 4a.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 232232 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 233

mystical, beginning with an exposition on the transformation of the self into Christ through love that draws heavily on Dionysius, and then setting out a quadri partite schema by which the soul comes to know God. By way of this second prologue, Ubertino makes sure that the reader (addressed directly now as the ‘anima devota’) is aware of his relationship to, and dependence upon Christ. The Arbor vitae serves, says Ubertino, to help the individual know his relationship to Christ, and to come to live in him. The individual must progress upwards from the roots of the tree and eventually through to its fruits. In this process, the formation of a fasciculus myrrhae on which the mind may always dwell is central: This little book was written for this purpose: so that you may know that you were born, nourished, and raised by Christ’s love; and so that you are able always to dwell in Christ. Think perpetually upon it (i.e., the book) if you wish to perceive Christ, holding your heart firm and dwelling in a certain branch of this tree of Jesus’ crucified life. And I promise you through the most true light of the Christian faith, that you cannot do anything more pleasing to the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit than to expend all your time in the blessed Jesus himself, God and man. And make from him a bundle of myrrh, which should abide between your breasts always. […] And thus I am making an imaginary tree for you from the whole of this blessed Jesus.114 After this, Ubertino occupies the remainder of the second prologue by explain- ing how the metaphor of the tree relates to the structure of his treatise, assisting the reader thereby in understanding its underlying conceptual framework. Let us summarise. At the very beginning of the Arbor vitae, Ubertino sets out a scheme for meditation on the life of Christ, based on and authenticated by his personal experience as a young friar, and divided up across the days of the week. It is distinct from the contemplative ascent to union with Christ that Ubertino describes in the second prologue – the progress upwards through the tree – and as such is accessible to all religious. It is a scheme, or spiritual exercise, which is notable for its provision not just of general topics for each day, but specific topics for mealtimes and late at night as well. This meditation is therefore not confined to specific periods of the day, but is evidently meant to occupy the mind during other tasks as well: note that in the final quotation from the text above, Ubertino maintains that there is nothing more pleasing to God than to spend all your time (‘totum […] tempus tuum’) in Christ, for which one must make a fasciculus myrrhae. Ubertino’s spiritual exercise serves as a means of dividing up the enormous body of material in the work as a whole – a kind

114 Ad hanc, ut scias te per amorem a Christo genitum nutritum et informatum, et ut semper possis habitare in Christo, compositus est libellus iste; quem si uis te Christum sentire iugiter cogita, cor tuum tenere fixum et habitare in aliquo ramo huius arboris uite crucifixe Iesu. Et promitto tibi per uerissimam lucem fidei christianae, quod nihil gratius potes facere patri et filio et spiritui sancto, quam in ipso benedicto Iesu Deo homine totum expendere tempus tuum. Et fac de eo unum myrrhe fascicul[u]m, qui semper inter ubera tua commoretur. […] Et ideo de isto benedicto Iesu toto facio tibi unam arborem imaginatiuam[.] – Ibidem, prol. 2, p. 9a.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 233233 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 234 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

of key by which to access the content of the treatise more cogently. In fact, Martínez Ruiz has demonstrated that in the second recension of the Arbor vitae, and so in the version that circulated in the Low Countries, Ubertino completely revised and restructured the fourth book, that on the Passion. This included the division of its content according to this week-based schema of the first prologue.115 The spiritual exercise thus came to form the underlying structure of the central book of the treatise, and what Ubertino reported as personal experience in the first prologue was applied systematically to organise the way in which the content of the treatise was used in practice. The significance for the Devotio Moderna of the spiritual exercise set out in the first prologue, and deployed in the second recension to provide a new structure for book four, lies in its close similarity to the particular forms of methodical meditation that developed in the early years of the movement and quickly became normative. The tradition of dividing material for contemplation, normally the narrative of the Passion, across the canonical hours of one day was long widespread across Europe. Its origins are usually located in the widespread Meditatio passionis Christi per septem diei horas, a work from the second half of the thirteenth century that was frequently ascribed to Bede, and whose schema underlies (i. a.) the structure of the Passion narrative in the Meditationes vitae Christi.116 The Meditationes, like the Arbor vitae, includes in its epilogue a schema for dividing the material of Christ’s life for meditation across the days of the week as well. Yet this schema is much less detailed than Ubertino’s. It lacks any mention of material to consider whilst engaged in some other task, like eating or preparing for sleep; indeed, it makes clear that a specific time of day should be allocated to meditation, rather than conceiving of meditation as an occupation for the mind at all times. Most importantly of all, the schema is only detailed in the final chapter, and is not applied throughout the work to provide its structure.117 Recent years have seen numerous case-studies of the practice of methodical meditation in the Devotio Moderna, and notably in the particular emphasis on the use of week-based schemata.118 As yet, there is no systematic study, but

115 Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, pp. 63-64, 68-72, and 322-25. 116 See Kemper, Die Kreuzigung Christi, pp. 70-76. 117 M. Stallings-Taney ed., Iohannis de Cavlibvs meditaciones vite Christi olim S. Bonauenturo attributae [Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Medievalis 153] (Turnhout, 1997), c. 108, lines 3-31 (pp. 349-50). 118 Bertram Lesser, Johannes Busch: Chronist der Devotio moderna. Werkstruktur, Überlieferung, Rezeption [Tradition – Reform – Innovation 10] (Frankfurt a. M. etc., 2005), pp. 182-208; Thomas Kock, ‘Lektüre und Meditation der Laienbrüder in der Devotio moderna’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 76 (2002), pp. 15-63; José van Aelst, ‘Geordineert na dye getijden. Suster Bertkens passieboekje’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 69 (1995), pp. 133-56; Rudolf Th. M. van Dijk, ‘Tijdordening in de devote overweging’, in: P. Bange, Geloof, moraal en intellect in de middeleeuwen. Voordrachten gehouden tijdens het symposium t. g. v. het tien-jarig bestaan van het Nijmeegs Centrum voor Middeleeuwse Studies 10 en 11 december 1993 [Middeleeuwse Studies 10] (Nijmegen, 1995), pp. 139-59; Rudolf Th. M. van Dijk, ‘Die Wochenpläne in einer unbekannten Handschrift von ‘De spiritualibus ascensionibus’ des Gerhard Zerbolt von Zutphen’, in: Johannes Helmrath and

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 234234 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 235

Fritz Oskar Schuppisser has analysed the process of meditation itself and its function in relation to the aims of the Devotio Moderna – the different stages of its operation, in other words, within the well-known system of lectio – meditatio – oratio that underpinned personal devotional practice in the movement.119 For our purposes, one particular aspect of the practice of meditation in the Devotio Moderna is of particular importance: that meditation was intended to be undertaken throughout the whole day, even during work and other activities, and was not just to be confined to the specific periods in the day to which it was formally allocated. The purpose behind this was to internalise the subject-matter more closely, thereby to encourage an internal conformity to norms of religious life centred on the imitation of Christ through continual and systematic repetition, with salvation as the ultimate goal.120 Theo Klausmann has demonstrated that the first years of the Devotio Moderna at the end of the fourteenth century were marked by the production of increasingly formalised, systematised and structured meditative schemata. This development can also be observed in the statutes (consuetudines) for the individual houses that were produced, and in the requirements for learning the liturgy. Klausmann’s analysis of the early exercitia shows that the programmes specific to individuals like Geert Grote were quickly left behind in favour of impersonal programmes, designed to provide a form of training for the huge numbers of novices; to strengthen the sense of community and inculcate a particular mode of existence focused on a particular conception of the interior life.121 Klausmann’s study builds on earlier work by Kock, who stresses additionally the role played by the formalisation of required-reading lists, accompanied by the formation of a literary canon, in the personal development – the Persönlichkeitsformung, to use his term – of the novices.122 Already in these earliest formalised texts on meditative practice we can see distinctive points of correspondence with Ubertino’s week-based schema.

Heribert Müller, in co-operation with Helmut Wolff, Studien zum 15. Jahrhundert. Festschrift für Erich Meuthen, 1 (Munich, 1994), pp. 445-55; Fritz Oskar Schuppisser, ‘Schauen mit den Augen des Herzens. Zur Methodik der spätmittelalterlichen Passionsmeditation, besonders in der Devotio Moderna und bei den Augustinern’, in: Walter Haug and Burghart Wachinger, Die Passion Christi in Literatur und Kunst des Spätmittelalters [Fortuna vitrea 12] (Tübingen, 1993), pp. 169- 210. A good summary of the older literature is offered by M. Th. P. van Woerkum, Het libellus “Omnes, inquit, artes.” Een rapiarium van Florentius Radewijns. Inleiding, Tekst, Noten en Indices, 3 vols (doctoral dissertation, Theologische Faculteit van de Sociëteit van Jezus te Leuven, 1950), here 1, pp. 230’-235’. 119 Schuppisser, ‘Schauen mit den Augen des Herzens’, pp. 174-95. 120 Lesser, Johannes Busch, pp. 182-84; Schuppisser, ‘Schauen mit den Augen des Herzens’, pp. 169-74. 121 Theo Klausmann, Consuetudo consuetudine vincitur. Die Hausordnungen der Brüder vom gemeinsamen Leben im Bildungs- und Sozialisationsprogramm der Devotio moderna [Tradition – Reform – Innovation. Studien zur Modernität des Mittelalters 4] (Frankfurt a. M. etc., 2003), pp. 89-93. 122 Kock, Die Buchkultur, pp. 123-53.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 235235 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 236 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Klausmann accords especial importance to the Florentii parvum et simplex exercitium as one of the very earliest such works. This text, evidently produced during the lifetime of Florens Radewijns (d. 1400), presents either his personal practice or (more likely) the common practices he introduced to the house of brethren in Deventer, from which he led the Brothers of the Common Life as Geert Grote’s successor.123 It provides very detailed instructions for occupying the mind for the entire day, from the moment of waking to the moment of falling asleep. A few selected features are of particular note with reference to Ubertino. A week-based schema indicates the principal materia on which to meditate at all points during the day.124 During the mass, the individual is not to read or sleep, but should exercise his mind by concentrating on the Passion and creating a fasciculus myrrhae. Meditation on this fasciculus serves as the starting-point for a further sequence of devotional activity: Then when the time comes to hear the mass, you should not read a lot during the mass, nor should you be in a sleepy state; but you should occupy yourself dili- gently in this way or similarly: namely from the beginning of the mass until the ‘sanctus’ you should meditate on the Lord’s Passion, and should make for yourself a special bundle of the Lord’s Passion on each day of the week, just as is shown indicated below. Not only by meditating on it (i.e., the Passion) alone, but also by praying in accordance with it: now by addressing Christ; now by lament- ing the hardness of your heart to him, because his Passion is not your heart’s [passion]; now by seeking participation in Christ’s rewards; now to imitate his mercies, and so on.125 At the elevation, the individual should imagine the crucifixion as if he were really there, the adverb presencialiter reminiscent of Ubertino: And in the elevation itself, both of the body and the blood, you should adore that very sacrament with such reverence, as if you were to see the son of God really present, now first incarnate and suspended upon the cross, with your bodily eyes.126 At the end of the mass, the Passion returns as the subject of meditation, and a second week-based schema is used to determine which aspect should be

123 Klausmann, Consuetudo consuetudine vincitur, p. 91; for the text see D. J. M. Wüstenhoff, ‘“Florentii parvum et simplex exercitium”, naar een Berlijnsch handschrift medegedeeld’, Archief voor Nederlandsche Kerkgeschiedenis 5 (1895), pp. 89-105, at pp. 95-103. 124 Florentii parvum et simplex exercitium, p. 96. 125 Deinde cum tempus fuerit audiendi missam, sub missa non multum legas, non somnolentus existas, sed isto modo aut simili diligenter te exerceas; scilicet a principio misse vsque ad “Sanctus” meditaberis de passione domini et facies tibi qualibet feria specialem fasciculum passionis domini, sicut infra significatum habetur. Non solum de ea nude meditando, sed eciam secundum illam orando, nunc Cristum alloquendo, nunc ei conquerendo de duricia cordis tui, quod passio eius non est tibi cordi, nunc petendo participium meritorum Cristi, nunc graciarum imitandi et ceteris. – Ibidem, p. 98. 126 Et in ipsa eleuatione tam corporis quam sanguinis cum tanta reuerentia debes ipsum sacramentum adorare, ac si filium dei nunc primo incarnatum ac in cruce suspensum carnalibus oculis presencialiter videres. – Ibidem, p. 99.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 236236 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 237

considered on which day.127 Meditation on the materia diei accompanies all subsequent activities during the day. Particular attention is given to meals, with a set of precise rules for coming to, eating at, and departing from the common table at lunch and dinner. The mind should always be on higher things than the satisfaction of the bodily need for food.128 Similar attention is paid to the late evening, with precise instructions on prayer and examination of the conscience. Meditation is again required as the individual falls asleep, with the subject- matter this time being the materia for the next day: You will think for a short time on the next day’s subject-matter, and thus meditating on that subject-matter, you should go to rest. And the holy and devout advise this, so that we may go to sleep with good thoughts; wherefore Master Geert Grote says, ‘With whatever thoughts a man goes to sleep, with such he rises.’129 The same concerns that we have identified here are manifest in Radewijns’ own writings. His Tractatulus devotus (also known as Multum valet) contains a clear declaration that meditation on a suitable topic should be continuous. Most important, says Radewijns, is such meditation whilst preparing to sleep: it helps to purify sleep, and to make it easier in the morning to clear the mind of unsuitable and aimless thoughts (aliena[e] et vaga[e] cogitaciones).130 Later, he provides a series of short texts on the Passion in narrative sequence, one for each day of the week, to serve as normative base-texts for meditation.131 Nor is Radewijns the only leading figure in whose works these concerns are evident. Far more widely transmitted than Radewijns’ works were those of his close associate and fellow Deventer Brother, Gerard Zerbolt van Zutphen (d. 1398), whose two long spiritual treatises (De reformatione virium anime and De spiritualibus ascensionibus) are closely related to Radewijns’ works, notably the Tractatulus devotus.132 The De reformatione virium anime contains a much more detailed discussion on the most suitable subjects and times for meditation than anything that has survived from Radewijns’ pen, and which Zerbolt concludes with a characterisation of the individual, his mind engaged in continuous meditation, as akin to a farm animal: ‘Therefore be a pure, ruminant animal,

127 Ibidem. 128 Ibidem, pp. 100-01. 129 […] Cogitabis modico tempore de materia diei sequentis et sic illam materiam meditando vadas ad requiem. Et hoc consulunt sancti et deuoti, vt cum bonis cogitationibus eamus dormitum. vnde magister gerardus magnus dicit: ‘cum qualibus cogitationibus homo vadit dormitum, cum talibus surgit[.]’ – Ibidem, p. 102. 130 Francis Joseph Legrand ed. and trans., with an introduction by Thom Mertens, Florent Radewijns. Petit manuel pour le dévot moderne. Tractatulus devotus [Sous la règle de Saint Augustin 6] ([Turnhout], 1999), with the text pp. 61-172; here c. 14, lines 4-11 (p. 90). 131 Ibidem, c. 51-57 (pp. 158-70); see Schuppisser, ‘Schauen mit den Augen des Herzens’, pp. 197-98. 132 See Francis Joseph Legrand ed. and trans., with an introduction by José van Aelst, Gérard Zerbolt de Zutphen. Manuel de la réforme intérieure. Tractatus devotus de reformacione virium anime [Sous la règle de Saint Augustin 8] (Turnhout, 2001), pp. 36-42.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 237237 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 238 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

turning this and its like over in your heart, so that in this way you can remove useless and vain things from your memory.’133 As the title of the work suggests, its purpose is to set out a programme by which the powers of the soul might be restored to their original purity. For Zerbolt, the central power was not the will or the intellect, but the memory. He argues, put very simply, that by the constant occupation of the memory with a suitably improving materia, all inner thoughts and outer acts would thereby be positively reformed. Hence the necessity of meditating continually on the life and Passion of Christ, which lies at the heart of Zerbolt’s programme of spiritual reformation – and also, in De spiritualibus ascensionibus, of his programme of contemplative ascent to the union with God.134 We could pursue the complexity of Zerbolt’s works further to uncover additional points of correspondence, and indeed we will return to Zerbolt when we examine common understandings of the interior suffering of Christ. But we risk losing sight of the main point. The leading figures of the Devotio Moderna developed systematic forms of meditative practice during the 1390s, which were propagated in written form – above all through the wide circulation of Zerbolt’s treatises – to develop a normative and binding character for all branches of the Devotio Moderna in the years thereafter. These methods of meditative practice were marked by distinguishing features that accord precisely with the particular characteristics of the meditative practice set out by Ubertino in the Arbor vitae. Earlier scholars have pointed to pre-existent models in Franciscan treatises, notably the short passage mentioned previously in the Meditationes vitae Christi, which may have served as the inspiration for these new methods of systematised meditative practise that the Modern Devout developed.135 I do not wish to argue here for the influence of the Arbor vitae on this aspect of these early works without more concrete textual evidence. But we must note two crucial factors that help to explain the peculiar popularity of the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries. First, the particular congruence of Ubertino’s instructions on meditation to those of the early Modern Devout. Second, and perhaps more importantly, that Ubertino’s meditative programme was not just set out in the prologue to the Arbor vitae as a key to access the rest of the work. In the second recension that circulated in the Low Countries, the whole of the fourth book was reorgan- ised around its structure. In the Arbor vitae, therefore, the Modern Devout found ready-made an entire work on the life of Christ organised according to the principles of meditation that they themselves espoused.

