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Race, Gender and Class in the Autobiography of Huey P. Newton 1
Race, gender and class in the autobiography of Huey P. 1 Newton Chloé Avril, University of Gothenburg “We’ll just have to get guns and be men”, such was the powerful rallying cry uttered by Black Panther member (and later leader) Elaine Brown in her 1969 song “The End of Silence”. I take Brown’s words as the point of departure for my article, since they seem to encapsulate much of what is at stake in relation to gender and the Black Power movement. Brown’s call to arms in “The End of Silence” immediately poses the question of the significance as well as the function of masculinity in the movement. It also highlights the link between masculinity and armed resistance. However, the use of the verb “to be” signals that “men” are the product of an action—getting guns—rather than a pre-existing subject performing the action, thus putting into question the automatic correlation between masculinity and the male body, a feeling reinforced by the words being uttered by the female voice of Elaine Brown. The contradictions and problematic aspects of the Black Power movement’s invocation of black masculinity, as well as the intersections of race, gender and class, will be at the core of this discussion. In order to explore these issues, I will focus on the autobiography of Black Panther leader Huey Newton, Revolutionary Suicide , where I will examine the tensions in this activist narrative’s construction of a racialized, classed and gendered self. Historical background As far as mainstream U.S. history goes, the Black Power movement has characteristically been understood as a distinct historical phenomenon following on, and breaking from the more widely accepted Civil Rights movement. -
And at Once My Chains Were Loosed: How the Black Panther Party Freed Me from My Colonized Mind Linda Garrett University of San Francisco, [email protected]
The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Doctoral Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects 2018 And At Once My Chains Were Loosed: How the Black Panther Party Freed Me from My Colonized Mind Linda Garrett University of San Francisco, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/diss Part of the Education Commons Recommended Citation Garrett, Linda, "And At Once My Chains Were Loosed: How the Black Panther Party Freed Me from My Colonized Mind" (2018). Doctoral Dissertations. 450. https://repository.usfca.edu/diss/450 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. University of San Francisco And At Once My Chains Were Loosed: How the Black Panther Party Freed Me from My Colonized Mind A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the School of Education International and Multicultural Education Department In Partial Fulfillment For the Requirements for Degree of the Doctor of Education by Linda Garrett, MA San Francisco May 2018 THE UNIVERSITY OF SAN FRANCISCO DISSERTATION ABSTRACT AND AT ONCE MY CHAINS WERE LOOSED: HOW THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY FREED ME FROM MY COLONIZED MIND The Black Panther Party was an iconic civil rights organization that started in Oakland, California, in 1966. Founded by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale, the Party was a political organization that sought to serve the community and educate marginalized groups about their power and potential. -
Do Guns Preclude Credibility?: Considering the Black Panthers As a Legitimate Civil Rights Organisation
Do Guns Preclude Credibility 7 Do Guns Preclude Credibility?: Considering the Black Panthers as a legitimate Civil Rights organisation Rebecca Abbott Second Year Undergraduate, Monash University Discontent over social, political and racial issues swelled in the United States during the mid- sixties. Even victories for the Civil Rights movement could not stem the dissatisfaction, as evidenced by the Watts riots that broke out in Los Angeles during August 1965, only two weeks after the Voting Rights Act was signed.1 Rioting had become more frequent, thus suggesting that issues existed which the non-violent Civil Rights groups could not fix. In 1966, the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders reported that forty-three race riots had occurred across the country, nearly tripling the fifteen previously reported for 1964.2 The loss of faith in mainstream civil rights groups was reflected in a 1970 poll of black communities conducted by ABC-TV in which the Black Panther Party for Self Defense (BPP) was the only black organisation that ‘respondents thought would increase its effectiveness in the future.’3 This was in contrast to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, which the majority thought would lose influence.4 Equality at law had been achieved, but that meant little in city ghettoes where the issues of poverty and racism continued to fester.5 It was from within this frustrated atmosphere that in October 1966, 1 See Robert Charles Smith, We Have No Leaders: African Americans in the Post-Civil Rights Era, (New York: State University of New York Press, 1996), 17. -
