Historical Chronology of the Russian Federation
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Romanian Foreign Policy (1878-1914)
World Wide Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development WWJMRD 2017; 3(11): 69-74 www.wwjmrd.com International Journal Peer Reviewed Journal Romanian foreign policy (1878-1914) Refereed Journal Indexed Journal UGC Approved Journal Dragos Ionut ONESCU Impact Factor MJIF: 4.25 e-ISSN: 2454-6615 Abstract Prior to independence, Romania has conducted foreign policy actions aimed at achieving this Dragos Ionut ONESCU objective (see trade convention with Austria-Hungary in 1875) and after 1878 was sought to ensure Strasbourg University/Babes- Bolyai University Cluj- security through political alliances with neighboring countries and powers. One of the main foreign Napoca, Romania policy issues, with important consequences and the territorial integrity of the Romanian Principalities and then was the status of the Danube. In the present paper I analyzed the Romanian foreign policy between 1878 and 1914. Keywords: Romanian Foreign Policy, International Relations, Security, Foreign Policy Introduction The first time the issue is considered Danube is the Treaty of Bucharest between Russia and Turkey, signed on May 28, 1812, which ended the Russo-Turkish war took place between 1806 and 1812. The Clashes of interest between the major European powers were put on the agenda the need to solve the problem of freedom of navigation on international rivers and its consecration in an international act. Used the occasion to ensuring this was the Peace Congress in Vienna, met after the first abdication of Napoleon. The Final Act 1815 states in Articles 108-118, fundamental principles of river. Under Article 109, navigation on international rivers was free for all states without distinction between riparian and non-riparian states; is accurate but that freedom of navigation applies only to commercial navigation, not for the war. -
The Viking Age
Laval University From the SelectedWorks of Fathi Habashi March, 2020 The iV king Age Fathi Habashi Available at: https://works.bepress.com/fathi_habashi/615/ The Viking Age INTRODUCTION The Viking Age (793-1066) is a period in history during which the Scandinavians expanded and built settlements throughout Europe. They are sometimes referred to as Norsemen and known to the Greek as Varangians. They took two routes: the East - - the present-day Ukraine and Russia, and the West mainly in the present-day Iceland, Greenland, Newfoundland, Normandy, Italy, and the British Isles. The Viking were competent sailors, adept in land warfare as well as at sea. Their ships were light enough to be carried over land from one river system to another. Viking ships The motivation of the Viking to invade East and West is a problem to historians. Many theories were given none was the answer. For example, retaliation against forced conversion to Christianity by Charlemagne by killing any who refused to become baptized, seeking centers of wealth, kidnapping slaves, and a decline in the profitability of old trade routes. Viking ship in Oslo Museum The Vikings raids in the East and the West of Europe VIKINGS IN THE EAST The Dnieber The Vikings of Scandinavia came by way of the Gulf of Finland and sailed up the Dvina River as far as they could go, and then carried their ships across land to the Dnieper River, which flows south to the Black Sea. They raided villages then they became interested in trading with the Slavs. Using the Dnieper, they carried shiploads of furs, honey, and wax south to markets on the Black Sea, or sailed across that sea trade in Constantinople. -
Technocrat Or Silovik Special Raport on Russian Governors
SPECIAL REPORT 26/02/2018 TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK SPECIAL RAPORT ON RUssIAN GOVERNORS The Warsaw Institute Foundation TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK. SPECIAL REPORT ON RUSSIAN GOVERNORS • The large-scale personnel changes in the Russian Federation indicates that such a situation is not only due to the pre-election campaign as loyal and efficient people are needed in order to ensure the proper result of the vote. It constitutes an element of a new role of the regions in the Putin regime, which may be associated with the start of his new presidential term. • The aforementioned personnel reshuffles result from the state’s increasing centralisation, which seems to be additionally fuelled by growing importance of the so-called siloviki. • The entire process has begun right after changes within the leadership of the Presidential Administration (also referred as PA). The key role is played by its head, Anton Vaino, as well as Sergey Kiriyenko who has recently replaced Vyacheslav Volodin as first deputy chief of staff of the Presidential Administration. • The fact of restoring direct gubernatorial election in 2012 has only seemingly strengthened their position. Indeed, it is getting weaker, if only because the president is given full freedom to dismiss governors and appoint acting ones, who confirm their mandate in a fully controlled election. • Importantly, none of the changes, which occurred in 2017, could be justified from economic point of view. Such regions as Mordovia, Khakassia and Kabardino-Balkar struggle with the most difficult financial situation. Even though, governors of these regions managed to retain their positions. Interestingly, it is no longer enough to maintain political calm (with no protests being organized), demonstrate economic successes and to obediently fulfill Putin’s decrees. -