133 Esto igitur animal mundum ruminans, et revolvens ea et ipsis similia in corde tuo, ut ita inutilia et vana possis a memoria removere. – Ibidem, c. 19 (pp. 152-57), here lines 62-64 (p. 156). 134 See José van Aelst, ‘Bitter as Myrrh. Gerard Zerbolt’s Meditation on the Passion of Christ’, in: Nikolaus Staubach, Kirchenreform von unten. Gerhard Zerbolt von Zutphen und die Brüder vom gemeinsamen Leben [Tradition – Reform – Innovation 6] (Frankfurt a. M. etc., 2004), pp. 306-23; Schuppisser, ‘Schauen mit den Augen des Herzens’, pp. 198-200. 135 For example, see Optatus, ‘De oefening van het inwendig gebed in de minderbroedersorde gedurende de vijftiende en de zestiende eeuw’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 21 (1947), pp. 113-60, here pp. 144-45, and more recently, Lesser, Johannes Busch, p. 183.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 238238 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 239

THE INFLUENCE OF THE ARBOR VITAE: CHRIST’S SUFFERING

To turn from congruence to influence, and provide a second main explanation for the popularity of the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries, requires a deeper examination of its content and the location not just of one of its many distinctive features, but of one that would have captured the interest of the Modern Devout. The quotient of needle-searching in a very large haystack is high, and there are undoubtedly numerous such distinctive features. But Ubertino’s prologues help to guide us to one in particular: his understanding of the suffering of Christ. At a certain point in his life as friar, so Ubertino tells us, he came to study in the province of Tuscany, and found people in whom the spirit of Christ was very strong. One of these was Petrus Johannis Olivi, who introduced Ubertino to the knowledge, amongst other things, of the most profound perfections of Christ’s soul. This clearly represented a turning-point in Ubertino’s spiritual progress:

Who [i.e. Olivi], with the spirit of Jesus preparing the way, thus led me in a short time into the high perfections of the beloved souls of Jesus and of his most beloved mother; into the depths of Scripture, and into the deepest secrets of the third age of the world and the renewal of the life of Christ, such that from that point onwards I was transformed mentally into a new man.136 Olivi taught Ubertino, with the spirit of Christ working inside him, to consider his beloved (Christ) in all things, and to feel himself always crucified together with him, in mind and in body. This experience is at the root of Ubertino’s doctrine of the mystical transformation into the crucified Christ that the Arbor vitae sets out. Ubertino points to a central aspect of this experience in stating that he frequently felt almost submerged in the most abyssal sorrows of Christ’s heart – that is, his interior suffering: For he taught me, after Christ had earlier taught me inwardly, to gaze upon the beloved in every light of whichever aspect of wisdom, most of all in the highest truths of theology, and in every sight of whichever aspect of created nature, indeed almost everywhere; and that I was to perceive myself to have been crucified with Jesus in mind and in body. Whereupon the entire life of Christ was collected together, not disparately but all at once; pierced in his Passion and on the cross, it was as if I were often drowned amidst the abyssal sorrows of his heart.137

136 Qui [i.e. Olivi] me modico tempore, spiritu Iesu preueniente, sic introduxit ad altas perfectiones anime dilecti Iesu et sue dilectissime matris, et ad profunda scripture, et ad intima tertii status mundi, et renouationis uite Christi; ut iam ex tunc in nouum hominem mente transiuerim. – Ubertino da Casale, Arbor vite crucifixe, prol. 1, p. 4b. 137 Nam docuit me, prius interius docente Iesu, in omni lumine cuiuscunque scientie, quam maxime in altis ueritatibus theologie, et in omni aspectu cuiuscunque create nature, quasi ubique intueri dilectum; et meipsum semper sentire cum Iesu mente et corpore crucifixum. Et tunc tota Christi uita non sparsim sed simul colligebatur, in eius passione et cruce transfixus; et quasi inter abyssales cordis sui dolores sepius submergabar. – Ibidem, prol. 1, p. 4b.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 239239 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 240 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Later on in the prologue, Ubertino describes how he came to write the Arbor vitae in 1305. The beginning of this process, at the behest of other friars who were resident at that time on La Verna, involved writing commentaries on a series of short verses (the versiculi that ultimately serve as the chapter-headings in the Arbor vitae). This was all Ubertino intended to produce, but when he arrived at a certain versiculus, he felt strongly moved by the spirit of Christ to expound at length there on his dolores cordiales. This done, it served as the catalyst for the production of an entire life of Christ – a fasciculus myrrhae writ large: When, however, I had reached that versicle ‘Jesus, foreseeing what was to come’, it had been communicated to me most strongly by the spirit of Jesus that I was to set forth the heartfelt sorrows of Jesus […], for all those who wanted to be schooled in Christ’s sufferings. With that done, I was instructed by Jesus that I was to narrate the whole sequence of his Passion. While I was making progress in this, it was communicated to me that I was to cover the entire life of Jesus and to transcribe a small booklet from the gospels’ groves, which I was to call a bundle of myrrh of the beloved Jesus.138 Ubertino then mentions other things about which he was moved to write, notably the deplorable state of the church and laxity in the Franciscan order, as he continued work on the Arbor vitae. But as far as the life of Christ is concerned, it is Christ’s dolores cordiales that he singles out in the prologue, pointing to the centrality of this concept to his own contemplative experience and to the production of the treatise. He guides the reader explicitly to the chapter with the versiculus ‘Iesus futura preuidens’. This is book 4, chapter 9 in the first recension, which was divided into two chapters (8 and 9) in the second – though without, states Martínez Ruiz, making much perceptible change to the content.139 Chapter 9 deals with Christ’s prayer in the garden of Gethsemane, immediately prior to his capture and subsequent crucifixion. Matthew’s gospel states that Christ had become sorrowful, and pained even unto death: ‘coepit contristari et maestus esse. Tunc ait […]: ‘Tristis est anima mea usque ad mortem.’’ (Mt 26, 37-38). Ubertino begins the chapter with a discussion on the technical nature of the emotions Christ displayed here. This issue had a long prior tradition in patristic and scholastic commentary, which has been the subject of recent studies by Simo Knuuttila and Kevin Madigan.140 The particular complexities

138 Cum uenissem autem ad illum* uersiculum, ‘Iesus futura preuidens’, fortissime fuit mihi immissum a spiritu Iesu, ut cordiales dolores Iesu exponerem […] pro omnibus uolentibus in Christi passionibus exerceri. Quo facto, instigabar a Iesu quod sue passionis describerem totum cursum. Et dum in his procederem, immissum est mihi quod totam uitam Iesu transcurrerem; et paruulum libellum ex euangelica silua transcriberem, quem dilecti Iesu myrrhe fasciculum appel- larem. – Ibidem, prol. 1, p. 6a. *The incunable text here offers ‘primum’, which I correct to ‘illum’, as Martínez Ruiz has shown ‘primum’ to be an error in a subarchetype to which the incunable text is related: see Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, p. 43. 139 Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, pp. 69-71 and 347. 140 Kevin Madigan, The Passions of Christ in High-Medieval Thought. An Essay on Christological Development (Oxford, 2007), pp. 63-71; Simo Knuuttila, Emotions in Ancient and Medieval Philosophy (Oxford, 2004), pp. 193-95.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 240240 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 241

of these earlier debates are not relevant here. We can summarise by stating that Christ’s sorrow in Gethsemane was viewed, broadly speaking, as a sinless pre- passion (propassio): a manifestation of his natural will, which did not want to undergo suffering (unlike his rational will, which followed the divine will that he should suffer), and thus as an indication of his human nature. The idea that Christ sweated blood at the same moment was a literal reading of a metaphor used to describe this moment of sorrow in Luke 23, 43-44; a physical expression of the pre-passion that Christ’s natural will momentarily experienced. Ubertino breaks with this tradition. Christ was not subject to the same viciss- itudes of the mind as other humans. By implication, the sorrow that manifested itself in Christ’s declaration of Mt 26, 38, and in the sweating of blood, was not a temporally-limited expression of his natural will. Nevertheless, it was fitting (conueniens) that he should choose this moment to reveal to those faithful to him by these signs something that he had kept hidden since he was in Mary’s womb – the agony of his sorrow: It is possible, however, that the mind of Christ was in the uninterrupted apex of the summit of every virtue, and that mutable and changing virtues never entered his mind. It was nevertheless appropriate that he should reveal to his faithful, with perceptible signs, that which he had kept hidden and secret within his perfection from his mother’s womb. Indeed, it was fitting most of all with the approaching passage of his death. And so just as this bloody sweat is a sign that surpasses all human reason, so the agony of the sorrows of Jesus’ heart, which is signified by this sweat, surpasses the comprehension of every created being.141 He then proceeds with a technical discussion of the physiological causes of Christ’s sweating blood, which we may omit here.142 Next, he explains the meaning of the sign that Christ gave by sweating blood. First, it was a manifestation of the sorrows Christ had felt for his entire life, from the moment of his conception, and which he had kept hidden. Second, it represented the sorrows he was experiencing at the present time. Third, it was a prefiguration of the sorrows he was about to suffer, in his corporeal body and in his mystical body (i.e. the elect): This sign of the sweat was partly a remembrance of all the sorrows which he had kept hidden in his body from the moment of his conception; partly a representa- tion of those which he bore in his present agony; and partly a prognostication and a signification of those which he was obliged to bear continually in his own

141 Licet autem mens Christi fuerit in continuo apice summitatis omnium uirtutum, et nunquam mutabiles uirtutes uariantes mentem eius intrauerunt. […] Conueniens tamen fuit, quod id quod latuit intra sue perfectionis secretum ab utero matris sue ipse signis sensibilibus suis fidelibus reuelaret; quidem maxime imminente mortis transitu decens fuit. Et sicut ille sudor sanguineus est signum omnem humanam superans rationem, ita agonia dolorum cordis Iesu, que illo figura- batur sudore, comprehensionem omnis superat creature. – Ubertino da Casale, Arbor vite crucifixe, book 4, c. 9, pp. 307b-08a. 142 On the sweating of blood, see Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, pp. 342-44.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 241241 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 242 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

body, and in coming times in the mystical body of the elect, in which he himself then suffered.143 Ubertino then describes how each part of Christ’s body had suffered during his life, or would come to suffer in the Passion. It is no wonder, he concludes, if such a burden were to be expressed by sweating blood – but he does not think that this is the case. Rather, the sign of sweating blood expressed Christ’s continual interior suffering; a suffering that could actually be present, to use the phrase from the quotation above, ‘ab instanti conceptionis sue’ (corporeal suffering, of course, could only begin from the point of Christ’s birth, not of his conception): What wonder then, if, as he gave his whole attention to, endured, and wanted to express the burden of such suffering, he wanted to open his veins in the sweat of his limbs. But I believe rather that he wanted to express the immensity of his internal sufferings and the anxiety of his heart by this sign. It may be that there are many reasons in this sign that he wanted to express; it may be that many reasons were contained in this sign. So that we may, however, discuss his sorrows a little, I begin, with reverence, to stammer a bit.144 Ubertino’s modicum is (unsurprisingly) a great deal, despite his subsequent asseverations that he is only providing his reader with a small taste of the infinite sea of the sorrows of Christ’s heart. His focus lies above all else on the entirety of human sin, and he explains the complex mechanisms in detail by which Christ’s perception of all sin, past, present and future, was the principal cause of his sorrow. He goes beyond the standard understanding of Christ’s sacrifice as formal satisfaction for the sin of mankind, to view Christ as personally and directly afflicted in his mind by the totality of human sin: his love (amor) for man impelling him to bear this inconceivable weight of sorrow (dolor).145 Christ did not just know of man’s sin, but suffered from that knowledge. Sin was the principal cause of Christ’s sorrow for several reasons, but chief amongst them is the injustice that sin inflicts upon God. Ubertino makes this point repeatedly. In this passage, the relationship between individual sins as acts of

143 [H]oc signum sudoris partim fuit memoratiuum omnium dolorum, quos ab instanti conceptionis sue in corpore occultauit; partim representatiuum illorum, quos i[n] presenti agonia sustinuit; partim pronosticum et figuratiuum, tam eorum que debebat in continenti sustinere in corpore proprio, quam successu temporis in corpore mistico electorum in quibus et ipse tunc patiebatur. – Ubertino da Casale, Arbor vite crucifixe, book 4, c. 9, p. 308a. 144 Quid ergo mirum, si pondus tantarum passionum attendens, sustinens, et exprimere uolens, sic uoluit in sudore membrorum relaxare uenas. Sed magis credo internorum dolorum et anxietatum cordis sui immensitatem hoc signo uoluisse exprimere. Licet multe rationes sint in hoc signo uoluisse exprimere; licet multe rationes sint in hoc signo contente. Vt autem modicum de his doloribus disseramus, cum reuerentia aliquid incipio balbutire[.] – Ibidem, book 4, c. 9, pp. 308b-09a. 145 The full implications of the reciprocity of amor and dolor in this passage are discussed by Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, p. 346; see further pp. 520-30 on this dichotomy in the Arbor vitae as a whole.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 242242 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 243

injustice and the necessity for Christ to bear inner sorrow in reparation for each single act of injustice is made clear: And because he is the natural son of God the father, he made that injustice greater the more he loved him; insofar as he took up those acts of injustice to make satisfaction for them, he received as much suffering for any single act of injustice as the weight of the injustice of every sin for which he needed to make amends. And if the weight of one act of injustice is as great as this, how great is that of them all together?146 The burden of responsibility for Christ’s suffering lies squarely on the shoulders of contemporary individuals – Ubertino’s addressees – whose sin causes Christ inexpressible sorrow: And thus we made him toil in our sins, because he turned aside the strictness of divine justice and raised up the heaviest burden of our guilt; because he came as the bridegroom who most perfectly loves the beauty of the brides, and forsook himself totally in sufferings and distress; he covered himself totally with the ashes of our acts of malice in order that he might make a ewer of himself, so that he might be able to expunge and wash away the great ugliness and stain of the sins. And who could suffice to explain fully that reason of sorrow which this sweetest soul had in horror at the sight of our blemishes [i.e., our sins]?147 The examples Ubertino uses to illustrate his points are graphic and shocking, his intention being to confront the reader with horrible situations that are nonetheless far less awful than what Christ has to suffer in bearing each individual’s sin.148 The ingratitude of man for Christ’s sacrifice, manifest in man’s continuing to commit new sins, constitutes an additional reason for Christ’s inner sorrow (a noua ratio doloris). Ubertino concludes his chapter with a concatenation of further reasons for this interior suffering, stretching over nearly three columns, which need not be enumerated in full here.149 In this chapter of the Arbor vitae, Ubertino develops a complex philosophical theology to explain the mechanics by which Christ’s mind perceived these objects of suffering and suffered in consequence, and then to explain the necessity for Christ to bear a weight of inner sorrow precisely equivalent to the cumulative

146 Et quia naturalis est filius Dei patris, tantum aggrauauit istam iniuriam, quantum ipsum dilexit; et inquantum istas iniurias ad satisfaciendum accepit, tantum dolorem assumpsit pro qualibet singulari iniuria omnis peccati, quantum erat grauitas iniurie et requirebat emendam. Et si unius iniurie tanta est grauitas, quanta est simul omnium? – Ubertino da Casale, Arbor vite crucifixe, book 4, c. 9, p. 309b. 147 Sic laborare eum fecimus in peccatis nostris; quia flexit rigorem diuine iustitie, et eleuauit grauissimum pondus nostre culpe; quia uenit ut sponsus perfectissime diligens sponsarum decorem, in doloribus et angustiis totum se reliquauit; et totum se per cineres malitiarum nostrarum infudit, ut faceret de se lauacrum, ut posset delere et lauare tantam turpitudinem et maculam peccatorum. Et istam rationem doloris, quam habebat illa dulcissima anima in horrore aspectus macularum nostrarum, quis enarrare sufficiat? – Ibidem, book 4, c. 9, p. 310a. 148 Ibidem, book 4, c. 9, pp. 309b-10a. 149 Ibidem, book 4, c. 9, pp. 310b-11b.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 243243 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 244 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

weight of all human sin in order to redeem mankind. This would repay closer analysis, but for present purposes it is necessary to focus on the implications of the idea that Christ experienced interior suffering, and of the main object of that suffering: the injustice inflicted upon God by the sin of mankind. The presentation of this suffering not just as life-long, but as beginning at the moment of conception (ab instanti conceptionis sue) represents a new and different form of the medieval trend towards the extension of Christ’s (corporeal) suffering across the entirety of his life. Ubertino is explicit on the need for man to respond to this interior suffering with reciprocal amor and dolor, and so to reform himself inwardly in the imitation of Christ. As the interior suffering was continual, and not (unlike his corporeal suffering) confined primarily to the crucifixion, such reciprocal sorrow must become a constant and integral feature in the mind of the individual seeking to imitate Christ. The ‘synchronic’ aspect of imitative suffering, which binds Christian suffering, actualised above all in external and ascetic disciplines, to the Lenten and Easter period is thereby weakened. It is an inner, and not an outer reformation of the individual that is required. The burden of responsibility for the suffering of Christ, moreover, is now placed firmly on the shoulders of contemporary man – and by implication away from the historical actors at the crucifixion – because both the nature of that suffering, and its principal cause, have been reconceived. The moral force that Ubertino can then exert to require the rejection of sin is strengthened immeasurably. The individual should not just give thanks that Christ has redeemed him by suffering and death. Now he is directly and immediately responsible for causing and augmenting that suffering. Consequently he must not only reform himself to avoid further sin, but suffer inwardly both in cog- nisance of his responsibility and in imitation of Christ. Ubertino’s emphasis on the interior suffering of Christ, his dolores cordiales, has not passed completely unnoticed in earlier scholarship. Callaey indicated that Ubertino’s focus on Christ’s interior life, and especially his sorrows, is a distinctive feature of his presentation of the life of Christ throughout the entire Arbor vitae.150 Optatus explored the position of contemplating the sorrows of Christ’s heart in Ubertino’s mystagogical schema.151 Most importantly of all, Martínez Ruiz has pointed to parallels between Ubertino’s catalogue of the interior sufferings of Christ in book 4, chapter 9, and Olivi’s commentary on Matthew.152 Olivi, we will recall, is credited by Ubertino in his first prologue as the individual responsible for first introducing him to the consideration of Christ’s dolores cordiales. Elsewhere I have identified similar parallels in the Instructiones of Angela da Foligno, another close associate of Ubertino whom he mentions in his first prologue. All three belonged to the milieu of the Spiritual Franciscans, and this is almost certainly where the roots of the ideas we have discussed are to be sought. Ubertino’s conception of the continual, life-long

150 Callaey, L’Idéalisme franciscain spirituel, pp. 89-90. 151 Optatus, In de schaduw van het kruis, pp. 69-72 and 100-01. 152 Martínez Ruiz, De la dramatizacion, pp. 344-45.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 244244 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 245

interior suffering of Christ, with the sin of mankind as its direct cause, was not held by Bonaventura. Careful examination reveals almost no trace of it in the Latin or German Passion literature of the fourteenth century. The one (and very important) exception to this is Marquard von Lindau’s De anima Christi. This is a tripartite work in German on the imitation of Christ, composed at some time between around 1370 and Marquard’s death in 1392. It deals successively with Christ’s poverty, humility, and suffering, and its third part (on suffering, that is) is concerned almost exclusively with interior suffering. Marquard was well acquainted – quite remarkably – with the doctrine Ubertino expounds in the Arbor vitae, which he knew through Olivi’s commentary on Matthew, and to which he gave a new cast and a new priority.153 Certain instances of Christ being said to sorrow or suffer inwardly will be found in any medieval discussion of the Passion from the thirteenth century onwards. These instances, however, are limited in their temporal extent and have particular causes – the absence of Christ’s disciples at the crucifixion, for instance, or his sight of Mary’s sorrow under the cross. With the Arbor vitae, however, we have a formulation of Christ’s interior suffering that is quite different. Ubertino sets out a coherent category of specifically interior sufferings, which formed a constant feature of Christ’s life ab instanti conceptionis sue, and the principal and direct cause of which was the injustice inflicted on God by the sin of mankind. If we turn to the Low Countries, we do find a small snippet of text in Ruusbroec’s Geestelike brulocht in which a coherent category of Christ’s interior sufferings is formulated:

And Christ also suffered spiritually, in his soul, from the stony obstinacy of the Jews and of those who put him to death; for no matter what signs and wonders they saw, they remained in their wickedness. And he suffered on account of their perdition and on account of the retribution for his death; for God would requite them in soul and body. He suffered still more by reason of the grief and anguish of his mother and of his disciples who were in great affliction. And he suffered because his death would be lost on many, and on account of the ingratitude of many a one; and on account of the wicked oaths which many would swear to mock and disgrace him who died for us out of love.154

153 For all this see Stephen Mossman, Marquard von Lindau and the Challenges of Religious Life in Late Medieval Germany. The Passion, the Eucharist, the Virgin Mary (in press). 154 Noch doghede Cristus gheestelijc, aender zielen, vander versteynder eenwillicheit der joden ende der gheenre diene doodden; want wat si teekene ende wonders saghen, si bleven in harer quaetheit. Ende hi doghede om hare verderfenisse ende omme die wrake sire doot; wanse god wreken soude ane ziele ende ane lijf. Noch dooghede hi omme den jammer ende omme de alindicheit sire moeder ende sire discipulen die in groter droefheit waren. Ende hi dooghede omdat sine doot aen [soe] menighen mensche verloren soude bliven; ende om die ondanckelijcheit menichs menschen; ende om die quade eede die menich sweeren zoude, hem te verwite ende te scande die om ons van minnen starf. – J. Alaerts ed., with a translation into English by H. Rolfson and an introduction by P. Mommaers, Jan van Ruusbroec. Opera omnia, 3, Die geestelike brulocht [Studiën en Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 20/3] (Tielt and Turnhout, 1988), lines 305-14 (pp. 187-89).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 245245 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 246 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