A Study of the Relationship Between the Black Panther Party and Maoism
Constructing the Past Volume 10 Issue 1 Article 7 August 2009 “Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism Chao Ren Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing Recommended Citation Ren, Chao (2009) "“Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism," Constructing the Past: Vol. 10 : Iss. 1 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol10/iss1/7 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by editorial board of the Undergraduate Economic Review and the Economics Department at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. “Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism This article is available in Constructing the Past: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol10/iss1/7 28 Chao Ren “Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism Chao Ren “…the most essential thing in Marxism, the living soul of Marxism, is the concrete analysis of concrete conditions.” — Mao Zedong, On Contradiction, April 1937 Late September, 1971. -
The Black Panther Party and Maoism Chao Ren Illinois Wesleyan University
Constructing the Past Volume 10 | Issue 1 Article 7 2009 “Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism Chao Ren Illinois Wesleyan University Recommended Citation Ren, Chao (2009) "“Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism," Constructing the Past: Vol. 10: Iss. 1, Article 7. Available at: http://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol10/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History Department at Digital Commons @ IWU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constructing the Past by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ IWU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. 28 Chao Ren “Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism Chao Ren “…the most essential thing in Marxism, the living soul of Marxism, is the concrete analysis of concrete conditions.” — Mao Zedong, On Contradiction, April 1937 Late September, 1971. Huey P. Newton, co-founder and leader of the Black Panther Party, landed in the mysterious land of the East, the People’s Republic of China.1 In his brief ten-day journey to the People’s Republic, which preceded the official visit of President Richard Nixon in February 1972, Huey Newton was repeatedly impressed by the significant achievements of the Chinese communist revolution. It seemed to Newton that he had found the heavenly paradise in the human world, the utopia of his mind. -
Black Revolutionary Icons and `Neoslave' Narratives
Social Identities, Volume 5, N um ber 2, 1999 B lack Revolutionary Icons and `N eoslave ’ Narrative s JOY JAMES U niversity of C olorado Over the centuries that America enslaved Blacks, those men and women most determined to win freedom became fugitives, ¯ eeing from the brutal captivity of slavery . Many of their descendants who fought the Black liberation struggle also became fugitives. These men and women refused to endure the captivity awaiting them in retaliation for their systematic effort to win freedom. But unlike runaway slaves, these men and women fought for a more expansive freedom, not merely as individuals, but for an entire nation, and sought in the face of interna- tionally overwhelming odds to build a more humane and democratic political order. (Kathleen Neal Cleaver, 1988) As a slave, the social phenomenon that engages my whole consciousness is, of course, revolution. (George Jackson, 1972) Neoslave Narrative s Historically, African Americans have found themselves corralled into dual and con¯ ictual roles, functioning as either happy or sullen slaves in compliant conformity or happy or sullen rebels in radical resistance to racial dominance. The degree to which historical slave narratives continue to shape the voices of their progeny rem ains the object of some speculation. In his introduction to Live from Death Row: This is M umia Abu-Jam al,1 John Edgar Widem an argues that many Americans continue to encounter black life and political struggles through the `neoslave narrative’ (popularise d in the 1970s by the television miniseries Roots based on Alex Haley’s ® ctional text of the same title). -
Seize the Time: the Story of the Black Panther Party