History Is Made in the Dark 4: Alexander Nevsky: the Prince, the Filmmaker and the Dictator
1 History Is Made in the Dark 4: Alexander Nevsky: The Prince, the Filmmaker and the Dictator In May 1937, Sergei Eisenstein was offered the opportunity to make a feature film on one of two figures from Russian history, the folk hero Ivan Susanin (d. 1613) or the mediaeval ruler Alexander Nevsky (1220-1263). He opted for Nevsky. Permission for Eisenstein to proceed with the new project ultimately came from within the Kremlin, with the support of Joseph Stalin himself. The Soviet dictator was something of a cinephile, and he often intervened in Soviet film affairs. This high-level authorisation meant that the USSR’s most renowned filmmaker would have the opportunity to complete his first feature in some eight years, if he could get it through Stalinist Russia’s censorship apparatus. For his part, Eisenstein was prepared to retreat into history for his newest film topic. Movies on contemporary affairs often fell victim to Soviet censors, as Eisenstein had learned all too well a few months earlier when his collectivisation film, Bezhin Meadow (1937), was banned. But because relatively little was known about Nevsky’s life, Eisenstein told a colleague: “Nobody can 1 2 find fault with me. Whatever I do, the historians and the so-called ‘consultants’ [i.e. censors] won’t be able to argue with me”.i What was known about Alexander Nevsky was a mixture of history and legend, but the historical memory that was most relevant to the modern situation was Alexander’s legacy as a diplomat and military leader, defending a key western sector of mediaeval Russia from foreign foes. -
Putinism: a Praetorian System?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 106 Putinism: A Praetorian System? Jean-Robert RAVIOT March 2018 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Russia, Caucasus and Eastern Europe Observatory”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-808-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2018 How to quote this document: Jean-Robert Raviot, “Putinism: A Praetorian System?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 106, Ifri, March 2018. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy-oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. Author Jean-Robert Raviot is a doctor of political science with accreditation to supervise research and professor of contemporary Russian civilization at Paris Nanterre University. -
The Mediation of the Concept of Civil Society in the Belarusian Press (1991-2010)
THE MEDIATION OF THE CONCEPT OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE BELARUSIAN PRESS (1991-2010) A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2015 IRYNA CLARK School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Table of Contents List of Tables and Figures ............................................................................................... 5 List of Abbreviations ....................................................................................................... 6 Abstract ............................................................................................................................ 7 Declaration ....................................................................................................................... 8 Copyright Statement ........................................................................................................ 8 A Note on Transliteration and Translation .................................................................... 9 Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................ 10 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 11 Research objectives and questions ................................................................................... 12 Outline of the Belarusian media landscape and primary sources ...................................... 17 The evolution of the concept of civil society -
Ancient, Islamic, British and World Coins Historical Medals and Banknotes
Ancient, Islamic, British and World Coins Historical Medals and Banknotes To be sold by auction at: Sotheby’s, in the Upper Grosvenor Gallery The Aeolian Hall, Bloomfield Place New Bond Street London W1 Day of Sale: Tuesday 9 June 2009 at 10.00 am and 2.00 pm Public viewing: 45 Maddox Street, London W1S 2PE Thursday 4 June 10.00 am to 4.30 pm Friday 5 June 10.00 am to 4.30 pm Monday 8 June 10.00 am to 4.30 pm Or by previous appointment. Catalogue no. 37 Price £10 Enquiries: James Morton, Tom Eden, Paul Wood, Jeremy Cheek or Stephen Lloyd Cover illustrations: Lots 1-57 (front); Lot 367 (back); Lot 335 (inside front cover); Lot 270 (inside back cover) in association with 45 Maddox Street, London W1S 2PE Tel.: +44 (0)20 7493 5344 Fax: +44 (0)20 7495 6325 Email: [email protected] Website: www.mortonandeden.com This auction is conducted by Morton & Eden Ltd. in accordance with our Conditions of Business printed at the back of this catalogue. All questions and comments relating to the operation of this sale or to its content should be addressed to Morton & Eden Ltd. and not to Sotheby’s. Important Information for Buyers All lots are offered subject to Morton & Eden Ltd.’s Conditions of Business and to reserves. Estimates are published as a guide only and are subject to review. The actual hammer price of a lot may well be higher or lower than the range of figures given and there are no fixed “starting prices”. -