In the section of the Geestelike brulocht from which this passage is taken, Ruusbroec’s intent is to demonstrate Christ’s manifold suffering, both in body and soul, so as to locate patient suffering alongside humility and love as one of the three central foundations of Christ’s life on earth, and thus of all virtue.155 There are many obvious differences to Ubertino’s conception of Christ’s inner suffering. First, we see no mention of the sin of mankind as the principal cause of this inner suffering. Second, it is limited in its temporal extent, being closely connected to the events of the crucifixion – it is Christ’s corporeal sufferings, not his inner suffering, that Ruusbroec identifies as accom- panying his entire life and whose origins he places, in wholly conventional manner, in the poverty and cold into which Christ was born.156 Third, a major component of this interior suffering, which follows immediately after the quotation above, is the withdrawal by God the father of his divine assistance and consolation from Christ, manifested in the cry of dereliction that preceded Christ’s death – another ‘conventional’ instance of interior suffering that by its very nature was limited in time.157 Ruusbroec’s second main consideration of the Passion, incidentally (a narrative divided for contemplative purposes according to the canonical hours in Vanden XII beghinen), contains no the- matisation of Christ’s interior suffering. His mental distress in Gethsemane is, in entirely conventional fashion, a reaction of his human nature to the prospect of the suffering he was about to undergo.158 But what we do see with Ruusbroec is the creation of a coherent category of Christ’s interior sufferings, which parallels, and in the Geestelike brulocht is given equal weight to, his exterior, corporeal suffering: an elevation of the status of the interior in the conceptualisation of the sufferings of Christ (and their imitation) in a work of central importance to the spirituality of the Low Countries throughout the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. But let us turn to the Devotio Moderna proper. Florens Radewijns, on whose devotional practice we focused previously, shows little novelty in regard to the interior sufferings of Christ. The section on Christ’s prayer in Gethsemane in the Libellus ‘Omnes, inquit, artes’, Radewijns’ rapiarium, is comprised of a series of quotations from the gospel narratives, Bernard of Clairvaux, Bonaventura’s

155 Ibidem, lines 206-330 (pp. 175-91), especially lines 220-24 (p. 177) and 322-30 (p. 191). On the prominence of patient suffering within Ruusbroec’s conception of the imitation of Christ, see Rik van Nieuwenhove, Jan van Ruusbroec, Mystical Theologian of the Trinity (Notre Dame, IL, 2003), pp. 147-50. 156 See Jan van Ruusbroec, Die geestelike brulocht, lines 276-79 (pp. 183-85). 157 Ibidem, lines 314-22 (pp. 189-91). 158 M. M. Kors ed., with a translation into English by H. Rolfson, Jan van Ruusbroec. Opera omnia, 7A, Vanden XII beghinen. Text and Apparatus [Studiën en Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 20/7A] (Tielt and Turnhout, 2000), here part 2c (pp. 402-536); for Christ’s distress in Gethsemane see part 2c, lines 54-60 (p. 407). On Ruusbroec’s treatment of the Passion see further Geert Warnar, Ruusbroec. Literature and Mysticism in the Fourteenth Century, trans. Diane Webb [Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 150] (Leiden and Boston, 2007), pp. 32-34 and 102-04; M. M. Kors ed., Jan van Ruusbroec. Opera omnia, 7, Vanden XII beghinen. Prolegomena [Studiën en Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 20/7] (Tielt and Turnhout, 2000), pp. 37-43 and 49-52.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 246246 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 247

Lignum vitae and De triplici via, and the Meditationes vite Christi.159 There is no mention of interior suffering in Radewijns’ narrative sequence on the Passion, divided up for meditation across the days of the week, in his Tractatulus devotus.160 Gerard Zerbolt van Zutphen, on the other hand, provides more substantive evidence for the intellectual congruence of the conceptualisation of Christ’s interior sufferings in Ubertino’s Arbor vitae and in the Devotio Mod- erna. It is possible, in fact, that Zerbolt was directly influenced by Ubertino, although – at least on this issue – this cannot be proven by direct textual parallels. Zerbolt’s De reformatione virium anime provides an initial point of departure, and specifically its twenty-eighth chapter, namely De generali modo exercendi se in passione Domini. Zerbolt states that the most fruitful contemplation of the Passion focuses on three aspects of it: opus, modum et causa.161 His chapter, however, deals overwhelmingly with the first of these: the opus. Zerbolt has two main points, on which he expands at length. First, that one should consider each aspect of the Passion in relation to Christ as God and man together, and not just in terms of one or the other nature.162 Second, that the pains inflicted on Christ in his Passion should be considered with particular attention. This is for two (not entirely distinct) reasons: to increase the individual’s compassion with Christ, and to ‘move’ him all the more strongly by his perception of the bitterness of the Passion. For Christ, says Zerbolt, suffered more gravely than any other human in the nature and the intensity of his torments. Five reasons are then provided in support of this statement, and the modern edition points to their source in a section of Bonaventura’s De perfectione vitae.163 Augmented with one or two further snippets from Bonaventura’s works, this is undoubtedly the source for the first four. The fifth reason, however, is not to be found in De perfectione vitae (nor elsewhere in Bonaventura’s works). It is Christ’s interior suffering, which perhaps (forsitan) greatly exceeded the intensity of his exterior, corporeal suffering. It was caused by a number of factors, presented as a coherent category. The first of these was Christ’s tremendous ardour for mankind, in whom he had to see his Passion largely useless, because of their own sins:

159 Florens Radewijns, Libellus ‘Omnes, inquit, artes’, book 2, c. 19, lines 2-103 (2, pp. 96-99, with the source texts identified in 3, pp. 68-69). 160 See Florens Radewijns, Tractatulus devotus, c. 51-57 (pp. 158-70). 161 On this division, which Zerbolt takes from Bernard of Clairvaux, see Van Aelst, ‘Bitter as Myrrh’, pp. 315-16. 162 Gerard Zerbolt van Zutphen, De reformatione virium anime, c. 28, lines 9-69 (pp. 200-06). 163 Ibidem, c. 28, lines 70-111 (pp. 206-08); cf. Bonaventura, De perfectione vitae ad sorores, in: PP. collegii a S. Bonaventura ed., Doctoris seraphici s. Bonaventurae […] opera omnia, 8, Opuscula varia ad theologiam mysticam et res ordinis fratrum minorum spectantia (Quaracchi, 1898), pp. 107-27, here c. 6, §5-6 (pp. 121b-22b). For a discussion of Zerbolt’s idea of the unsur- passed intensity of Christ’s suffering as conventional in the context of contemporary theology see G. H. Gerrits, Inter timorem et spem. A Study of the Theological Thought of Gerard Zerbolt van Zutphen (1367-1398) [Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 37] (Leiden, 1986), pp. 121-23.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 247247 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 248 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Devoutly imagine Christ’s interior punishment, which was perhaps not less, but possibly even much greater than his exterior pain. This interior pain was caused in him from the excessive fervour of his zeal for mankind, yet in whom he saw, for the most part, that his suffering was going to be of no use because of mankind’s own malice. Again, this interior pain arose out of the very great compassion of his most beloved mother. Again, from pity of the Jews. Again, from sorrow over the disciples and their sins, and most of all Judas. Again, from our blindness and ingratitude.164 The conception of Christ’s interior suffering of the Arbor vitae is still yet distant. That suffering is not incipient in the moment of the conception; and its principal cause is not directly the pain of bearing the cumulative sin of mankind, but Christ’s realisation of the uselessness of his Passion for most people, who will continue to sin. What Zerbolt presents here is more an extension of Ruusbroec’s position, but now with the interior sufferings elevated above the status of the exterior kind. The necessity of considering these interior sufferings is made clear as Zerbolt concludes discussion of the opus: Furthermore when you are reading or turning over in your mind how Christ was whipped, mocked, scorned, spat upon, crucified and so forth, do not just think about his exterior pain; but consider the Lord Jesus in such pains as if he who was God and man was afflicted outwardly with the utmost punishment, and inwardly troubled and made sorrowful beyond anything that the human mind is able to comprehend.165 This consideration of the interior alongside the exterior as an inseparable pair then becomes a distinctive feature of Zerbolt’s narrative of the Passion in this treatise, organised as a set of six fasciculi.166 This is an even more strongly marked feature of Zerbolt’s considerations on the life of Christ in his treatise on contemplative ascent, the De spiritualibus ascensionibus. A good example is his presentation of Christ washing the disciples’ feet prior to the Last Supper. It is not only Christ’s humble and diligent exterior act that is an example of the corresponding virtues, but also his interior mental disposition in performing that act. Zerbolt then calls attention to the interior in a different way: the disciples’ spiritual nourishment at the Last Supper that accompanied the exterior nourishment of the meal itself:

164 Item devote ymaginare interiorem Christi penalitatem, que forte exteriore pena non erat minor, ymmo forsitan multo maior. Que interior pena causabatur in eo ex nimio zeli fervore pro humano genere, in quo tamen quo ad maiorem partem videbat passionem suam fore inutilem propter propriam maliciam. Item hoc interior pena surrexit ex maxima compassione sue dilectissime matris. Item ex miseracione Iudeorum. Item ex dolore discipulorum et peccato eorum et maxime Iude. Item ex nostra cecitate et ingratitudine. – Gerard Zerbolt van Zutphen, De reformatione virium anime, c. 28, lines 102-11 (p. 208). 165 Cum autem legeris vel in mente revolveris, quomodo Christus fuit flagellatus, irrisus, delusus, consputus, crucifixus etc. noli solum cogitare de pena exteriori, sed ita Dominum Ihesum respice in talibus penis quasi hominem Deum exterius summa penalitate afflictum, et eciam ultra quam humana mens comprehendere potest, interius tribulatam et dolorosum. – Ibidem, c. 28, lines 112- 18 (pp. 208-10). 166 Ibidem, c. 29-34 (pp. 214-29).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 248248 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 249

Meditate, therefore, how in this meal the Lord himself, great and worthy of exceptional praise, washed the feet of the disciples and of the one who would betray him; bending right down to the ground and covering himself with a cloth, so that he might teach us by the example of his humility. Think upon the way in which Christ conducted himself inwardly and outwardly in this washing; because outwardly he washed in the most humble and most diligent manner, and inwardly completed his work with the utmost humility and devotion. Consider the most blessed master and Lord sitting at the same table and eating from the same dish with his disciples. Consider how abundantly Christ gave refreshment to the disciples’ hearts in that meal, pouring in rivers of his teachings.167 Zerbolt uses a different structure for his considerations on the Passion in De spiritualibus ascensionibus, but largely reworks the same content that he provided in De reformatione virium anime.168 This is certainly true of his discussion of the gravity of Christ’s sufferings, which need not be examined in further detail here: his statements there on interior suffering are nearly identical.169 In Zerbolt’s devotional treatises we see the focus on interiority that, in very general terms, is considered to constitute one of the defining features of Devotio Moderna spirituality. Specifically, we can see an attention to the interior life of Christ, and notably his interior suffering, which is broadly congruent to the tenor of the Arbor vitae. Whilst probably independent of Ubertino’s work, Zerbolt’s devotional treatises are not only illustrative of an intellectual culture particularly receptive to Ubertino’s doctrine, but – given their massive transmission – very probably constitutive of it as well. De spiritualibus ascensionibus alone survives in over one hundred Latin and 28 vernacular manuscripts, together with about forty printed editions.170 The influence of the Arbor vitae, and of this distinctive aspect of it in particular, becomes evident in the oeuvre of a third central early representative of the Devotio Moderna: Jan van Schoonhoven. Schoonhoven (d. 1432) is best known for his defence of Ruusbroec’s oeuvre against Gerson’s criticism, but he was also an important writer in his own right. As noted earlier, Kurt Ruh

167 Meditare igitur quomodo in hac cena, ipse Dominus magnus et laudabilis nimis, pedes discipulorum et sui traditoris lavit, inclinans se usque ad terram et precingens se lintheo, ut nos instrueret sue humilitatis exemplo. Cogita modum quomodo Christus in hac locione se habuit interius et exterius: quia exterius, humillime et diligentissime lavit, interius, summa humilitate et devocione opus suum perfecit. Respice piissimum magistrum et Dominum sedentem ad mensam unam et comedentem ex scutella una cum discipulis. Cogita quam habundanter Christus in hac cena refecit discipulorum corda, infundens doctrinarum fluenta. – Francis Joseph Legrand ed. and trans., with an introduction by Nikolaus Staubach, Gérard Zerbolt de Zutphen. La montée du coeur. De spiritualibus ascensionibus [Sous la règle de Saint Augustin 11] (Turnhout, 2006), c. 31, lines 22-33 (p. 220). 168 On the position of contemplation of the Passion within Zerbolt’s different schemata see Van Aelst, ‘Bitter as Myrrh’, pp. 310-12; on the different internal structures of this material see pp. 314-15 and 323. 169 See Gerard Zerbolt van Zutphen, De spiritualibus ascensionibus, c. 32, lines 31-134 (pp. 234- 42), especially 115-31 (p. 240). 170 See Van Aelst’s introduction to Legrand, Gérard Zerbolt de Zutphen. Manuel de la réforme intérieure, p. 39.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 249249 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 250 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

regarded Schoonhoven as the individual responsible for bringing the spirituality of Groenendaal – where he was a canon, and had known Ruusbroec and Jan van Leeuwen personally – to the Windesheim congregation, which Groenendaal joined through Schoonhoven’s impetus in 1412. Schoonhoven’s own writing has received little attention and most of his works are unedited. This is certainly the case for his De passione Domini, an epistolary treatise addressed to his nephew Willem Vryman van Delft. It is aimed explicitly at a novice, and as Vryman joined the Carthusian house at Nieuwlicht at some point in 1404-07, this is probably also when the work was written. It is the longest of Schoonhoven’s two dozen epistolary treatises, and among the most widely transmitted: the most recent list notes 22 extant copies of the Latin text and nineteen of five different translations into Dutch, the earliest of which dates to 1419-20.171 Ruh saw De passione Domini as Schoonhoven’s principal spiritual work, in which Ruusbroec’s ‘geistiges Vermächtnis’ (whatever that may imply) was most evident.172 At its heart is an unusual doctrine of the mystical transformation into Christ through suffering, the transformatio in Deum per dolores Jesu. It is quadripartite in structure, dealing successively with the qualitas passionis, the acerbitas doloris, the immensitas amoris and the suavitas fructus redemptionis.173 Schoonhoven’s De passione Domini is heavily dependent on Ubertino. Like the Arbor vitae, it has two prologues, the first of which relates Schoonhoven’s production of the work. The second is more devotional in character, and estab- lishes the centrality of the contemplation of Christ’s life and death to human existence. As it is a discrete and yet short element of the work, this second prologue will serve as an example to illustrate the level of dependence of parts of Schoonhoven’s De passione Domini on the Arbor vitae. Ideally we would compare the best text of De passione Domini with that of the second recension of the Arbor vitae. As neither is yet edited, we have instead to compare the accessible, namely the incunable of the first recension of the Arbor vitae and an Oxford manuscript of the De passione Domini (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Douce 57, fols 162r-227v). I provide the text of the second prologue to De passione Domini in full in the left-hand column, with the corresponding text, drawn exclusively from the second prologue to the Arbor vitae, in the right- hand column.

171 Albert Gruijs, Jean de Schoonhoven (1356-1432). Son interprétation de I Jean 2, 15 “N’aimez pas ce monde, ni ce qui est dans le monde.” De contemptu huius mundi. Text et études, 4 vols (Nijmegen, 1967), 2, pp. 36-37, and 3, p. 53 n. 36. 172 Ruh, Die niederländische Mystik, p. 126. 173 An outline of the treatise is offered by Gruijs, Jean de Schoonhoven, 3, pp. 52-62, summarised in Ruh, Die niederländische Mystik, pp. 126-28.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 250250 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 251

Jan van Schoonhoven, Ubertino da Casale, De passione Domini, prologue 2 Arbor vitae, prologue 2 (163v) ›Quam bonum et quam iocundum sit legere et meditari Ihesum et hunc crucifixum‹

‘Cristo ergo in carne passo, et vos eadem cogitacione armamini’: prima Petri tercio capitulo [I Pt 4, 1]. Dilec- tissime frater, sicut vides quod natu- (8b) …sicut ergo uiuis naturaliter non raliter non in aqua, non in aere, non in in igne, non in aqua, non in aere, sed igne viuis, sed in hijs peris: sic si non in illis peris: sic si non uis spirituali- vis spiritualiter mori, non sit habitacio ter mori, non (9a) sit habitatio tua et tua et cogitacio tua in aquis lasciuie, cogitatio in aqua lasciuie, non in aere non in aere vel fumo superbie, non in uel fumo superbie, non in igne arden- igne ardentis auaricie; sed in terra tis auaricie; sed in terra promissionis promissionis optima, que lacte et optima, que lacte et melle manat. […] melle manat. Hec autem terra est Hec est igitur generatio eius, uita et Cristi generacio, eius vita et co[n]uer- conuersatio, suscepta passio, mors, sacio, eius suscepta passio, mors et sepultura, […] in quibus meditando sepultura, in quibus meditando erit erit semper in Christo tua secura habi- semper in Cristo tua secura habitacio. tatio. […] Promitto tibi […] quod Promitto tibi quod nichil gracius potes nihil gratius potes facere patri et filio facere patri et filio et spiritui sancto, et spiritui sancto, quam in ipso bene- quam in ipso benedicto Ihesu Deo et dicto Iesu Deo homine totum expen- homine expendere totum tempus dere tempus tuum. Et fac de eo unum tuum, et facere de eo vnum mirre fas- myrrhe fascicul[u]m, qui semper inter ciculum, qui semper inter vbera tua ubera tua commoretur. […] commoretur. Vt ergo (164r) valeas agnoscere quam bonum et quam iocundum sit legere et meditari Ihesum et hunc crucifixum – quod est edere de ligno vite et gustare viuum dei ver- bum et manna absconditum, quod eciam multum confert ad habendam deuocionem in oracione et consola- cionem in tribulacione – statue tibi speculam et pone tibi amaritudines et contemplare ymaginem crucis. Ibi diligenter agnosce wltum creatoris tui et redemptoris tui; et respice in faciem Cristi tui, et toto cordis et corporis intuitu toto intellectu et affectu. Sic attende illam ymaginem ac si Cristum in cruce presencialiter videas morien-

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 251251 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 252 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

tem; et cogita in corde tuo cuius est hec ymago et superscripcio: quia Deus est et homo, ‘Cristo igitur in carne passo, et tu eadem cogitacione armare’ [cf I Pt 4, 1]. Si autem Deus […] Si autem Deus dederit tibi gra- dederit tibi graciam in hijs occupandi tiam in his occupandi cor tuum, et non cor tuum, vt non in vacuum graciam in uanum gratiam Dei receperis, felix Dei recipias, felix tu qui cum apostolo tu qui cum eodem apostolo letanter Paulo (164v) letanter dicere potes, dices, ‘Non abiicio gratiam Dei’ [Gal ‘Non abicio graciam Dei’ [Gal 2, 21]. 2, 21]. Vnum autem hic notatur: quod Premoneo tamen te: quia cum per quia per exercitium huiusmodi studii exercicium huius studij totaliter trans- totaliter transformaris in Christum, formaris in Cristum, sathanas hoc sathanas hoc summe odiens tibi tendet summe odiens tendet tibi insidias, vt insidias, ut cum accidia et tedio sepe cum tedio et accidia sepe incipias incipias huiusmodi uersiculos rumin- memoriam dominice passionis reuolu- are. ere et huiusmodi cogitaciones rumin- are. Sed hoc pro certo cognoscas: quod licet ex dyabolica inmissione, et Sed hoc pro certo cognoscas: quod corporis passione et indisposicione licet ex nostra infirmitate ad bonum, [ad] bonum, aliqua[n]do cum difficul- aliquando cum tristicia et tedio tate tedio et tristicia inceperis, pro- inceperis, promitto tibi quod si te uin- mitto tibi quod si teipsum vincas et cas et continues, tristitia tua uertetur continues, tristicia tua vertetur in gau- in gaudium. Illud sapientie .vi. dicente dium. Dicente Ihesu illud sapiencie Ihesu de se ipso, quod est sapientia sexto de seipso, qui est sapiencia patris, ‘Cogitare de illa sensus est patris: ‘Cogitare de illa sensus est consummatus; et qui uigilauerit per consummatus; et qui vigilauerit ad illam, cito securus. Quoniam dignos illam, cito securus erit. Quoniam seipsam circuit querens, etiam in (9b) dignos seipsa circuit querens, et in uiis suis ostendet se illis hilariter, et in vijs suis ostendet se illis hilariter, et in omni prudentia occurret illis.’ [Sap 6, omni prudencia occurret illis.’ [Sap 6, 16-17] 16-17]