Seize The Time: The Story of the Black Panther Party Bobby Seale FOREWORD GROWING UP: BEFORE THE PARTY Who I am I Meet Huey Huey Breaks with the Cultural Nationalists The Soul Students Advisory Council We Hit the Streets Using the Poverty Program Police-Community Relations HUEY: GETTING THE PARTY GOING The Panther Program Why We Are Not Racists Our First Weapons Red Books for Guns Huey Backs the Pigs Down Badge 206 Huey and the Traffic Light A Gun at Huey's Head THE PARTY GROWS, ELDRIDGE JOINS The Paper Panthers Confrontation at Ramparts Eldridge Joins the Panthers The Death of Denzil Dowell PICKING UP THE GUN Niggers with Guns in the State Capitol Sacramento Jail Bailing Out the Brothers The Black Panther Newspaper Huey Digs Bob Dylan Serving Time at Big Greystone THE SHIT COMES DOWN: "FREE HUEY!" Free Huey! A White Lawyer for a Black Revolutionary Coalitions Stokely Comes to Oakland Breaking Down Our Doors Shoot-out: The Pigs Kill Bobby Hutton Getting on the Ballot Huey Is Tried for Murder Pigs, Puritanism, and Racism Eldridge Is Free! Our Minister of Information Bunchy Carter and Bobby Hutton Charles R. Garry: The Lenin of the Courtroom CHICAGO: KIDNAPPED, CHAINED, TRIED, AND GAGGED Kidnapped To Chicago in Chains Cook County Jail My Constitutional Rights Are Denied Gagged, Shackled, and Bound Yippies, Convicts, and Cops PIGS, PROBLEMS, POLITICS, AND PANTHERS Do-Nothing Terrorists and Other Problems Why They Raid Our Offices Jackanapes, Renegades, and Agents Provocateurs Women and the Black Panther Party "Off the Pig," "Motherfucker," and Other Terms Party Programs - Serving the People SEIZE THE TIME Fuck copyright. -
Brandishing Guns 801293Research-Article2018
VCU0010.1177/1470412918801293journal of visual cultureLivingston: Brandishing Guns 801293research-article2018 journal of visual culture Brandishing Guns: Performing Race and Belonging in the American West Lindsay Livingston Abstract This article examines the racial dynamics and performative nature of US gun culture by analyzing the 2014 standoff between Cliven Bundy and the Bureau of Land Management. The standoff followed discernible scripts of white masculine privilege and drew on scenarios of conquest in the US American West, as Bundy’s supporters gathered at his ranch and brandished their weapons in open defiance of the federal government. The act of brandishing their guns was a ‘performance of belonging’, a public, theatrical gesture that marks the bearer as a full participant in civic life and all its attendant rights and privileges. This belonging, however, is predicated on histories of white supremacist laws and settler colonialist violence. By reading gun culture in the United States through the lens of performance, this article traces the profound discrepancies between legal and practical gun rights and illuminates one of the most intractable debates at the center of US American life. Keywords American West • Cliven Bundy • gun culture • guns • militias • performance • race • theatricality Perched on an overpass in the southwestern desert, civilian snipers took aim at the crowd of people below. In the days leading up to this moment, the gunmen had arrived from all over the United States, answering a call that had gone out in early April 2014 from several right-wing websites and journal of visual culture [journals.sagepub.com/home/vcu] SAGE Publications (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore, Washington DC and Melbourne) Copyright © The Author(s), 2018. -
DISCUSSION GUIDE Table of Contents
DISCUSSION GUIDE Table of Contents Using this Guide 1 From the Filmmaker 2 The Film 3 Framing the Context of the Black Panther Party 4 Frequently Asked Questions 6 The Black Panther Party 10-Point Platform 9 Background on Select Subjects 10 Planning Your Discussion 13 In Their Own Words 18 Resources 19 Credits 21 DISCUSSION GUIDE THE BLACK PANTHERS Using This Guide This discussion guide will help support organizations hosting Indie Lens Pop-Up events for the film The Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution, as well as other community groups, organizations, and educators who wish to use the film to prompt discussion and engagement with audiences of all sizes. This guide is a tool to facilitate dialogue and deepen understanding of the complex topics in the film The Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution. It is also an invitation not only to sit back and enjoy the show, but also to step up and take action. It raises thought-provoking questions to encourage viewers to think more deeply and spark conversations with one another. We present suggestions for areas to explore in panel discussions, in the classroom, in communities, and online. We also include valuable resources and Indie Lens Pop-Up is a neighborhood connections to organizations on the ground series that brings people together for that are fighting to make a difference. film screenings and community-driven conversations. Featuring documentaries seen on PBS’s Independent Lens, Indie Lens Pop-Up draws local residents, leaders, and organizations together to discuss what matters most, from newsworthy topics to family and relationships. -
Black Panther Party: 1966-1982