Two-thirds of the second prologue to De passione Domini is directly copied, with minor alterations, from the second prologue to the Arbor vitae. More precisely, Schoonhoven excerpted two passages from the second half of the second prologue. In the Arbor vitae, a description of the content of its five constituent books, organised around the metaphor of the tree, fills the space between those two passages. Schoonhoven has omitted this description, irrelevant to his own treatise, and replaced it with another text. This can be identified as the first chapter of a short Opusculum de passione Domini (inc. ‘Si vis ad vitam ingredi per Jesum’) printed in the Patrologia

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 252252 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 253

Latina under the name of Hrabanus Maurus and attributed elsewhere to Bonaventura.174 With Ubertino’s direct influence on Schoonhoven’s De passione Domini established, let us turn now to the second of the four main parts of the work: the acerbitas doloris (fols 170v-194v). Schoonhoven begins this section by associating the contemplation of the bitterness of Christ’s Passion with the ascent of the mountain of myrrh from Ct 4, 6, an association that he has almost certainly adopted from Zerbolt’s De spiritualibus ascensionibus.175 Five stages constitute the ascent of the mountain of myrrh, namely the consideration of five different ways in which Christ suffered during his life. It should not escape notice that the fifth is his dolores cordiales: This mountain, furthermore, is climbed in five stages. That is through consideration of the five-fold acts of injustice, insult, and suffering, which Jesus, our blessed God above all, bore in the most patient manner in the course of his entire life – and not on account of his own fault, but to redeem us and to educate us. For the sweetest Jesus was dishonoured, made to suffer, and afflicted by the wicked Jews, as the sacred story of the gospels teaches, in five ways: namely, first, in words; second, in deeds; third, in cunning devices that affected the heart, and wicked and unjust judgements; fourth, in the ignominious death upon the cross in the close of his life; fifth, in the inexpressible, immense, and incalculable sorrows of his blessed heart. And let us now look at a few things about each one of these.176 Schoonhoven gives more space to this fifth aspect than to any other – nearly half of this whole second part of the treatise (fols 184v-194v). He begins by

174 (Pseudo-)Hrabanus Maurus, Opusculum de passione Domini, in: J.-P. Migne ed., Patrologia Latina, 112 (Paris, 1852), cols. 1425-30, here c. 1 (col. 1425a–c); cf. Fridericus Stegmüller, Repertorium biblicum medii aevi, 5, Auctores R – Z (Madrid, 1955), p. 33 (no. 7077,3). The work is regarded as ‘presque sûrement’ spurious; see Raymund Kottje, ‘Raban Maur’, Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, 13 (Paris, 1987), cols. 1-10, here col. 8; idem, ‘Hrabanus Maurus’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 4 (1983), cols. 166-96, here col. 194. A divergent recension was known to Fidelis a Fanna as a work attributed to Bonaventura; see Fidelis a Fanna, Ratio novae collectionis operum omnium sive editorum sive anecdotorum seraphici eccl. doctoris s. Bonaventurae […] (Turin, 1874), pp. 276-77 (no. 34). This attribution is also to be regarded as spurious; see PP. collegii a s. Bona- ventura, ‘Dissertationes de scriptis et vita s. Bonaventurae’ in: idem, Doctoris seraphici s. Bona- venturae […] opera omnia, 10, Operum omnium complementum (Quaracchi, 1902), pp. 1-73, here p. 28a (no. 79). 175 See Gerard Zerbolt van Zutphen, De spiritualibus ascensionibus, c. 32, lines 3-19 (p. 232). 176 Ad montem autem istum per quinque gradus ascenditur. Hoc est per consideracionem quintuplicium iniuriarum contumeliarum et passionum, quas noster Ihesus super omnia benedictus Deus in tocius vite sue decursu non pro sua culpa, sed propter nos redimendos et informandos pacientissime sustinuit. Fuit enim dulcissimus Ihesus inhonoratus, passionatus, et affectus ab impijs iudeis, sicut sacra ewangelij docet historia, quinque modis: videlicet primo in verbis; 2° in factis; 3° in cordialibus machinacionibus, et existimacionibus impijs et iniuriosis; 4° in obpropriosa morte crucis in exitu sue vite; 5° in ineffabilibus et immensis et inestimabilibus doloribus sui benedicti cordis. Et de hijs singulis pauca videamus.- Jan van Schoonhoven, De passione Domini, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Douce 57, fol. 171r.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 253253 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 254 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

stating that the contemplative should think continually and with heartfelt emotion of the nature and extent of Christ’s dolor cordis that he experienced in his suffering. The causes of this dolor cordis hidden within Christ were manifold: Fifth, we should prepare our souls to consider the immense and excessive sorrows of blessed Jesus’ heart. Continually, and with great emotion of the heart, we ought to think of how great the sorrow of his heart was, and of what its nature was; both whilst he bore the bitterness of death within himself, and the horrible pains of the bodily suffering that he carried, by which his soul was crucified unspeakably and tormented most horribly. In Jesus Christ our Lord the sorrow of his heart was hidden, the most acute, the most incandescent, inexpressible and manifold, from many causes and reasons.177 Schoonhoven defines six main causes. The first of these is conventional: the divina dispensatio that prevented the higher powers of Christ’s soul, participating in God, from communicating the joy of this participation and fruitio to the lower powers (as they would normally do), and so from ameliorating the intense suffering that the lower powers experienced (fols 185r – v). It is the second and third causes that show Ubertino’s influence most clearly. The second cause (fols 185v-186v) was Christ’s compassion, which caused him to bear the totality of the sins of mankind – that is, to bear interior suffering directly proportional to the extent of that cumulative weight of sins: The sorrow in Christ was also the most intense and the most acute on account of the compassion, transcending all admiration, in which he was compassionate with mankind, whom he loved above all. Indeed he had compassion with each and every individual in the utmost sorrow, according to the measure of the amount of the fault and the pain of each one, which he knew most certainly that they had incurred and were still incurring. For since Christ loved each and every one of his elect inexpressibly, and with that love having been disgorged into them, by perceiving their offences, both those committed and those yet to be committed, and the pains which they ought to bear on account of such offences, he had compassion with them, by bearing their pains with the utmost sorrow. For the more sincerely Christ loved his elect, the more compassionately and the more sorrowfully he carried their sorrows and pains.178

177 Quinto preparemus animam nostram ad considerandum immensos et excessiuos dolores cordis benedicti Ihesu. Continue et cum magno cordis affectu cogitare debemus qualis et quantus erat ei dolor cordis, tam diu in seipso amaritudinem mortis sustinere, et tam horribiles penas corporee passionis proferre, quibus anima eius indicibiliter cruciabatur et horribilissime tormentabatur. In Cristo Ihesu domino nostro fuit dolor cordis occultus, acutissimus, incentissimus, ineffabilis et multiplex, ex multis causis et racionibus[.] – Ibidem, fols 184v-185r. 178 Fuit eciam in Cristo dolor intensissimus et acutissimus ex conpassione supermirabili, qua conpaciebatur humano generi quod diligebat tam summe. Conpaciebatur eciam vnicuique cum summo dolore, secundum mensuram vniuscuiusque quantitatis delicti et pene, quam eos incurrere et incurrisse sciebat certissime. Quia enim Cristus quemlibet electorum suorum diligebat ineffabiliter, et hoc amore euiscerato in eis senciendo eorum offensam conmissam et conmittendam, et penas quas ex tanta offensa sustinere debebant, conpaciebatur eisdem tolerando eorum penas cum summo dolore. Quanto enim viscerosius electos suos Cristus amabat, tanto conpassiuius et dolorosius eorum dolores et penas portabat. – Ibidem, fols 185v-186r.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 254254 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 255

This was compounded by Christ’s perception of man’s future ingratitude for his redemptive work, which would be expressed by man’s continuing to commit mortal sin. This is taken directly from the passage of the Arbor vitae we examined earlier. Schoonhoven even ends the point in the same way as Uber- tino with a biting critique of false religious, from whose conduct Christ suffered more than from the pains he sustained in the crucifixion – at least quodammodo, Schoonhoven here sounding a note of caution.179 Schoonhoven’s third cause (fols 186v-187v) is the next in sequence in the Arbor vitae: Christ’s compassion with himself because of the suffering that he foresaw, and his knowledge of his own innocence.180 It is in the exposition of this cause that Schoonhoven puts forward one of the most distinctive features of Ubertino’s conception of Christ’s interior suffering, namely its unceasing nature ab instanti conceptionis sue: This sorrow began to exist in Christ immediately at that point in time when his soul was joined to his body; because this holy soul together with his body, united to his divinity, was filled with the utmost wisdom, and immediately Christ became one who perceives the heavenly [a comprehensor] and one who journeys through this life [a viator]. And in his mother’s womb that holy soul began to perceive the utmost sorrow, as one who makes perfect satisfaction to God, not on account of his own guilt, but that of humankind.181 Schoonhoven repeats this in conclusion to the point; his choice of scriptural verse to support it (Christ’s words on Gethsemane) pointing to the origin of this idea in Ubertino’s exposition on those same words in the Arbor vitae: And his words bear witness to this, when he says often that he has a cross to bear; and when, with his Passion approaching, he said ‘My soul is sorrowful unto death’ – where, because he said that death was the end of his sorrow and his suffering, he intimated well enough that the point at which this suffering began was in the very moment of his creation [i. e., his conception].182 Schoonhoven’s last three causes, finally, require no additional comment here: compassion with Mary (fols 187r-188r); compassion for the apostles, who would be left bereft of his presence (fol. 188r); and the nobility and delicacy of Christ’s soul (fols 188r – v).

179 Cf. Ubertino da Casale, Arbor vite crucifixe, book 4, c. 9, pp. 310b-11a. 180 Cf. ibidem, book 4, c. 9, p. 311a. 181 Iste dolor cepit esse in Cristo statim eo tempore quando anima fuit associata corpori suo; quia ista anima sancta cum corpore suo vnita diuinitati fuit inpleta summa sapiencia, et ipse Cristus fuit statim conprehensor factus et viator. Et in vtero matris sue cepit sentire summum dolorem illa sancta anima sicut satisfactrix perfecta ad Deum, non pro sua sed pro humana culpa. – Jan van Schoonhoven, De passione Domini, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Douce 57, fol. 186v. 182 Et hoc verba sua testantur cum pluries dicat se portare crucem, et cum inminente passione dixit ‘Tristis est anima mea vsque ad mortem’: vbi quia dixit mortem esse finem doloris et tristicie sue, satis innuit quod in ipso instanti sue creacionis fuerit tempus inchoacionis istius doloris. – Ibidem, fol. 187r.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 255255 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 256 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

With the list of causes now complete, Schoonhoven turns to the heart of his mystical doctrine. Because man is the cause of these sorrows, he should seek to be transformed into them. The degree of transformation – and thus union with Christ – is proportional to the intensity with which Christ’s interior suffering is perceived: Because man was the cause of these sorrows, we should be tranformed into these sorrows. The greater the sight of this inexpressible sorrow, the more deeply and intimately the individual is transformed in this sorrow. And therefore when the individual passes by before the cross on which Christ died, his soul ought right- fully suffer, stationing and affixing itself here, because the cross is our salvation and our resting-place.183 Schoonhoven’s cross-centred mystagogy in De passione Domini is complex and cannot be explored here in any further detail; a basic outline has been presented by B. Spaapen.184 Gruijs regarded it as possibly influenced by Ruusbroec and Jan van Leeuwen, whom Schoonhoven, we will recall, had known personally; ‘mais on ne trouve nulle part une formulation aussi précise et systématisée.’185 Ruh – who knew De passione Domini only through Gruijs’ summary – held Schoonhoven to be a more original figure, whose spirituality was most closely tied to that of Bernard of Clairvaux: Was bei Ruusbroec zwar nicht fehlte, aber als allgemeine Glaubenswahrheit nicht nachdrücklich ausgefaltet wurde, die Leidens- und Erlösungstheologie, wird von Schoonhoven, vor allem in Anschluß an Bernhard von Clairvaux ange- boten, und zwar in einer nach seinen besonderen Schwerpunkten originellen Kreuzesspiritualität als Mittel zur Erlangung des ewigen Heils. Er geht damit einen neuen Weg, der zur spirituellen Lebensform der Devotio Moderna wird.186 In fact it is almost certainly Ubertino’s Arbor vitae which offers Schoonhoven this ‘originelle Kreuzesspiritualität’, at least in its central principles, and perhaps even in terms of direct textual dependence. But Ubertino’s cross-centred mystagogy, with its identical theme of the transformation into Christ through sorrow, is as little explored by modern scholarship as is Schoonhoven’s. It is also exceptionally difficult and verbose.187 This potential connection in terms of mystical theology is not one that can be pursued further here. Ruh concluded that Ubertino was the only member of his order to have created ‘eine Mystik

183 Et quia istorum dolorum fuit homo causa, debemus in istos dolores transformari. Et quanto maior est visio istius ineffabilis doloris, tanto profundius et intimius transformatur homo in isto dolore. Et ergo quando transit homo ante crucem in qua mortuus est Cristus, anima hominis merito deberet dolore et ibi se figere et collocare, quia crux est salus nostra et lectus noster [cf. Ct 1, 15]. – Ibidem, fol. 188v. 184 B. Spaapen, ‘Middeleeuwse passiemystiek. I. Der mynnender sielen boegaert’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 35 (1961), pp. 167-85 and 252-99, here pp. 260-71. 185 Gruijs, Jean de Schoonhoven, 3, p. 54; cf. pp. 61-62. 186 Ruh, Die niederländische Mystik, p. 129. 187 For an initial approach see Ruh, Frauenmystik und franziskanische Mystik, pp. 491-95.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 256256 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 257

genuin franziskanischer Prägung. Niemand im Orden hat sie aufgegriffen und weiterentwickelt.’188 Schoonhoven presents the tantalising possibility that someone outside the Franciscan order did exactly that. The remainder of Schoonhoven’s treatment of the acerbitas doloris, the second of the four parts of his treatise, consists of deliberations on five further themes: the three kinds of union with God (fols 190r – v); the meaning of the cry of dereliction (fols 190v-191v); the importance of the contemplation of Christ’s interior suffering and the transformation per dolorem into Christ (fols 191v-192r); the different kinds of false or misguided religious (fols 192r-193r); and the principal practises of the religious life (fols 193r-194r), followed by a concluding exhortation to the addressee, Willem Vryman (fols 194r –v). Schoonhoven’s guidelines on the principal practices of the religious life allow us to see the centrality he accorded to the contemplation of Christ’s interior suffering. For meditation is the first, and most important, of those practises (followed by corporeal exercises, which includes singing the divine office; study; and manual work, in that order), and Christ’s interior suffering should belong to its main objects: Whoever desires to acquire true wisdom and the perfection of the spiritual life should observe this manner of occupying himself in spiritual study. First, during all his other works he should direct his attention to the study of prayer and the interior, spiritual occupation of the mind, and taste the divine sweetness through the act of contemplation; wherefore the labour, in which the mind is occupied in divine contemplation, is of the most perfect kind. At the same time he should spend the entire day in continual meditation upon the deeds of Jesus’ life, in the investigation of the incalculable sorrows of his heart, and in meditation on those other things that he did for the work of our salvation. These occupations hold the first and principal place.189 Here we should leave Schoonhoven, having demonstrated that Optatus was correct to suspect ‘dat dit werk van Hubertinus een bron blijkt te zijn, waaruit onze grote voorvaderen met graagte de wateren van het eeuwig leven hebben geput.’190 The depth to which Ubertino’s conception of the interior sufferings of Christ penetrated in the milieu of the Devotio Moderna can be seen from its clear presence in ‘minor’ texts: not learned, sophisticated treatises like Schoonhoven’s De passione Domini, but shorter, less ambitious works into which this doctrine

188 Ibidem, p. 495. 189 Quicumque appetit veram sapienciam et perfectionem vite spiritualis acquirere debent hunc modum exercitandi se in studio spirituali obseruare. Primo inter omnia opera debet studio orationis et interno et spirituali exercicio mentis intendere, et per actum contemplacionis diuinam suauitatem degustare. Vnde labor quo mens exercetur in contemplacione diuina est perfectissimus. Simulque debet in continua meditacione actuum vite Ihesu, et in discussione inestimabilium dolorum cordis ipsius, et in alijs que fecit pro opere nostre salutis, tota die tempus expendere. Hec exercicia tenent primum et suprimum locum. – Jan van Schoonhoven, De passione Domini, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Douce 57, fols 193r – v. 190 Optatus, In de schaduw van het kruis, p. 21.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 257257 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 258 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

nonetheless penetrated. One example is a week-based schema for meditation from a convent of begards in Maastricht, recently edited by Thomas Kock. Friday is specifically allocated for meditation on the Passion. The accentuation on the topic that this tiny scrap of text provides is wholly, and explicitly, derived from Ubertino: namely the recognition that the sins of contemporary man are directly responsible for the augmentation of Christ’s interior suffering: Every day, but especially on Fridays, we should think with great compassion upon the bitter Passion of our beloved Lord Jesus Christ, guarding ourselves from sin, so that we do not crucify him again spiritually with our sins. For according to Ubertino, ‘Every mortal sin is like a spear or a fork with five prongs to our beloved Lord, spiritually renewing his five holy wounds.’ Further St Bernard, speaking in the person of Christ, says, ‘O man, cease your sinning, for the wounds of your sins torment me more severely than the wounds of my body.’191 A second example of a ‘minor’ text is an unedited text bearing the title Vanden inwendighen gheuoelen christi, covering three leaves of a quarto manuscript of the second half of the fifteenth century from the Franciscan female tertiaries of Sint-Catharinadal in Hasselt (now The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 135 F 12, fols 185v-187v).192 The text in question bears the hall- marks of a Komposittraktat, namely a compilation of large excerpts from pre-existent texts all concerning a particular topic, having the appearance of a single, cohesive work but in which the joins are evident on closer examination.193 It has drawn prior scholarly attention, insofar as what prove to be two of its constituent blocks have been identified by Rijkert Ubbink as excerpts from Meister Eckhart’s famous sermon Beati pauperes spiritu in Dutch translation.194

191 Allen daghe, mer sunderlinghe des vridachs, zo sullen wi met groten medeliden overdencken die bittere passie ons liefs heren Ihesu Christi, ons wachtende van sonden, op dat wy hem nyet wederom gheestelijc en crucen met onsen sonden. Want na dat Ubertinus seit: ‘Zo is elke doet sunde onsen lieven here als een speer of vorcke met v tacken, gheestelijc hem verniwende zijn heilighe v wonden.’ Oec seit sinte Bernart inden persoen Christi: ‘O mensche, laet aff te sun- dighen, want meer quetset my die wonde uwer sunden dan die wonden mynre zyeden.’ – Kock, ‘Lektüre und Meditation’, pp. 26-27 and 60-62, with edition at p. 62, here lines 19-26. Note that another text edited by Kock in the same article, an earlier fifteenth-century set of statutes for lay brothers from the Augustinian canonry of Eemsteyn, contains a week-based schema that also incorporates a lengthy consideration of Christ’s interior sufferings: see pp. 19-21 and 33-53, with edition at pp. 34-52, here lines 717-27 (p. 52). 192 See Stooker and Verbeij, Collecties op orde, 2, pp. 192-93 (no. 574); Robrecht Lievens, ‘Alijt Bake van Utrecht’, Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis NS 42 (1957-58), pp. 127-51, here pp. 148-51, but cf. B. Spaapen, ‘Middeleeuwse passiemystiek. V. De kloosteronderrichtingen van Alijt Bake’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 43 (1969), pp. 270-304, here pp. 277-79. 193 On the concept of Komposittraktate see Kurt Ruh, ‘‘Die Blume der Schauung’. Zur Über- lieferung und Textgeschichte eines mystischen Traktats’, in: H. L. Cox, V. F. Vanacker and E. Verhofstadt, Wortes anst ⋅ verbi gratia. donum natalicium Gilbert A. R. De Smet (Leuven and Amersfoort, 1986), pp. 401-09, here p. 403; Kurt Ruh ed., Die Blume der Schauung [Kleine deutsche Prosadenkmäler des Mittelalters 16] (Munich, 1991), pp. 22-23 and 28. 194 Rijkert Alex Ubbink, De receptie van Meister Eckhart in de Nederlanden gedurende de middeleeuwen (Amsterdam, 1978), pp. 215-16.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 258258 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 259

As its title leads the reader to suspect, it deals extensively with Christ’s interior suffering. It does so, in fact, by means of what can be identified as a very long excerpt from the Dutch translation of Marquard von Lindau’s De anima Christi – indeed, the central passage in which Marquard tackles this topic.195 The compiler joins this excerpt immediately onto a quotation, explicitly attributed to Ubertino, and which represents a variant on the quotation encountered in the Maastricht text: The teacher Ubertino writes that when our beloved Lord Jesus was in mental torment on the Mount of Olives, he received such great pain for every single mortal sin that had ever been committed, or was ever going to be committed, as if a five-pronged pitchfork had stabbed him in his blessed heart.196 With these two illustrative examples, we are moving well away from our earlier concentration on the central texts of Passion devotion from the earliest years of the Devotio Moderna. We must now approach the period from c. 1410 onwards in a more systematic manner.

BEYOND THE CHAPTER OF WINDESHEIM

It is obviously not possible in the confines of this study to undertake a comprehensive survey of all the countless works on the Passion produced in the Low Countries in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries in the search for further evidence of Ubertino’s influence. Without critical editions of core works, notably the second recension of the Arbor vitae and Schoonhoven’s De passione Domini, the task of separating direct from indirect influence becomes very difficult. Nor can we assume that the Windesheim congregation, with Schoonhoven providing a powerful spiritual direction, represents the sole conduit for the propagation of Ubertino’s influence in the fifteenth century. In Italy, Spain and the south of France, the Arbor vitae (and, indeed, some of Ubertino’s polemical tracts) simultaneously found favour with the rigorous Franciscan Observant movement.197 The Observance initially touched the Low Countries in 1408, with the contentious reform of the convent at Saint-Omer.198 No further inroads were made until 1439, with the reform of the convent at Gouda, but the Observance

195 A diplomatic transcription of Marquard’s De anima Christi in the original German (from Gießen, Universitätsbibliothek, Hs. 850) is presented by Josef Hartinger ed., Der Traktat De paupertate von Marquard von Lindau (doctoral dissertation, University of Würzburg, 1965), pp. 180-229; the excerpt (fols 186v-187r) corresponds to 206, 33 – 207, 29. 196 Die leeraer Vbertinus scrijft, doen onse lieue here Ihesus was in bedinghen opten berch van olyueten, ontfinc hi voer een yegelike doot sonde die oyt ghescieden of vmmermeer gheschien souden alsoe groote pyne, of hem een vijftackerich rieck in sijn ghebenedide herte ghescoten hadde. – The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 135 F 12, fols 187r-v. 197 Duncan Nimmo, Reform and Division in the Medieval Franciscan Order. From Saint Francis to the Foundation of the Capuchins [Bibliotheca Seraphico-Capuccina 33] (Rome, 1987), pp. 304- 08, 485-91, 546-48 and 580-83. 198 Nimmo, Reform and Division, pp. 532-37.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 259259 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 260 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

then quickly spread across the Low Countries in the central decades of the mid-fifteenth century.199 Optatus held the Arbor vitae to be definitive for the development of forms of interior prayer in the Franciscan Observance in these decades, and identified a congruence – admittedly on a very general level – between the spirituality of the Dutch Observants and the Devotio Moderna in this respect.200 More significantly, Bernardino da Siena (d. 1444) – one of the so-called ‘four pillars of the Observance’ – drew very heavily on the Arbor vitae in his devotional works.201 Ubertino’s presentation of the Passion underlies Bernardino’s two treatises on the Passion, incorporated as sermon 55 in the Quadragesimale de christiana religione and sermon 56 in the Quadragesimale de evangelio aeterno. These include the adaptation of Ubertino’s conception of Christ’s interior suffering from book 4, c. 9 and elsewhere.202 Bernardino’s works independently enjoyed an extensive circulation in the Low Countries, and it is precisely sermon 56 of the Quadragesimale de evangelio aeterno that circulated most extensively in the region in Dutch translation.203 After the mid-fifteenth century, it thus becomes increasingly difficult to identify the direct source of ideas that originate with Ubertino. The following conspectus attempts to present a complete summary of works produced in the Low Countries between c. 1410 and c. 1520 and known to use the Arbor vitae as a source,

199 Bert Roest, ‘Franciscans between Observance and Reformation: The Low Countries (ca. 1400- 1600)’, Franciscan Studies 63 (2005), pp. 409-42, here pp. 413-15; Mirjam Schaap, ‘Een gevecht met twee zwaarden? Machtsvertoon en geweldpleging bij de hervorming van franciscaanse kloosters rond het midden van de vijftiende eeuw’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 118 (2005), pp. 448-63; Marjan De Smet and Paul Trio, ‘The Involvement of the Late Medieval Urban Authorities in the Low Countries with Regard to the Introduction of the Franciscan Observance’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 101 (2006), pp. 37-88; J. A. de Kok, Acht eeuwen Minderbroeders in Nederland. Een oriëntatie (Hilversum, 2007), pp. 101-08; Mirjam Schaap, ‘Over ‘qwaclappers’ en ander schadelijk volk. De laatmiddeleeuwse hervorming van Noord-Nederlandse minderbroederkloosters bezien vanuit de interne machtsstrijd binnen de orde’, in: Hildo van Engen and Gerrit Verhoeven, Monastiek observantisme en Moderne Devotie in de Noordelijke Nederlanden (Hilversum, 2008), pp. 17-41, especially pp. 28-40 on Gouda. 200 Optatus, ‘De oefening van het inwendig gebed’. 201 Emmerich Blondeel d’Isegem, ‘L’Influence d’Ubertin de Casale sur les écrits de S. Bernardin de Sienne’, Collectanea Franciscana 5 (1935), pp. 5-44; Diomede Scaramuzzi, ‘L’influsso di Ubertino da Casale su S. Bernardino da Siena’, Bullettino di Studi Bernardiniani 1 (1935), pp. 94-104; Emmerich Blondeel d’Izegem, ‘Encore l’Influence d’Ubertin de Casale sur les écrits de S. Bernardin de Sienne’, Collectanea Franciscana 6 (1936), pp. 57-76; Dionisio Pacetti, ‘Gli scritti di San Bernardino da Siena’, in: S. Bernardino da Siena. Saggi e ricerche pubblicati nel quinto centenario della morte (1444-1944) [Pubblicazioni dell’Università Cattolica del S. Cuore NS 6] (Milan, 1945), pp. 25-138, here pp. 39 and 92-96. 202 Blondeel d’Isegem, ‘L’Influence d’Ubertin de Casale’, pp. 19-23. For the texts see PP. collegii s. Bonaventurae, S. Bernardini Senensis ordinis fratrum minorum opera omnia, 2, Quadragesimale de christiana religione sermones XLI-LXVI (Quaracchi and Florence, 1950), pp. 188-293 (sermo 55), and 5, Quadragesimale de evangelio aeterno sermones LIV-LXV (Quaracchi and Florence, 1950), pp. 68-166 (sermo 56). 203 Kurt Ruh, ‘Bernhardin von Siena’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 1 (1978), cols. 789-93, and 11 (2004), col. 244; Boeren, ‘Sint Bernardinus’; on Bernardino’s influence in the Low Countries more generally see now Dirk J. de Vries, ‘Boetepredikers en de IHS-rage op gebouwen’, Bulletin van de Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond 103 (2004), pp. 91-105, here pp. 97-104.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 260260 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 261

insofar as current scholarship permits, and organised in approximately chrono- logical order.

1. Jacobus van Gruitrode OCart (d. 1475), prior 1440-45 and 1447-75 of the Carthusian house of the ‘Douze Apôtres’ in Liège, used the Arbor vitae extensively in at least three (and probably more) of his major works. (i) The Rosarium Jesu et Mariae, comprising a complex of three texts: a long recension, the Hortus aurearum rosarum, completed c. 1430; a short (and much more successful) version, the Rosarium Jesu et Mariae proper, written shortly thereafter; and its Dutch translation, Die roesenghaert Jhesu ende Marie, made before 1445. The Rosarium consists of a number of spiritual exercises, principally a week-based meditative schema derived from the Arbor vitae, augmented with quotations compiled in the form of a rapiarium from existent religious texts.204 Jacobus regarded Ubertino as the finest devotional writer of modern times, the man most brilliantly illuminated by the Spirit, as is evident from the opening to the Rosarium: ‘My beloved is as a bundle of myrrh to me, and will abide between my breasts.’ O most beloved father in Christ, whose name necessity does not press me to write! Since, according to the statement or teaching of the venerable man Ubertino – the distinguished brother and teacher of the order of the Minorites, whom, amongst the teachers of the modern age, divine illumination in my judgement illuminated more greatly, and heavenly devotion inflamed more abundantly – in the second prologue of his book on the tree of the crucified life of Jesus, you can do nothing more pleasing to God – the Father, Son and Holy Spirit – than to expend all your time in the blessed Jesus himself, God and man, and to make from him a bundle of myrrh, which should abide between your breasts always, […].205 (ii) The Coronula laudis Mariae, a bipartite collection of prayers in honour of the limbs of Mary, largely excerpted from earlier texts, including the Arbor

204 See J[an] Deschamps, ‘De lange en de korte redactie van het Rosarium Jesu et Mariae van de kartuizer Jacobus van Gruitrode en de Middelnederlandse vertaling van de korte redactie’, in: Chr. de Backer, A. J. Geurts and A. G. Weiler, Codex in context. Studies over codicologie, kartuizergeschiedenis en laatmiddeleeuws geestesleven aangeboden aan Prof. Dr. A. Gruijs, Nijmeegse codicologische cahiers 4-6 (Nijmegen and Grave, 1985), pp. 105-28; Jan Deschamps, ‘Middel- nederlandse vertalingen en bewerkingen van werken van de kartuizer Jacobus van Gruitrode’, Hulde-album Dr. F. van Vinckenroye (Hasselt, 1985), pp. 67-81, here pp. 73-75; and on the week- based schema Kock, ‘Lektüre und Meditation’, pp. 23-25. 205 ‘Fasciculus mirre dilectus meus michi, inter vbera mea commorabitur.’ Predilecte in Christo pater, cuius nomen scribere necessitas non vrget! Cum secundum viri venerabilis Vbertini – fratris de ordine minorum doctoris eximij, quem inter doctores moderni temporis iudicio mea diuina irradacio [sic] amplius irradiauit, et celestis deuocio habundancius inflammauit – sententiam atque doctrinam in secundo prologo libri sui de arbore crucifixe vite Ihesu, nichil gratus [sic] poteris facere Deo patri et filio et spiritui sancto, quam in ipso benedicto Ihesu Deo et homine expendere totum tempus tuum, et facere de eo vnum mirre fasciculum, qui semper inter ubera tua commeretur […]. – Jacobus van Gruitrode, Rosarium Jesu et Mariae, cited from Deschamps, ‘De lange en de korte redactie’, p. 111 (from Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliothek, Cat. 229, fol. 8r).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 261261 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 262 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

vitae, and completed at some point before 1439. The Coronula enjoyed widespread transmission in Dutch and Low German translation as the Croonken des loefs van onser lieuer sueter vrauwen, a short recension of which was printed five times between 1490 and 1513.206 (iii) The Meditationes de tempore et de sanctis, a collection of prayers for 35 feast days incorporating excerpts from numerous existent texts, and now extant only in Dutch translation.207

2. Dionysius van Rijckel OCart (‘Denis the Carthusian’, d. 1471), knew the Arbor vitae and took exception to certain of Ubertino’s more radical theological positions. He objected in particular to the statement (in book 3, c. 2) that unbap- tised infants are not only damned, but also suffer the pains of hell. This he regarded as an extreme and poorly thought-through position that stood at odds with the long-established majority opinion of the doctors of the church: ‘Ubertino wrote much on these issues in the third book of his life of Christ, in which it was shown that he had been quite mad, and spoke without consideration upon this subject, where all the established authorities before him had uniformly held the opposite position.’208

3. Jan Brugman OFM (d. 1473), convert to the Observance in 1445 and Observant Provincial Vicar of the Cologne province 1462-64, used the Arbor vitae extensively in his works.209 (i) The Devote Oefeninge (or Leven van Jezus), a quadripartite (and very long) life of Christ in Dutch perhaps written 1464-70, uses the Arbor vitae as its main source.210 (ii) His Speculum imperfectionis, an excoriation of laxity in the Franciscan Order probably written in 1451, lists Ubertino’s works amongst those that newly-professed friars neglect, but from the study of which the finest brethren are formed: I said that the young friars neglect (and what a shame it is!) the fount of the living water of holy prayer, devotion, reconciliation and compunction; and further that they are not educated in the writings of the order – such as in the

206 Deschamps, ‘Middelnederlandse vertalingen’, pp. 75-77. 207 Ibidem, pp. 77-79. 208 Hubertinus […] in tertio libro de Vita Christi, plura super his scribit, in quibus multum delirasse probatur, et inconsiderate locutus in materia ista, ubi tot solennes doctores ante eum concorditer determinaverunt contrarium. – Monachi sacri ordinis Cartusiensis ed., Doctoris ecstatici D. Dionysii Cartusiani opera omnia in unum corpus digesta ad fidem editionem Coloniensium […] 22, In IV libros sententiarum (Liber II, Dist. 12-44) (Tournai, 1903); In II. Sent., d. 33, q. 2 (pp. 446-53), at pp. 451-52; cf. Callaey, L’Idéalisme franciscain spirituel, pp. 91-94 and 136. 209 For a concise biography see Benjamin de Troeyer, Bio-bibliographica franciscana neerlandica ante saeculum XVI, 1, pars biographica (Nieuwkoop, 1974), pp. 65-102. 210 F. A. H. van den Hombergh, ‘Brugman, Johannes’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 1 (1978), cols. 1048-52, here col. 1050; Optatus, ‘De invloed van Hubertinus van Casale op het Leven van Jezus door Jan Brugman’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 23 (1949), pp. 315-34 and 426-34.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 262262 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 263

supreme pontiffs’ determinations of the Rule, and those of the learned teachers writing upon the Rule; nor in the papal statutes or those of the Ministers General, the Acts of the Companions, the Mirror of Perfection, the legend of the holy father [i.e., St Francis], or in the sayings of Ubertino – from the study of all of which zealous brethren, the best prelates, and [spiritual] directors of other brethren may arise.211 (iii) Around fifty sermons and other short texts ascribed to Brugman are extant. Their status is unclear, and some are evidently reportationes.212 Of four sermons recently examined and edited by Robrecht Lievens, three show textual dependence on sections of the Arbor vitae and one presents itself as a near- literal translation of book I, c. 11.213 Ubertino is quoted by name on the subject of Christ’s sorrows in Gethsemane in a short text that A. van Dijk edited and associated with Brugman.214 Brugman’s use of Ubertino is generally so extensive that J. M. Willeumier-Schalij uses the absence of evident textual parallels with the Arbor vitae in the Ontboezemingen over het H. Lijden, a text traditionally ascribed to Brugman, as key evidence in her argument against Brugman’s authorship. She regards the text instead as a Dutch adaptation of the Latin Orationes et meditationes de vita Christi by Thomas à Kempis, who is not known to have used Ubertino as a source.215 (iv) Brugman’s Devotus tractatus, a Latin treatise on the contemplation of Christ divided into thirteen articuli and probably written either in 1456-58 or after 1464, is indirectly dependent on Ubertino by way of its extensive textual

211 […] dixerim quod fratres iuvenes derelinquunt (proh dolor) fontem aquae vivae sanctae orationis et devotionis, reconciliationis, et compunctionis, imo nec instruuntur in scriptis ordinis, ut pote in regulae declarationibus summorum pontificum atque doctorum super regulam scribentium[; s]ed neque in statutis generalibus, papalibus etcaet.[, e]t in actibus sociorum, Speculo perfectionis, Legenda Sancti Patris, neque in dictis Ubertino, [e]x quorum omnium studio possent fieri zelatores, optimi praelati, et directores aliorum. – F. A. H. van den Hombergh, Leven en werk van Jan Brugman O. F. M. (± 1400-1473). Met een uitgave van twee van zijn tractaten. Speculum imperfectionis en Devotus tractatus [Teksten en Documenten 6] (Groningen, 1967), pp. 118-38, here c. 5 (121, 9-16); see further Optatus, ‘De oefening van het inwendig gebed’, pp. 136-39, and Callaey, L’Idéalisme franciscain spirituel, pp. 135-36. 212 See van den Hombergh, ‘Brugman, Johannes’, cols. 1048-49; de Troeyer, Bio-bibliographica […] ante saeculum XVI, 1, pp. 79-90; and now Thom Mertens, ‘The Sermons of Johannes Brugman, OFM († 1473): Preservation and Form’, in: Roger Andersson, Constructing the Medieval Sermon [SERMO: Studies on Patristic, Medieval, and Reformation Sermons and Preaching 6] (Turnhout, 2007), pp. 253-74. 213 Robrecht Lievens, ‘Aanwinst voor prediker. Jan Brugman O. F. M. († 1473)’, Leuvense Bijdragen 94 (2005), pp. 41-162, here pp. 45-49 (sermon Media nocte), 77-84 (sermon Apertis thesauris) and 107 (sermon Parvulus natus est nobis). 214 A. van Dijk ed., Jan Brugman. Verspreide sermoenen [Klassieke galerij 41] (Antwerp, 1948), pp. 137-39 (lines 518-49); the text belongs to a collection in Cologne, Historisches Archiv, G. B. 8° 71, 163r-177v, of which Brugman is the author of at least part (see p. xiii). This manuscript independently contains other texts attributed to Ubertino and is included in the conspectus above. 215 J. M. Willeumier-Schalij, ‘Onbekende handschriften van Het leven van Jezus van Thomas a Kempis en nieuwe argumenten voor zijn auteurschap’, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde 92 (1976), pp. 33-60.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 263263 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 264 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

dependence on Jan van Schoonhoven’s De passione Domini. The twelfth articulus, on the contemplation of the Passion, is entirely derived from this source, and concludes with a long disquisition on Christ’s dolores cordiales abbreviated from Schoonhoven’s section on the acerbitas doloris.216

4. Wouter Bor OCart (d. 1500), eventually prior of the famous Carthusian house of Monnikhuizen near Arnhem, sometime residence of Geert Grote. Bor’s Dutch translation of the Legenda sanctae Annae by Jan van Denemarken (fl. late fifteenth century) incorporates an interpolation from the Arbor vitae, Book 1, c. 6, on the biblical prefiguration of Mary. Bor’s translation was first printed in 1490 and enjoyed 47 further editions, the most recent in 1847.217

5. A Latin Psalterium beate Marie virginis, printed in 1491-92 in a sedecimo edition by Peter van Os in Zwolle. This is prefaced by a ‘prologus inductiuus in legenda rosaria’ (at pp. 2-7), which incorporates a discussion on the greater worth in saying a smaller number of prayers devoutly than a larger number of prayers mechanically. The contemplation of the life and Passion of Christ and Mary is presented as a strong stimulant of such devotion. Ubertino is then quoted in support of a more general contention on the particular value of contemplating Christ’s Passion:

Because, indeed, the devout delivery of one rosary is more pleasing to Mary than the hasty and indevout mumbling of a great many psalters, so certain affective focal points of the life and Passion of Jesus and Mary [are presented] in the following gatherings, so that [all God’s] children may deliver their rosaries in remembrance of them – knowing that just as natural fire is kindled by the wood of the trees, so likewise the fire of devotion grows up from [these] sacred points. They should thus internalise these points, so that consequently they may read their rosaries out not with a certain arid and accustomed habit, but with an actual and inflamed devotion. For the remembrance of this kind of focal point of Christ’s Passion is the most pleasing to God and to his virgin mother; because, indeed, that venerable Ubertino gives promise through the most sacred light of faith that nothing more pleasing to the highest Trinity is possible than to be