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Departmental Papers (ASC) Annenberg School for Communication 1-1-2000 Black Panther Party: 1966-1982 Michael X. Delli Carpini University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers Part of the Social Influence and oliticalP Communication Commons Recommended Citation (OVERRIDE) Delli Carpini, M. X. (2000). Black panther party: 1966-1982. In I. Ness & J. Ciment (Eds.), The encyclopedia of third parties in America (pp. 190-197). Armonke, NY: Sharpe Reference. Retrieved from http://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/1 NOTE: At the time of publication, the author Michael X. Delli Carpini was affiliated with Columbia University. Currently January 2008, he is a faculty member of the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/1 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Black Panther Party: 1966-1982 Abstract The Black Panther party was founded in Oakland, California, in 1966. From its beginnings as a local, community organization with a handful of members, it expanded into a national and international party. By 1980, however, the Black Panther party was once again mainly an Oakland-based organization, with no more than fifty active members. In 1982, the party came to an official end. Despite itselativ r ely short history, its modest membership, and its general eschewing of electoral politics, the Black Panther party was arguably the best known and most controversial of the black militant political organizations of the 1960s, with a legacy that continues to this day. -
'Off the Pigs?': the Black Panther Party and Masculinity by Chandani
‘OFF THE PIGS?’: The Black Panther Party and Masculinity Chandani Desai1 Male members of the Black Panther Party have a reputation for being unjustly and unrestrainedly violent out of rampant hate for white people. However, the racialized, hyper-masculine reputation of the Panthers was largely constructed by the white media of the 60s and 70s, who feared the image of black men with guns. Instead, this article argues that the masculinity of the Black Panther Party was based in the empowerment of the black community, especially among the lower classes. To demonstrate this, this article analyzes the role of violence, grassroots organization, and women within the Party’s ideology and history. Ultimately, the legacies of the Party’s activities can be seen in the present day among groups such as #BlackLivesMatter. Dominant perceptions of the Black Panther Party (BPP) are largely defined by how its masculinity was presented in white media of the 1960s and 70s. Scholar Jane Rhodes describes this representation colorfully: they fulfilled stereotypes of blackness “along a continuum ranging from menace on one end to immorality on the other, with irresponsibility somewhere in the middle.” Overall, the Party was framed as a racialized ‘other’ such that it “tapped into white Americans’ primal fears of black male sexuality, black American violence, and the potential of an all-out race war.”2 While this perception has dulled somewhat in the modern age, it persists nevertheless through stereotypes of the Panthers as unjustly violent. To be sure, this reputation is not one which was completely unearned. The Panthers did, to an extent, utilize white fears in attracting publicity.3 However, the racially biased view of the BPP’s masculinity, such as that described by Rhodes, obscures the foundational masculine model that Panther men sought to embody. -
All Power to the People: the Black Panther Party As the Vanguard of the Oppressed
ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE: THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY AS THE VANGUARD OF THE OPPRESSED by Matthew Berman A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Wilkes Honors College in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences with a Concentration in American Studies Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University Jupiter, Florida May 2008 ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE: THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY AS THE VANGUARD OF THE OPPRESSED by Matthew Berman This thesis was prepared under the direction of the candidate’s thesis advisor, Dr. Christopher Strain, and has been approved by the members of her/his supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of The Honors College and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences. SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: ____________________________ Dr. Christopher Strain ____________________________ Dr. Laura Barrett ______________________________ Dean, Wilkes Honors College ____________ Date ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Author would like to thank (in no particular order) Andrew, Linda, Kathy, Barbara, and Ronald Berman, Mick and Julie Grossman, the 213rd, Graham and Megan Whitaker, Zach Burks, Shawn Beard, Jared Reilly, Ian “Easy” Depagnier, Dr. Strain, and Dr. Barrett for all of their support. I would also like to thank Bobby Seale, Fred Hampton, Huey Newton, and others for their inspiration. Thanks are also due to all those who gave of themselves in the struggle for showing us the way. “Never doubt that a small group of people can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has.” – Margaret Mead iii ABSTRACT Author: Matthew Berman Title: All Power to the People: The Black Panther Party as the Vanguard of the Oppressed Institution: Wilkes Honors College at Florida Atlantic University Thesis Advisor: Dr.