216 The text edited in Van den Hombergh, Leven en werk van Jan Brugman, pp. 163-299, here a. 12 (pp. 264-69), at pp. 268, 13 – 269, 15; the parallels to Jan van Schoonhoven noted only on the loose, unpaginated leaf of errata en addenda. The topic of Christ’s interior suffering ab instanti conceptionis also occurs in four sermons attributed to Brugman. (1) The sermon Media nocte, ed. Lievens, ‘Aanwinst voor prediker’, pp. 50-67, at p. 55. (2) A text in a Middle Rhenish dialect, her Bruckmans collacie van dem mynnenclichen lyden unsers lieben Heren Jhesus Cristus uff den Frydach, in: van Dijk, Jan Brugman, pp. 150-56; cf. p. xiv. (3) The sermon Dicite filiae Syon, in: P. Grootens ed., Onuitgegeven sermoenen van Jan Brugman O. F. M. [Studiën en tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 8] (Tielt, 1948), no. 2 (pp. 19-35), here lines 369-400 (pp. 33-34). (4) The sermon Weest ontfermhertich als u hemelsche vader ontfermhertich is, ed. Grootens, Onuitgegeven sermoenen, no. 11 (pp. 147-56), here lines 33-59 (pp. 148-49) and 194-228 (pp. 154-56). 217 A. Ampe, ‘Philips van Meron en Jan van Denemarken. 3. Jan van Denemarken’s meest verspreide werk ‘Die Historie van S. Anna’’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 52 (1978), pp. 397-427; 53 (1979), pp. 240-303, and 54 (1980), pp. 113-57, here 52 (1978), pp. 413-22.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 264264 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 265

occupied in the life and Passion of Jesus Christ; who so loves the recollection of all of his works in us, that he left it that we are to speak that memorial sacrament of his body and blood by retaining those works in our memory, ordering that it be done in his remembrance.218 6. The Heimelike Passie ons Heeren Ihesu Christi, actually one of a cluster of interrelated Dutch texts on the Passion, all produced in the later fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.219 The Heimelike Passie is marked both by the intimacy with which Christ’s sufferings are communicated to the reader, and by the exceptional level of graphic cruelty with which the torments of the Passion are depicted. The Arbor vitae represents one of a number of principal, named sources used by the author of what Ampe regarded as the putative original version.220

7. The Leven ons liefs heeren Ihesu Christi, a Dutch life of Christ printed extensively in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries and related to the Heimelike Passie group.221 The Arbor vitae was long considered to be the principal work which the author (or rather, the author of the earliest recension) used alongside a version of the Heimelike Passie to create this new vernacular

218 Adeo quod gratior sit Marie vnius rosarij deuota exol[u]tio, quam plurium psalteriorum eius accelerata et indeuota submurmuratio, ideo in subsequentibus collegi[b]us quaedam affectuosa vite et passionis Iesu et Marie obiecta, vt in eorum commemoratione paruuli exoluant sua rosaria; scientes quod sicut secundum ligna silue exardescit ignis naturalis, ita et secundum pia obiecta succrescit ignis deuotionis. Obiecta ergo ista assumant, vt sic non arida quadam et inolita consuetudine, sed actuali quadam et ignita deuotione rosaria legant. Nam et huiusmodi obiectorum passionis Christi commemoratio gratissima est Deo et virgini matri; adeo quod promittat per sacratissima lumina fidei venerabilis ille Vbertinus, quod nil gratius fieri poterit summe trinitati quam exerceri in vita et passione Iesu Christi; qui etiam tantopere sui in nobis memoriam amat, quod per ea continuanda memorabile illud memoriale sacramentum loquimur corporis et sanguinis eius reliquit, iubens in sui commemoratione fieri illud. – Psalterium virginis matris Marie deuotis meditabilibus exornatum (Peter van Os: Zwolle, between 30 April 1491 – 7 September 1492). Copy consulted: The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 150 F 5. See further Bertilo de Boer, ‘De postincunabel Seven suverlike cranskens’, Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis van de provincie der Minderbroeders in de Nederlanden 22 (1956), pp. 82-110, here pp. 108-09 n. 5; and Gerard van Thienen and John Goldfinch, Incunabula Printed in the Low Countries. A Census [Bibliotheca bibliographica neerlandica 36] (Nieuwkoop, 1999), no. 1843 (p. 339). 219 See Kurt Ruh, ‘De Heimelike Passie ons Heeren Ihesu Christi’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 3 (1981), cols. 642-44. 220 A. Ampe, ‘Losse aantekeningen bij de ‘Heimelike Passie’. 3. Op zoek naar een authentische redactie van de ‘Heimelike Passie’’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 37 (1963), pp. 188-203, here pp. 190 and 195. 221 A. Ampe, ‘Losse aantekeningen bij de ‘Heimelike Passie’. 4. De authentische redactie der ‘Heimelike Passie’ en het ‘Leven van Jezus’’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 37 (1963), pp. 330-43; and Anna Dlabacová, ‘Drukken en publieksgroepen. Productie en receptie van gedrukte Middelnederlandse meditatieve Levens van Jezus (ca. 1479-1540)’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 79 (2008), pp. 321-68, here pp. 347-53, 356-57 and 361-65. For an overview of the early printed lives of Christ in Dutch see Koen Goudriaan, ‘Nederlandstalige meditatieve levens van Jezus op de vroege drukpers. Een terreinverkenning’, Spiegel der Letteren 49 (2007), pp. 143-64; on the Leven ons liefs heeren Ihesu Christi see pp. 146, 151-52 and 157 (no. 16).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 265265 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 266 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

narrative,222 although the significance of the Arbor vitae as a direct source has been challenged by Anna Dlabacová’s recent study.223 Ampe’s conjecture that the author was a mid-fifteenth century Franciscan is based solely on this preference for Ubertino, a conclusion that cannot be maintained in the light of the popularity of the work in the Windesheim congregation and the near-total absence of any evidence for a Franciscan transmission in the Low Countries.224

8. The Seven suverlike cranskens geordineeret op des heilighen Ubertinus oeffeninghe, printed twice in Antwerp in 1509 and 1515, is an anonymous work of Franciscan authorship that uses material from the Arbor vitae, divided according to the seven days of the week, with each day structured internally as a rosary of fifty prayers.225 The attribution of sainthood to Ubertino is of particular note.

This final conspectus provides evidence for the wider spread of interest in the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries from the Devotio Moderna into other communities from the mid-fifteenth century onwards. The Carthusian interest in Ubertino is particularly evident, and it will be recalled that a Latin manuscript of the complete Arbor vitae (now Manchester, John Rylands University Library, Latin MS. 200) survives from the Carthusian house of St Barbara in Cologne. The use of the Arbor vitae as a source for vernacular narratives of Christ’s life and/or Passion is attested both in the printed texts that are noted here, and in the manuscript tradition of the later fifteenth century explored earlier. Jan Brugman, finally, provides the only certain evidence for a Franciscan reception of the Arbor vitae in the late medieval Low Countries prior to 1500, followed by the publication of the Seven Cranskens in 1509. In Brugman, however, we witness the integration of two intellectual traditions: that of the Franciscan Observance and the Devotio Moderna. This is attested not only in his use of Modern Devout works (like Schoonhoven’s De passione Domini) alongside works popular in the Observance (like the Arbor vitae), but also from his personal career. For Brugman cultivated close contacts with the Modern Devout, and between 1451 and 1456 lived with the Brothers of the Common Life in the Heer Florenshuis in Deventer. So close is this association, in fact, that Ruh cautiously describes him as ‘in seiner Spiritualität ein sozusagen uneheliches Kind der Devotio Moderna.’226

222 Ampe, ‘Losse aantekeningen […] 4. De authentische redactie’, p. 340; see further De Bruin, ‘Middeleeuwse Levens van Jesus’, 63 (1983), at pp. 162-65, and Van Aelst, ‘Geordineert na dye getijden’, pp. 146-47. 223 Dlabacová, ‘Drukken en publieksgroepen’, p. 351. 224 Ampe, ‘Losse aantekeningen […] 4. De authentische redactie’, p. 342. 225 Benjamin de Troeyer, Bio-bibliographica franciscana neerlandica saeculi XVI, 2 vols (Nieuw- koop, 1969-70), 1, pp. 15-16, and 2, pp. 69-70; De Boer, ‘De postincunabel Seven suverlike cranskens’. 226 See Ruh, Die niederländische Mystik, pp. 212-18, at p. 218.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 266266 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 267

CONCLUSION

The second recension of Ubertino’s Latin Arbor vitae circulated widely in the Low Countries in the later Middle Ages. It did so primarily amongst the Augustinian canons of the Windesheim congregation; in another of the other institutional manifestations of the Devotio Moderna, the Chapter of Utrecht (the collection of religious houses following the rule of the Franciscan Third Order, but having no actual link to the Franciscans in practice); and amongst the Canons Regular of the Holy Cross (the Crutched Friars), whose spirituality was closely related to that of the Modern Devout. A substantial vernacular transmission in various different manifestations can be identified from around 1450, although a complete translation into Dutch was never made. These vernacular texts focus mainly on the week-based meditative schema that Ubertino describes in the first prologue to the Arbor vitae and (in the second recension) uses to structure the entire fourth book, and on Christ’s interior suffering. The Modern Devout found in the Arbor vitae a work ready-made that accorded precisely with the forms of meditative practise that they had begun to develop in the 1380s, and which served the Persönlichkeitsformung of novices as the movement developed. Amongst the many aspects of its content that may have appealed to them, Ubertino’s conception of the interior suffering of Christ ab instanti conceptionis accorded with the beginning of ideas on this subject that had emerged independently in the works of Ruusbroec and Zerbolt. In Jan van Schoonhoven this doctrine found a powerful expo- nent at the heart of the Windesheim congregation in the first decade of the fifteenth century, before the Franciscan Observance had reached the Low Countries. Fifty years later these two traditions would meet and intertwine in the works of Jan Brugman. Thus far the reception of Ubertino’s Arbor vitae in the Low Countries – indeed, in the entire German and Dutch-speaking world. But I hope in this study not merely to have presented a substantial transmission- and reception- history. For this focus on the interior suffering of Christ is a new and previously unregarded element in the history of late medieval Passion devotion, and one which by its very nature could find no resonance in the artistic representations of the Passion on which so much research in this field has been based. Until Bernardino da Siena it is a peculiarly northern European trend, represented powerfully in the fourteenth-century vernacular German of the Franciscan Marquard von Lindau and in the Netherlands a generation later by Jan van Schoonhoven and the Augustinian canons of the Devotio Moderna. The topic would continue to be popular. It would find its culmination when a vernacular Dutch work by an anonymous Franciscan Observant would be sent to press in 1517 by Matthias Weynsen van Dordrecht, then the leading figure of the Dutch Observance: a work called the Fasciculus mirre (or in Dutch, Dat cleyne bondeken van mirre), a treatise on the contemplation of the Passion that represents a compendium of material from a wide variety of sources on all the different kinds of pain, interior and corporeal, experienced by the suffering

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 267267 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0616:05:06 268 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Christ.227 Marquard’s vocal reaction to the gruesome elaboration of Christ’s corporeal sufferings was evidently not shared by his Dutch contemporaries. But this study is not meant to indicate that the Devotio Moderna was derivative of Ubertino’s theology in this regard in a negative and unoriginal way. John Van Engen’s recent Plädoyer for the Devotio Moderna as a ‘second revolution’ in the religious life of the later Middle Ages makes a powerful case for the originality of the way of life that the Modern Devout encouraged.228 The return to the contemplative life, now made accessible to all, and the turn to the interior represents a major aspect of this ‘second revolution’. What I hope to have illuminated in this study is one aspect, and hopefully a reasonably major aspect, of what this new ‘interiority’ actually meant in the milieu of the Devotio Moderna (and, indeed, for Marquard von Lindau). For the theological reconceptualisation of Christ’s suffering was also a reconceptualisation of the model of the suffering Christ offered for imitation, and thus a reconceptualisation of the model of the ideal imitator. It is hard, in fact, to escape the conclusion that the image of the suffering Christ was being reconceptualised in the image of suffering man. Not everyone was in total agreement. Trithemius, we will recall, led us to note that the Arbor vitae had not escaped the eagle eye of Jean Gerson, Chancellor of the university of Paris. On 1 October 1425 he wrote to his brother Jean, prior of the Celestine convent of Lyon, concerning his recent reading- matter – the Arbor vitae. He describes his growing sense of unease as he thought more carefully about the work: ‘And while I examined [the work] more and more closely, and made a note of the individual points, fox-cubs made themselves apparent which destroyed the vines, especially while the vines were in flower.’229 The problem of the Arbor vitae evidently kept him preoccupied for some time, because he took issue with the Arbor vitae again nearly a year later, when (on 18 September 1426) he sent his treatise De susceptione humanitatis Christi as a letter to Jean Bassand, prior of the Celestine order. The work deals with what is knowable about the mind of the incarnate Christ, and what is true – and not true – in two lists respectively of 24 and twelve veritates. He distinguishes between sorrow and the different types of suffering: something that Ubertino did not do. Christ did not experience sorrow (dolor) as a

227 On the printed editions see De Troeyer, Bio-bibliographia […] saeculi XVI, 1, pp. 31-35 and 125-28, and 2, pp. 75-90; Boeren, ‘Sint Bernardinus’, pp. 101-02; Benjamin de Troeyer, ‘Het Fasciculus myrrhe. De lotgevallen van een devotieboekje uit de 16de eeuw’, Franciscana 14 (1959), pp. 1-18. Copy consulted: Oxford, Bodleian Library, D 10. 29 Linc (Antwerp: Willem Vorsterman, 1 April 1519). Three manuscripts, probably copies from printed versions, also exist: see Deschamps and Mulder, Inventaris van de Middelnederlandse handschriften, 8, pp. 39-40; James H. Marrow, Passion Iconography in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance. A Study of the Transformation of Sacred Metaphor into Descriptive Nar- rative, Ars Neerlandica 1 (Kortrijk, 1979), pp. 221-22; Mattheus Verjans, ‘Eenige belangrijke franciscaansche handschriften’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 8 (1934), pp. 202-18, here pp. 206-08. 228 John Van Engen, ‘New Devotion in the Low Countries’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 77 (2003), pp. 235-63. 229 Et dum magis et magis introrsus aspexi singulaque notavi, manifestaverunt se vulpes parvulae quae demoliuntur vineas, maxime dum vinea floruit. – Jean Gerson, Quia unum est necessarium…, p. 260.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 268268 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 269

direct result of his knowledge of human sin (list 1, veritas 3). He did have the utmost hatred of human sin, which ‘largo et tropico modo’ might be called displicentia cordis, ‘or, by a more stretched substitution of the term, is some- times also called ‘sorrow’ or ‘sadness’ in God’ (list 1, veritas 4).230 He had foreknowledge of the corporeal sufferings of the Passion from the moment of his conception, but not the kind of experiential dolor that he would later have in Gethsemane (list 1, veritas 5). Christ experienced human suffering in his body, principally on the cross, with a degree of acerbitas that God wanted his passible human nature to experience as his divine wisdom saw fit. ‘It is, in fact’, he concludes, ‘rash to maintain that Christ’s sorrow was qualitatively more intense and more bitter than the affliction of the rest of the whole of mankind, and even also of the damned, put together.’ (list 1, veritas 13).231 Anyone who asserts that Christ, from the moment of his conception, experienced the same level of suffering that he bore on the cross, however, is more than wrong (list 1, veritas 14). The last word is left to Gerson: Christ did not, from the moment of his conception until the moment of his death, have all that sorrow of the kind that he endured upon the cross, or earlier during the course of his painful life. And to maintain the opposite, in writing or in preaching, is rash, wrong, and presumptuous.232

BIBLIOGRAPHY. I. PRIMARY LITERATURE

Beeltsens, Arnold, and Johannes Ammonius, Chronique de la Chartreuse de la Chapelle à Hérinnes-lez-Enghien, ed. Edmond Lamalle [Bibliothèque de la Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 8] (Leuven, 1932). Bernard of Clairvaux. Sancti Bernardi opera, 2, Sermones super Cantica canticorum 36-86, ed. J. Leclercq, C. H. Talbot and H. M. Rochais (Rome, 1958). Bernardino da Siena. S. Bernardini Senensis ordinis fratrum minorum opera omnia, 2, Quadragesimale de christiana religione sermones XLI-LXVI, ed. PP. collegii s. Bonaventurae (Quaracchi and Florence, 1950). Bernardino da Siena. S. Bernardini Senensis ordinis fratrum minorum opera omnia, 5, Quadragesimale de evangelio aeterno sermones LIV-LXV, ed. PP. collegii s. Bonaventurae (Quaracchi and Florence, 1950). Bonaventura, De perfectione vitae ad sorores, in: PP. collegii a S. Bonaventura ed., Doctoris seraphici s. Bonaventurae […] opera omnia, 8, Opuscula varia ad theologiam mysticam et res ordinis fratrum minorum spectantia (Quaracchi, 1898), pp. 107-27. Brugman, Jan, Verspreide sermoenen, ed. A. van Dijk [Klassieke galerij 41] (Antwerp, 1948).

230 […] Vel extensiori transsumptione dolor aut tristitia quandoque nominatur etiam in Deo. – Jean Gerson, De susceptione humanitatis Christi, pp. 264-67, at p. 264. 231 Temerarium vero est, asserere quod dolor suus fuit intensior et acerbior qualitative quam afflictio aliorum omnium hominum simul, immo quam et damnatorum. – Ibidem, p. 265. 232 Christus non habuit ab instanti conceptionis omnem illum dolorem usque ad instans mortis suae qualem pertulit in cruce aut prius per decursum poenalis vitae suae. Et oppositum scribendo vel praedicando asserere est temerarium, falsum et praesumptuosam. – Ibidem, p. 267.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 269269 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 270 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Brugman, Jan. Onuitgegeven sermoenen van Jan Brugman O. F. M., ed. P. Grootens [Studiën en tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 8] (Tielt, 1948). Brugman, Jan. Leven en werk van Jan Brugman O. F. M. (± 1400-1473). Met een uitgave van twee van zijn tractaten. Speculum imperfectionis en Devotus tractatus, ed. F. A. H. van den Hombergh [Teksten en Documenten 6] (Groningen, 1967). Dionysius van Rijckel. Doctoris ecstatici D. Dionysii Cartusiani opera omnia in unum corpus digesta ad fidem editionem Coloniensium […] 22, In IV libros sententiarum (Liber II, Dist. 12-44), ed. Monachi sacri ordinis Cartusiensis (Tournai, 1903). Gerson, Jean, Oeuvres complètes, ed. P. Glorieux, 10 vols (Paris etc., 1960-73). (ps.-)Hrabanus Maurus, Opusculum de passione Domini, in: J.-P. Migne ed., Patrologia Latina, 112 (Paris, 1852), cols. 1425-30. Johannes de Caulibus. Iohannis de Cavlibvs meditaciones vite Christi olim S. Bonauenturo attributae, ed. M. Stallings-Taney [Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Medievalis 153] (Turnhout, 1997). Marquard von Lindau, De anima Christi, in: Josef Hartinger ed., Der Traktat De paupertate von Marquard von Lindau (doctoral dissertation, University of Würzburg, 1965), pp. 180-229. Psalterium virginis matris Marie deuotis meditabilibus exornatum (Peter van Os: Zwolle, between 30 April 1491 – 7 September 1492). Radewijns, Florens. Het libellus “Omnes, inquit, artes.” Een rapiarium van Florentius Radewijns. Inleiding, Tekst, Noten en Indices, ed. M. Th. P. van Woerkum, 3 vols (doctoral dissertation, Theologische Faculteit van de Sociëteit van Jezus te Leuven, 1950). Radewijns, Florens. Petit manuel pour le dévot moderne. Tractatulus devotus, ed. and trans. Francis Joseph Legrand, with an introduction by Thom Mertens [Sous la règle de Saint Augustin 6] ([Turnhout], 1999). Rooklooster-register. Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. ser. nov. 12694. Ruusbroec, Jan van, Opera omnia, 3, Die geestelike brulocht, ed. J. Alaerts [Studiën en Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 20/3] (Tielt and Turnhout, 1988). Ruusbroec, Jan van, Opera omnia, 4, Dat rijcke der ghelieven, ed. J. Alaerts [Studiën en Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 20/4] (Tielt and Turnhout, 2002). Ruusbroec, Jan van, Opera omnia, 7, Vanden XII beghinen. Prolegomena, ed. M. M. Kors [Studiën en Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 20/7] (Tielt and Turnhout, 2000). Ruusbroec, Jan van, Opera omnia, 7A, Vanden XII beghinen. Text and Apparatus, ed. M. M. Kors [Studiën en Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 20/7A] (Tielt and Turnhout, 2000). Schoonhoven, Jan van, De passione Domini. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Douce 57, fols. 162r-227v. Trithemius, Johannes, Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Johann Amerbach: Basel, [after 28 August] 1494). Ubertino da Casale. Ubertinus de Casali. Arbor vitae crucifixae Jesu, with an introduction and bibliography by Charles T. Davis [Monumenta politica et philosophica rariora series 1/4] (Turin, 1961). Zerbolt van Zutphen, Gerard, Manuel de la réforme intérieure. Tractatus devotus de reformacione virium anime, ed. and trans. Francis Joseph Legrand, with an introduction by José van Aelst [Sous la règle de Saint Augustin 8] (Turnhout, 2001). Zerbolt van Zutphen, Gerard, La montée du cœur. De spiritualibus ascensionibus, ed. and trans. Francis Joseph Legrand, with an introduction by Nikolaus Staubach [Sous la règle de Saint Augustin 11] (Turnhout, 2006).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 270270 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 271

BIBLIOGRAPHY. II. SECONDARY LITERATURE.

Aelst, José van, ‘Geordineert na dye getijden. Suster Bertkens passieboekje’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 69 (1995), pp. 133-56. Aelst, José van, ‘Bitter as Myrrh. Gerard Zerbolt’s Meditation on the Passion of Christ’, in: Nikolaus Staubach, Kirchenreform von unten. Gerhard Zerbolt von Zutphen und die Brüder vom gemeinsamen Leben [Tradition – Reform – Innovation 6] (Frankfurt a. M. etc., 2004), pp. 306-23. Akkerman, Fokke, ‘The Early Reformation in Groningen. On Two Latin Disputations’, in: idem, A. J. Vanderjagt and A. H. van der Laan, Northern Humanism in European Context, 1469-1625 [Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 94] (Leiden etc., 1999), pp. 1-42. Akkerman, Fokke, ‘Erasmus und die Friesen’, in: Fabio Forner, Carla Maria Monti and Paul Gerhard Schmidt, Margarita amicorum. Studi di cultura europea per Agostino Sottili [Bibliotheca erudita. Studi e documenti di storia e filologia 26, 1] (Milan, 2005), pp. 3-21. Ampe, A., ‘Bibliografisch onderzoek en kritische uitgave van ‘Een soete meditatie hoe die verloren siele vanden sone Gods vonden es’’, De gulden passer 41 (1963), pp. 48-82. Ampe, A., ‘Losse aantekeningen bij de ‘Heimelike Passie’. 3. Op zoek naar een authentische redactie van de ‘Heimelike Passie’’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 37 (1963), pp. 188-203. Ampe, A., ‘Losse aantekeningen bij de ‘Heimelike Passie’. 4. De authentische redactie der ‘Heimelike Passie’ en het ‘Leven van Jezus’’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 37 (1963), pp. 330-43. Ampe, A., ‘Philips van Meron en Jan van Denemarken. 3. Jan van Denemarken’s meest verspreide werk ‘Die Historie van S. Anna’’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 52 (1978), pp. 397-427; 53 (1979), pp. 240-303, and 54 (1980), pp. 113-57. Arnold, Klaus, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516) [Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Bistums und Hochstifts Würzburg 23] (Würzburg, 21991). Baarda, Carleen, and Jos. M. M. Hermans, Brabantse handschriften. Gerrit van Orden (1774-1854) en zijn schenking van handschriften aan het Provinciaal Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen in Noord-Brabant (Tilburg, 1992). Bakker, F. J., ‘Handschriften en boeken in Groningse archiefstukken tot 1597’, Drie- maandelijkse Bladen voor Taal en Volksleven in het Oosten van Nederland 39 (1987), pp. 93-117, and 40 (1988), pp. 1-26. Bibliotheca Neerlandica Manuscripta, http://bnm.leidenuniv.nl. Bloomfield, Morton W. et al., Incipits of Latin Works on the Virtues and Vices, 1100- 1500 A. D., Including a Section of Incipits of Works on the Pater Noster [Mediaeval Academy of America Publication 88] (Cambridge, MA, 1979). Blondeel d’Isegem, Emmerich, ‘L’Influence d’Ubertin de Casale sur les écrits de S. Bernardin de Sienne’, Collectanea Franciscana 5 (1935), pp. 5-44. Blondeel d’Izegem, Emmerich, ‘Encore l’Influence d’Ubertin de Casale sur les écrits de S. Bernardin de Sienne’, Collectanea Franciscana 6 (1936), pp. 57-76. Boer, Bertilo de, ‘De postincunabel Seven suverlike cranskens’, Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis van de provincie der Minderbroeders in de Nederlanden 22 (1956), pp. 82-110. Boeren, P. C., ‘Sint Bernardinus in de Nederlanden (15e eeuw)’, in: Albert Ampe, Dr. L. Reypens – Album. Opstellen aangeboden aan Prof. Dr. L. Reypens s. j.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 271271 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 272 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

ter gelegenheid van zijn tachtigste verjaardag op 26 februari 1964 [Studiën en tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 16] (Antwerp, 1964), pp. 93-104. Bosch, Pieter van den, ‘Die Kreuzherrenreform des 15. Jahrhunderts. Urheber, Zielsetzung und Verlauf’, in: Kaspar Elm, Reformbemühungen und Observanzbestrebungen im spätmittelalterlichen Ordenswesen [Berliner historische Studien 14. Ordens- studien 6] (Berlin, 1989), pp. 71-82. Brandhorst, J. P. J., and K. H. Broekhuijsen-Kruijer, De verluchte handschriften en incunabelen van de Koninklijke Bibliotheek. Een overzicht voorzien van een iconografische index (The Hague, 1985). Bringer, Stefan, ‘Die Kreuzherren (Ordo Sanctae Crucis)’, in: Friedhelm Jürgensmeier and Regina Elisabeth Schwerdtfeger, Orden und Klöster im Zeitalter von Refor- mation und katholischer Reform 1500-1700, 2 [Katholisches Leben und Kirchen- reform im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung 66] (Münster, 2006), pp. 175-92. Brugmans, H., Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum universitatis Groninganae bibliothecae (Groningen, 1898). Burr, David, The Spiritual Franciscans. From Protest to Persecution in the Century After Saint Francis (University Park, PA, 2001). Bruin, C. C. de, ‘Middeleeuwse Levens van Jesus als leidraad voor meditatie en contemplatie’, Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis 58 (1978), pp. 129-55; 60 (1980), pp. 162-81; and 63 (1983), pp. 129-73. Callaey, Frédégand, L’Idéalisme franciscain spirituel au XIVe siècle. Étude sur Ubertin de Casale (Louvain etc., 1911). Callaey, Frédégand, ‘L’Influence et la diffusion de l’Arbor vitae d’Ubertin de Casale’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 17 (1921), pp. 533-46. Catalogus van de fotoalbums van Middelnederlandse handschriften: Medii aevi manuscriptorum spiritualium neerlandicorum reproductio (z. g. Collectie Titus Brandsma). In 1938 bewerkt door Zr. G. Feugen. Fotomechanische herdruk U. B. Nijmegen 1968, met aanvullingen [by A. Gruijs]. Clasen, Sophronius, Legenda antiqua S. Francisci. Untersuchung über die nachbona- venturianischen Franziskusquellen, Legenda trium sociorum, Speculum perfectionis, Actus b. Francisci et sociorum eius und verwandtes Schrifttum [Studia et documenta Franciscana 5] (Leiden, 1967). Cusato, Michael, ‘Two Uses of the Vita Christi Genre in Tuscany, c. 1300: John de Caulibus and Ubertino da Casale compared. A Response to Daniel Lesnick, ten years hence’, Franciscan Studies 57 (1999), pp. 131-48. Degering, Hermann, Kurzes Verzeichnis der germanischen Handschriften der Preuss- ischen Staatsbibliothek, 3, Die Handschriften in Oktavformat und Register zu Bande I-III (Leipzig, 1932). Derolez, Albert, and Benjamin Victor, with Lucien Reynhout, Corpus catalogorum Belgii. The Medieval Booklists of the Southern Low Countries, 2, Provinces of Liège, Luxemburg and Namur (Brussels, 1994). Derolez, Albert, Benjamin Victor and Wouter Bracke, with Jan-Willem Klein, Corpus catalogorum Belgii. The Medieval Booklists of the Southern Low Countries, 4, Provinces of Brabant and Hainault (Brussels, 2001). Deschamps, J[an], ‘De lange en de korte redactie van het Rosarium Jesu et Mariae van de kartuizer Jacobus van Gruitrode en de Middelnederlandse vertaling van de korte redactie’, in: Chr. de Backer, A. J. Geurts and A. G. Weiler, Codex in context. Studies over codicologie, kartuizergeschiedenis en laatmiddeleeuws geestesleven aangeboden aan Prof. Dr. A. Gruijs, Nijmeegse codicologische cahiers 4-6 (Nijmegen and Grave, 1985), pp. 105-28.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 272272 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 273

Deschamps, Jan, ‘Middelnederlandse vertalingen en bewerkingen van werken van de kartuizer Jacobus van Gruitrode’, Hulde-album Dr. F. van Vinckenroye (Hasselt, 1985), pp. 67-81. Deschamps, Jan, and Herman Mulder, Inventaris van de Middelnederlandse handschriften van de Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België (voorlopige uitgave), 8 (Brussels, 2006). Dijk, Rudolf Th. M. van, ‘Die Wochenpläne in einer unbekannten Handschrift von ‘De spiritualibus ascensionibus’ des Gerhard Zerbolt von Zutphen’, in: Johannes Helmrath and Heribert Müller, in co-operation with Helmut Wolff, Studien zum 15. Jahrhundert. Festschrift für Erich Meuthen, 1 (Munich, 1994), pp. 445-55. Dijk, Rudolf Th. M. van, ‘Tijdordening in de devote overweging’, in: P. Bange, Geloof, moraal en intellect in de middeleeuwen. Voordrachten gehouden tijdens het symposium t. g. v. het tien-jarig bestaan van het Nijmeegs Centrum voor Middeleeuwse Studies 10 en 11 december 1993 [Middeleeuwse Studies 10] (Nijmegen, 1995), pp. 139-59. Dijk, Rudolf Th. M. van, Prolegomena ad Gerardi Magni opera omnia [Gerardi Magni opera omnia 1; Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis 192] (Turnhout, 2003). Dlabacová, Anna, ‘Drukken en publieksgroepen. Productie en receptie van gedrukte Middelnederlandse meditatieve Levens van Jezus (ca. 1479-1540)’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 79 (2008), pp. 321-68. Eisermann, Falk, ›Stimulus amoris‹. Inhalt, lateinische Überlieferung, deutsche Über- setzungen, Rezeption [Münchener Texte und Untersuchungen 118] (Tübingen, 2001). Engen, Hildo van, De derde orde van Sint-Franciscus in het middeleeuwse bisdom Utrecht. Een bijdrage tot de institutionele geschiedenis van de Moderne Devotie [Middeleeuwse Studies en Bronnen 95] (Hilversum, 2006). Etzkorn, Girard J., Iter vaticanum franciscanum. A Description of Some One Hundred Manuscripts of the Vaticanus Latinus Collection [Studien und Texte zur Geistes- geschichte des Mittelalters 50] (Leiden etc., 1996). Fanna, Fidelis a, Ratio novae collectionis operum omnium sive editorum sive anecdotorum seraphici eccl. doctoris s. Bonaventurae […] (Turin, 1874). Fischer, Irmgard, Die Handschriften der Niedersächsischen Staats- und Universitäts- bibliothek Göttingen. Neuzugänge 1894-1966 (Wiesbaden, 1968). Gerrits, G. H., Inter timorem et spem. A Study of the Theological Thought of Gerard Zerbolt van Zutphen (1367-1398) [Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 37] (Leiden, 1986). Gottlieb, Theodor ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Österreichs, 1, Niederösterreich (Vienna, 1915). Goudriaan, Koen, ‘Nederlandstalige meditatieve levens van Jezus op de vroege drukpers. Een terreinverkenning’, Spiegel der Letteren 49 (2007), pp. 143-64. Grandjean, M., and M. Fiess, Bibliothèque de l’Université de Liège. Catalogue des manuscrits (Liège, 1875). Gruijs, Albert, Jean de Schoonhoven (1356-1432). Son interprétation de I Jean 2, 15 “N’aimez pas ce monde, ni ce qui est dans le monde.” De contemptu huius mundi. Text et études, 4 vols (Nijmegen, 1967). Gumbert, J. P., The Dutch and Their Books in the Manuscript Age. The Panizzi Lectures 1989 (London, 1990). Guyot, B.-G., ‘L’“Arbor vitae crucifixae Iesu” d’Ubertin de Casale et ses emprunts au “De articulis fidei” de S. Thomas d’Aquin’, in: Romano Stephen Almagno and

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 273273 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 274 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Conrad L. Harkins, Studies Honoring Ignatius Charles Brady, Friar Minor [Franciscan Institute Publications. Theology Series 6] (St Bonaventure, NY, 1976), pp. 293-307. Handschriften en oude drukken van de Utrechtse Universiteitsbibliotheek. Samengesteld bij het 400-jarig bestaan van de bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, 1584-1984 (Utrecht, 21984). Hendrickx, F. ed., De Kartuizers en hun klooster te Zelem. Tentoonstelling ter gelegenheid van het negende eeuwfeest van de Orde 1084-1984, Diest – Stedelijke Museum, 30 juni – 30 september 1984 [Diestsche Cronycke 7] (Diest, 1984). Hermans, Jos. M. M., Boeken in Groningen voor 1600. Studies rond de librije van de Sint-Maarten (Groningen, 1987). Hermans, Jos. M. M., Middeleeuwse handschriften uit Groningse kloosters (Groningen, 1988). Hermans, Jos. M. M., Klaas van der Hoek and Lydia S. Wierda, Gebeden- en getijden- boeken en andere devote handschriften in de Provinciale Bibliotheek van Fries- land. Tentoonstelling 24 april – 31 juli 1987 Provinciale Bibliotheek van Fries- land (Leeuwarden, 1987). Hoffmann, Werner J., ‘Die volkssprachliche Rezeption des ›Horologium sapientiae‹ in der Devotio moderna’, in: Rüdiger Blumrich and Philipp Kaiser, Heinrich Seuses Philosophia spiritualis. Quellen, Konzept, Formen und Rezeption. Tagung Eichstätt 2.-4. Oktober 1991 [Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter 17] (Wiesbaden, 1994), pp. 202-54. Hoek, Klaas van der, Toine Sterk and Ed. van der Vlist, Inventaris van de handschriften van de Koninklijke Bibliotheek, part 2, Kastnummers 71-72 (The Hague, 1993). Hombergh, F. A. H. van den, ‘Brugman, Johannes’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 1 (1978), cols. 1048-52. Horst, Koert van der, Illuminated and Decorated Medieval Manuscripts in the Uni- versity Library, Utrecht. An Illustrated Catalogue (Maarssen and The Hague, 1989). Huisman, Gerda C., Catalogus van de middeleeuwse handschriften in de Universiteits- bibliotheek Nijmegen [Miscellanea neerlandica 14] (Leuven, 1997). Incunabula Short-Title Catalogue, http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/istc/. Irsigler, Franz, ‘Peter Rinck († 8. Februar 1501)’, in: Bernhard Poll, Rheinische Lebensbilder, 6 (Cologne, 1975), pp. 55-69. Israel, Jonathan, The Dutch Republic. Its Rise, Greatness and Fall, 1477-1806 (Oxford, 1995). Kemper, Tobias A., Die Kreuzigung Christi. Motivgeschichtliche Studien zu lateinischen und deutschen Passionstraktaten des Spätmittelalters [Münchener Texte und Untersuchungen 131] (Tübingen, 2006). Klausmann, Theo, Consuetudo consuetudine vincitur. Die Hausordnungen der Brüder vom gemeinsamen Leben im Bildungs- und Sozialisationsprogramm der Devotio moderna [Tradition – Reform – Innovation. Studien zur Modernität des Mittelalters 4] (Frankfurt a. M. etc., 2003). Knaus, Hermann, ‘Zum Kölner gotischen Bucheinband: Die Meister des Johann Rinck und des Peter Rinck’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 11 (1970-71), cols. 593-608. Kock, Thomas, Die Buchkultur der Devotio moderna. Handschriftenproduktion, Literatur- versorgung und Bibliotheksaufbau im Zeitalter des Medienwechsels [Tradition – Reform – Innovation. Studien zur Modernität des Mittelalters 2] (Frankfurt am Main etc., 22002). Kock, Thomas, ‘Lektüre und Meditation der Laienbrüder in der Devotio moderna’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 76 (2002), pp. 15-63.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 274274 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 275

Kock, Thomas, ‘›Per totum Almanicum orbem‹. Reformbeziehungen und Ausbreitung der niederländischen ›Devotio moderna‹’, in: Marek Derwich and Martial Staub, Die ›Neue Frömmigkeit‹ in Europa im Spätmittelalter [Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 205] (Göttingen, 2004), pp. 31-56. Koldeweij, A. M., In Buscoducis 1450-1629. Kunst uit de Bourgondische tijd te ’s-Hertogenbosch. De cultuur van late Middeleeuwen en Renaissance (Maarssen and The Hague, 1990). Knuuttila, Simo, Emotions in Ancient and Medieval Philosophy (Oxford, 2004). Kok, J. A. de, Acht eeuwen Minderbroeders in Nederland. Een oriëntatie (Hilversum, 2007). Kottje, Raymund, ‘Hrabanus Maurus’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 4 (1983), cols. 166-96. Kottje, Raymund, ‘Raban Maur’, Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, 13 (Paris, 1987), cols. 1-10. Krämer, Sigrid, ‘Die mittelalterliche Bibliothek der Kartause St. Barbara in Köln’, Börsenblatt für den Deutschen Buchhandel. Frankfurter Ausgabe 71 (4 September 1979), pp. B 158-68. Kruitwagen, Bonaventura, ‘Descriptio nonnullorum codicum mss. quibus insunt libelli “Speculum perfectionis„ et “Actus B. Francisci„’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 1 (1908), pp. 301-412. Leloux, H. J., ‘Laatmiddeleeuwse getijden- en gebedenboeken in het Middelnederlands uit het bezit van het Huis Bergh’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 54 (1980), pp. 182-232. Lentes, Thomas, Gebetbuch und Gebärde. Religiöses Ausdrucksverhalten in Gebet- büchern aus dem Dominikanerinnen-Kloster St. Nikolaus in undis zu Straßburg (1350-1550) (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Münster, 1996). Lesser, Bertram, Johannes Busch: Chronist der Devotio moderna. Werkstruktur, Über- lieferung, Rezeption [Tradition – Reform – Innovation 10] (Frankfurt a. M. etc., 2005). Lieftinck, G. I., Codicum in finibus Belgarum ante annum 1550 conscriptorum qui in bibliotheca universitatis asservantur, 1, Codices 168-360 societatis cui nomen Maatschappij der Nederlandsche Letterkunde [Bibliotheca universitatis Leidensis. Codices manuscripti 5] (Leuven, 1948). Lievens, Robrecht, ‘Alijt Bake van Utrecht’, Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis NS 42 (1957-58), pp. 127-51. Lievens, Robrecht, Jordanus van Quedlinburg in de Nederlanden. Een onderzoek van de handschriften [Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde. Reeks 6/82] (Gent, 1958). Lievens, Robrecht, ‘Aanwinst voor prediker. Jan Brugman O. F. M. († 1473)’, Leuvense Bijdragen 94 (2005), pp. 41-162. Lippens, Hugolinus, ‘Descriptio codicum franciscanorum bibliothecae maioris seminarii Leodiensis’, Archivum franciscanum historicum 7 (1914), pp. 122-31, 341-46, 527-32, and 739-48. Lourdaux, Willem, and Marcel Haverals, Bibliotheca Vallis Sancti Martini in Lovanio. Bijdrage tot de studie van het geestesleven in de Nederlanden (15de-18de eeuw) [Symbolae series A/8], 2 vols. (Leuven, 1978-82). Madigan, Kevin, The Passions of Christ in High-Medieval Thought. An Essay on Christological Development (Oxford, 2007). Marks, Richard Bruce, The Medieval Manuscript Library of the Charterhouse of St Barbara in Cologne, 2 vols [Analecta Cartusiana 21-22] (Salzburg, 1974). Marrow, James H., Passion Iconography in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance. A Study of the Transformation of Sacred Metaphor into Descriptive Narrative, Ars Neerlandica 1 (Kortrijk, 1979).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 275275 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 276 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Martínez Ruiz, Carlos Mateo, ‘Ubertino de Casale, autor de dos versiones del Arbor vitae’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 89 (1996), pp. 447-68. Martínez Ruiz, Carlos, ‘Il processo redazionale dell’Arbor uite crucifixe Iesu di Ubertino da Casale’, in: Alvaro Cacciotti and Barbara Faes de Mottoni, Editori di Quaracchi. 100 Anni dopo. Bilancio e prospettive. Atti del colloquio internazionale, Roma 29-30 Maggio 1995, Scuola superiore di studi medievali e francescani Pontificio Ateneo Antonianum [Medioevo 3] (Rome, 1997), pp. 275-78. Martínez Ruiz, Carlos Mateo, De la dramatizacion de los acontecimientos de la pascua a la cristologia. El cuarto libro del Arbor vitae crucifixae Iesu de Ubertino de Casale [Studia Antoniana 41] (Rome, 2000). Masai, François and Martin Wittek, Manuscrits datés conservés en Belgique, 4, 1461- 1480. Manuscrits conservés à la Bibliothèque Royale Albert Ier Bruxelles (Brus- sels and Gent, 1982). Meertens, Maria, De godsvrucht in de Nederlanden naar handschriften van gebedenboeken der XVe eeuw, 1, God H. Drieëenheid. De mysterien van Christus’ leven en lijden ([no place], 1930). Meertens, Maria, De godsvrucht in de Nederlanden naar handschriften van gebedenboeken der XVe eeuw, 6, Beschrijvende catalogus der handschriften ([no place], 1934). Mendes da Costa, M. B., Bibliotheek der Universiteit van Amsterdam. Catalogus der handschriften, 2, De handschriften der Stedelijke Bibliotheek met de latere aanwinsten (Amsterdam, 1902). Menne, Karl, Deutsche und niederländische Handschriften [Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Köln. Sonderreihe: Die Handschriften des Archivs 10/ 1] 2 vols (Cologne, 1931-37). Mertens, Thom, ‘The Sermons of Johannes Brugman, OFM († 1473): Preservation and Form’, in: Roger Andersson, Constructing the Medieval Sermon [SERMO: Studies on Patristic, Medieval, and Reformation Sermons and Preaching 6] (Turnhout, 2007), pp. 253-74. Mikkers, Edmundus, ‘Een 15e-eeuwse vertaling van St. Bernardus’ preken de diversis en van pseudo-Bernardijnse werken’, Cîteaux in de Nederlanden 7 (1956), pp. 45-49. Mittler, Mauritius, with a contribution by Joachim Vennebusch, Studien zur Geschichte der Siegburger Abteibibliothek [Siegburger Studien 8] (Siegburg, 1976). Moschall, Joachim, Marien voerspan of sapeel. Eine mittelniederländische Bearbeitung der „Goldenen Schmiede” des Konrad von Würzburg [Erlanger Studien 40] (Erlangen, 1983). Mossman, Stephen, Marquard von Lindau and the Challenges of Religious Life in Late Medieval Germany. The Passion, the Eucharist, the Virgin Mary (in press). Muhs, Rudolf, ‘Libri Sancti Maynulfi. Die Bibliothek der Chorherren von Böddeken und die Säkularisation’, Westfälische Zeitschrift 137 (1987), pp. 245-72. Musica devota. Musik in Handschriften und Drucken aus dem Umkreis der Devotio moderna, www.musicadevota.com. Nieuwenhove, Rik van, Jan van Ruusbroec, Mystical Theologian of the Trinity (Notre Dame, IL, 2003). Nimmo, Duncan, Reform and Division in the Medieval Franciscan Order. From Saint Francis to the Foundation of the Capuchins [Bibliotheca Seraphico-Capuccina 33] (Rome, 1987). Obbema, P. F. J., ‘Naar een corpus van middeleeuwse bibliotheekcatalogi uit de Noordelijke Nederlanden’, in: Jos. M. M. Hermans and Klaas van der Hoek,

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 276276 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 277

Boeken in de late Middeleeuwen. Verslag van de Groningse Codicologendagen 1992 [Boekhistorische reeks 1] (Groningen, 1994), pp. 325-36. Obbema, Pieter, De middeleeuwen in handen. Over de boekcultuur in de late middeleeuwen (Hilversum, 1996). Oeser, Wolfgang, ‘Die Handschriftenbestände und die Schreibtätigkeit im Augustiner- Chorherrenstift Böddeken’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 7 (1967), cols. 317-448. Optatus, ‘De invloed van Hubertinus van Casale op het geestelijk leven in de Neder- landen’, Franciscaans leven 30 (1947), pp. 112-14. Optatus, ‘De oefening van het inwendig gebed in de minderbroedersorde gedurende de vijftiende en de zestiende eeuw’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 21 (1947), pp. 113-60. Optatus, ‘De invloed van Hubertinus van Casale op het Leven van Jezus door Jan Brugman’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 23 (1949), pp. 315-34 and 426-34. Optatus, In de schaduw van het kruis. Een synthese van de christelijke volmaaktheid volgens de leer van Hubertinus van Casale [Gekruiste handen 5] (Mechelen, 1952). Pacetti, Dionisio, ‘Gli scritti di San Bernardino da Siena’, in: S. Bernardino da Siena. Saggi e ricerche pubblicati nel quinto centenario della morte (1444-1944) [Pubblicazioni dell’Università Cattolica del S. Cuore NS 6] (Milan, 1945), pp. 25-138. Powitz, Gerhardt, Die Handschriften der Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main, 1, Die Handschriften des Dominikanerklosters und des Leonhardstifts in Frankfurt am Main [Kataloge der Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main 2] (Frankfurt, 1968). PP. collegii a s. Bonaventura, ‘Dissertationes de scriptis et vita s. Bonaventurae’ in: idem, Doctoris seraphici s. Bonaventurae […] opera omnia, 10, Operum omnium complementum (Quaracchi, 1902), pp. 1-73. Roest, Bert, ‘Franciscans between Observance and Reformation: The Low Countries (ca. 1400-1600)’, Franciscan Studies 63 (2005), pp. 409-42. Ruf, Paul ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, 3, part 3, Bistum Bamberg (Munich, 1939). Ruh, Kurt, and Burghart Wachinger et al. ed., Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon, 14 vols (Berlin and New York, 21977-2008) [cited as 2Verfasser- lexikon]. Ruh, Kurt, ‘Bernhardin von Siena’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 1 (1978), cols. 789-93, and 11 (2004), col. 244. Ruh, Kurt, ‘De Heimelike Passie ons Heeren Ihesu Christi’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 3 (1981), cols. 642-44. Ruh, Kurt, ‘Hubertinus von Casale’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 4 (1983), cols. 211-19, and 11 (2004), col. 694. Ruh, Kurt, ‘‘Die Blume der Schauung’. Zur Überlieferung und Textgeschichte eines mystischen Traktats’, in: H. L. Cox, V. F. Vanacker and E. Verhofstadt, Wortes anst ⋅ verbi gratia. donum natalicium Gilbert A. R. De Smet (Leuven and Amers- foort, 1986), pp. 401-09. Ruh, Kurt ed., Die Blume der Schauung [Kleine deutsche Prosadenkmäler des Mittelalters 16] (Munich, 1991). Ruh, Kurt, Geschichte der abendländischen Mystik, 2, Frauenmystik und Franziskanische Mystik der Frühzeit (Munich, 1993). Ruh, Kurt, Geschichte der abendländischen Mystik, 4, Die niederländische Mystik des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1999). Scaramuzzi, Diomede, ‘L’influsso di Ubertino da Casale su S. Bernardino da Siena’, Bullettino di Studi Bernardiniani 1 (1935), pp. 94-104.

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 277277 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 278 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Scarpatetti, Beat Matthias von, Katalog der datierten Handschriften in der Schweiz in lateinischer Schrift vom Anfang des Mittelalters bis 1550. Die Handschriften der Bibliotheken von Aarau, Appenzell und Basel, 1, Text (Dietikon and Zürich, 1977). Schaap, Mirjam, ‘Een gevecht met twee zwaarden? Machtsvertoon en geweldpleging bij de hervorming van franciscaanse kloosters rond het midden van de vijftiende eeuw’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 118 (2005), pp. 448-63. Schaap, Mirjam, ‘Over ‘qwaclappers’ en ander schadelijk volk. De laatmiddeleeuwse hervorming van Noord-Nederlandse minderbroederkloosters bezien vanuit de interne machtsstrijd binnen de orde’, in: Hildo van Engen and Gerrit Verhoeven, Monastiek observantisme en Moderne Devotie in de Noordelijke Nederlanden (Hilversum, 2008), pp. 17-41. Schawe, Martin, ‘Fasciculus myrrhae – Pietà und Hoheslied’, Jahrbuch des Zentral- instituts für Kunstgeschichte 5-6 (1989-90), pp. 161-212. Schmidtke, Dietrich, ‘Myrrhenbüschel-(Fasciculus-myrrhae-)Texte’, 2Verfasserlexikon, 6 (1987), cols. 832-39 and 11 (2004), col. 1044. Schuppisser, Fritz Oskar, ‘Schauen mit den Augen des Herzens. Zur Methodik der spätmittelalterlichen Passionsmeditation, besonders in der Devotio Moderna und bei den Augustinern’, in: Walter Haug and Burghart Wachinger, Die Passion Christi in Literatur und Kunst des Spätmittelalters [Fortuna vitrea 12] (Tübingen, 1993), pp. 169-210. Smet, Marjan de, and Paul Trio, ‘The Involvement of the Late Medieval Urban Authorities in the Low Countries with Regard to the Introduction of the Franciscan Observance’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 101 (2006), pp. 37-88. Spaapen, B., ‘Middeleeuwse passiemystiek. I. Der mynnender sielen boegaert’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 35 (1961), pp. 167-85 and 252-99. Spaapen, B., ‘Middeleeuwse passiemystiek. V. De kloosteronderrichtingen van Alijt Bake’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 43 (1969), pp. 270-304. Staender, Joseph, Chirographorum in Regia Bibliotheca Paulina Monasteriensi Cata- logus (Wroc¥aw, 1889). Stahl, Irene, Handschriften in Nordwestdeutschland. Aurich – Emden – Oldenburg [Mittel- alterliche Handschriften in Niedersachsen. Kurzkatalog 3] (Wiesbaden, 1993). Staub, Kurt Hans, and Thomas Sänger, Deutsche und niederländische Handschriften. Mit Ausnahme der Gebetbuchhandschriften [Die Handschriften der Hessischen Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek Darmstadt 6] (Wiesbaden, 1991). Stegmüller, Fridericus, Repertorium biblicum medii aevi, 5, Auctores R – Z (Madrid, 1955). Stiennon, Jacques, ‘Introduction à l’étude des scriptoria des Crosiers de Liège et de Huy au XVe siècle’, in: Les Manuscrits des Crosiers de Huy, Liège et Cuyk au XVe siècle [Bibliotheca universitatis Leodiensis 5] (Liège, 1951). Stooker, Karl, and Theo Verbeij, Collecties op orde. Middelnederlandse handschriften uit kloosters en semi-religieuze gemeenschappen in de Nederlanden, 2, Repertorium (Leuven, 1997). Thienen, Gerard van, and John Goldfinch, Incunabula Printed in the Low Countries. A Census [Bibliotheca bibliographica neerlandica 36] (Nieuwkoop, 1999). Thomson, R. M., Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Lincoln Cathedral Chapter Library (Cambridge, 1989). Tiele, P. A., Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum bibliothecae universitatis Rheno- Trajectinae (Utrecht and The Hague, 1887). Troeyer, Benjamin de, ‘Het Fasciculus myrrhe. De lotgevallen van een devotieboekje uit de 16de eeuw’, Franciscana 14 (1959), pp. 1-18. Troeyer, Benjamin de, Bio-bibliographica franciscana neerlandica saeculi XVI, 2 vols (Nieuwkoop, 1969-70).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 278278 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 UBERTINO DA CASALE AND THE DEVOTIO MODERNA 279

Troeyer, Benjamin de, Bio-bibliographica franciscana neerlandica ante saeculum XVI, 1, pars biographica (Nieuwkoop, 1974), pp. 65-102. Tyson, Moses, ‘Hand-List of Additions to the Collection of Latin Manuscripts in the John Rylands Library, 1908-1928’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester 12 (1928), pp. 581-604. Ubbink, Rijkert Alex, De receptie van Meister Eckhart in de Nederlanden gedurende de middeleeuwen (Amsterdam, 1978). Van den Gheyn, J., Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliothèque royale de Belgique, 3, Théologie (Brussels, 1903). Van Engen, John, ‘New Devotion in the Low Countries’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 77 (2003), pp. 235-63. Van Engen, John, Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life. The Devotio Moderna and the World of the Later Middle Ages (Philadelphia, PA, 2008). Ven, Jeroen M. M. van de, Over Brabant geschreven. Handschriften en archivalische bronnen in de Tilburgse Universiteitsbibliotheek [Miscellanea neerlandica 8-9], 2 vols (Leuven, 1994). Vennebusch, Joachim, Die theologischen Handschriften des Stadtarchivs Köln, 2, Die Quart-Handschriften der Gymnasialbibliothek [Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Köln, Sonderreihe: Die Handschriften des Archivs 2/2] (Cologne and Vienna, 1980). Venner, J. G. C., and C. A. Chavannes-Mazel, ‘Delftse handschriften en boekverluchting’, in: De stad Delft. Cultuur en maatschappij tot 1572. Stedelijk museum Het Prinsenhof, Delft (Delft, 21981). Verjans, Mattheus, ‘Eenige belangrijke franciscaansche handschriften’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 8 (1934), pp. 202-18. Verschueren, Lucidius ed., Hendrik Herp O. F. M. Spieghel der Volcomenheit, 1, Inleiding [Tekstuitgaven van Ons Geestelijk Erf 1] (Antwerp, 1931). Vries, Dirk J. de, ‘Boetepredikers en de IHS-rage op gebouwen’, Bulletin van de Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond 103 (2004), pp. 91-105. Vreese, Willem de, De handschriften van Jan van Ruusbroec’s werken, 2 vols (Gent, 1900-02). Warnar, Geert, Ruusbroec. Literature and Mysticism in the Fourteenth Century, trans. Diane Webb [Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 150] (Leiden and Boston, 2007). Webber, Philip E., ‘Medieval Netherlandic Manuscripts in Greater Philadelphia Libraries’, Archives et bibliothèques de Belgique/ Archief- en bibliotheekwezen in België 47 (1976), pp. 459-513. Werhahn, Heinz Martin, ‘Die Bücher des Dr. Peter Rinck’ in: Hermann Corsten and Gerhart Lohse, Kölner Schule. Festgabe zum 60. Geburtstag von Rudolf Juchhoff [Arbeiten aus dem Bibliothekar-Lehrinstitut des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen 7] (Cologne, 1955), pp. 179-88. Wierda, Lydia S., Catalogus van de handschriften, incunabelen en postincunabelen uit het bezit van de orde der minderbroeders-kapucijnen in Nederland, nu aanwezig in de Bibliotheek van de Theologische Faculteit Tilburg [Miscellanea Neerlandica 36] (Leuven, 2006). Willeumier-Schalij, J. M., ‘Onbekende handschriften van Het leven van Jezus van Thomas a Kempis en nieuwe argumenten voor zijn auteurschap’, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde 92 (1976), pp. 33-60. Willeumier-Schalij, J. M., ‘De LXV artikelen van de passie van Jordanus van Quedlinburg in Middelnederlandse handschriften’, Ons Geestelijk Erf 53 (1979), pp. 15-35. Winter, Ursula, Die europäischen Handschriften der Bibliothek Diez, part 3, Die Manuscripta Dieziana C [Die Handschriften-Verzeichnisse der Deutschen Staats- bibliothek zu Berlin, N. F. 1] (Wiesbaden, 1994).

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 279279 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07 280 STEPHEN MOSSMAN

Wittek, Martin, and Thérèse Glorieux-de Gand, Manuscrits datés conservés en Belgique, 5, 1481-1540. Manuscrits conservés à la bibliothèque royale Albert 1er, Bruxelles (Brussels, 1987). Wüstenhoff, D. J. M., ‘„Florentii parvum et simplex exercitium”, naar een Berlijnsch handschrift medegedeeld’, Archief voor Nederlandsche Kerkgeschiedenis 5 (1895), pp. 89-105. Zuidema, Willem, Wilhelmus Frederici, persona van Sint-Maarten te Groningen, (1489-1525) en de Groninger staatkunde van zijn tijd (Groningen, 1888).

SUMMARY

The Arbor vitae crucifixae of the Franciscan Spiritual Ubertino da Casale († c. 1330), a compendious life of Christ in five books, enjoyed a very substantial transmission in the late medieval Low Countries, but – significantly – not elsewhere in northern Europe. The first part of this study presents a conspectus and analysis of the manuscript transmission of the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries and, for purposes of comparison, in the German-speaking regions, both in Latin and in Dutch (and Low German) translation. This expands the known transmission of the work by a factor of about two. The Latin text is shown to have circulated almost exclusively amongst the Canons Regular of the Windesheim Congregation, and surprisingly to have been scarcely known in the Franciscan order. There was no complete translation into any vernacular language, but in Dutch translation it was transmitted in excerpt to constitute four main types of new textual forms: prayers, shorter texts concerning Mary, spiritual exercises, and texts on the interior suffering of Christ. It also served as an important source for the composition of Dutch-language lives of Christ. The second part of the study examines the reasons for the particular interest in the Arbor vitae in the milieu of the Devotio Moderna. The spiritual exercises set out in the prologues to the work, and which are then used to structure the fourth book (on Christ’s Passion), are shown to be precisely congruent with the specific forms of methodical meditation developed in the early years of the movement. Ubertino’s understanding of the suffering of Christ as a primarily interior, life-long phenomenon, to which much attention is given in the fourth book and to which the reader is specifically directed in the work’s prologues, is shown to accord with a novel approach to Christ’s sufferings in the works of Gerard Zerbolt van Zutphen, one of the most important writers of the first generation of Modern Devout. It is then proven that the Arbor vitae was the imme- diate source both in this respect and in terms of mystical theology for the De passione Domini of Jan van Schoonhoven (written 1404-07), the figure responsible for introducing the spirituality of Groenendaal into the Devotio Moderna. The third part of the study provides a conspectus of all works from the Low Countries of the period c. 1410 – c. 1520 known to draw upon the Arbor vitae. This demonstrates a somewhat wider knowledge of the work in the later period, notably in Carthusian circles. A final contrast is offered to the warm reception of the Arbor vitae in the Low Countries, in the form of Jean Gerson’s criticism of precisely those aspects of the work which attracted the most positive attention amongst the Modern Devout.

Adress of the author: School of Arts, Histories and Cultures, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, United Kingdom

992875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd2875_OGE_3_04_Mossman.indd 280280 114-01-20104-01-2010 16:05:0716:05:07