The EU and Belarus – a Relationship with Reservations Dr
BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION EDITED BY DR. HANS-GEORG WIECK AND STEPHAN MALERIUS VILNIUS 2011 UDK 327(476+4) Be-131 BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION Authors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Dr. Vitali Silitski, Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann, Andrei Yahorau, Dr. Svetlana Matskevich, Valeri Fadeev, Dr. Andrei Kazakevich, Dr. Mikhail Pastukhou, Leonid Kalitenya, Alexander Chubrik Editors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Stephan Malerius This is a joint publication of the Centre for European Studies and the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. This publication has received funding from the European Parliament. Sole responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication rests with the authors. The Centre for European Studies, the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung and the European Parliament assume no responsibility either for the information contained in the publication or its subsequent use. ISBN 978-609-95320-1-1 © 2011, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., Sankt Augustin / Berlin © Front cover photo: Jan Brykczynski CONTENTS 5 | Consultancy PROJECT: BELARUS AND THE EU Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck 13 | BELARUS IN AN INTERnational CONTEXT Dr. Vitali Silitski 22 | THE EU and BELARUS – A Relationship WITH RESERvations Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann 34 | CIVIL SOCIETY: AN analysis OF THE situation AND diRECTIONS FOR REFORM Andrei Yahorau 53 | Education IN BELARUS: REFORM AND COOPERation WITH THE EU Dr. Svetlana Matskevich 70 | State bodies, CONSTITUTIONAL REALITY AND FORMS OF RULE Valeri Fadeev 79 | JudiciaRY AND law -
Human Rights for Musicians Freemuse
HUMAN RIGHTS FOR MUSICIANS FREEMUSE – The World Forum on Music and Censorship Freemuse is an international organisation advocating freedom of expression for musicians and composers worldwide. OUR MAIN OBJECTIVES ARE TO: • Document violations • Inform media and the public • Describe the mechanisms of censorship • Support censored musicians and composers • Develop a global support network FREEMUSE Freemuse Tel: +45 33 32 10 27 Nytorv 17, 3rd floor Fax: +45 33 32 10 45 DK-1450 Copenhagen K Denmark [email protected] www.freemuse.org HUMAN RIGHTS FOR MUSICIANS HUMAN RIGHTS FOR MUSICIANS Ten Years with Freemuse Human Rights for Musicians: Ten Years with Freemuse Edited by Krister Malm ISBN 978-87-988163-2-4 Published by Freemuse, Nytorv 17, 1450 Copenhagen, Denmark www.freemuse.org Printed by Handy-Print, Denmark © Freemuse, 2008 Layout by Kristina Funkeson Photos courtesy of Anna Schori (p. 26), Ole Reitov (p. 28 & p. 64), Andy Rice (p. 32), Marie Korpe (p. 40) & Mik Aidt (p. 66). The remaining photos are artist press photos. Proofreading by Julian Isherwood Supervision of production by Marie Korpe All rights reserved CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Human rights for musicians – The Freemuse story Marie Korpe 9 Ten years of Freemuse – A view from the chair Martin Cloonan 13 PART I Impressions & Descriptions Deeyah 21 Marcel Khalife 25 Roger Lucey 27 Ferhat Tunç 29 Farhad Darya 31 Gorki Aguila 33 Mahsa Vahdat 35 Stephan Said 37 Salman Ahmad 41 PART II Interactions & Reactions Introducing Freemuse Krister Malm 45 The organisation that was missing Morten -
Stéphane Denève, Conductor Yefim Bronfman, Piano Clémentine
Stéphane Denève, conductor Friday, February 15, 2019 at 8:00pm Yefim Bronfman, piano Saturday, February 16, 2019 at 8:00pm Clémentine Margaine, mezzo-soprano St. Louis Symphony Chorus Amy Kaiser, director PROKOFIEV Cinderella Suite (compiled by Stéphane Denève) (1940-1944) (1891-1953) Introduction Pas-de-chale Interrupted Departure Clock Scene - The Prince’s Variation Cinderella’s Arrival at the Ball - Grand Waltz Promenade - The Prince’s First Galop - The Father Amoroso - Cinderella’s Departure for the Ball - Midnight PROKOFIEV Piano Concerto No. 2 in G minor, op. 16 (1913) Andantino; Allegretto; Tempo I Scherzo: Vivace Intermezzo: Allegro moderato Finale: Allegro tempestoso Yefim Bronfman, piano INTERMISSION 23 PROKOFIEV Alexander Nevsky, op. 78 (1938) Russia under the Mongolian Yoke Song about Alexander Nevsky The Crusaders in Pskov Arise, ye Russian People The Battle on the Ice The Field of the Dead Alexander’s Entry into Pskov Clémentine Margaine, mezzo-soprano St. Louis Symphony Chorus Amy Kaiser, director ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The 2018/2019 Classical Series is presented by World Wide Technology and The Steward Family Foundation. Stéphane Denève is the Linda and Paul Lee Guest Artist. Yefim Bronfman is the Carolyn and Jay Henges Guest Artist. The concert of Friday, February 15, is underwritten in part by a generous gift from Sally S. Levy. The concert of Saturday, February 16, is underwritten in part by a generous gift from Ms. Jo Ann Taylor Kindle. The St. Louis Symphony Chorus is underwritten in part by the Richard E. Ashburner, Jr. Endowed Fund. The St. Louis Symphony Chorus is underwritten in part by the Edward Chase Garvey Memorial Foundation. -
Russian Strategy Towards Ukraine's Presidential Election
BULLETIN No. 49 (49) August 19, 2009 © PISM Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Russian Strategy towards Ukraine’s Presidential Election by Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz Dmitry Medvedev’s letter to Viktor Yushchenko is a clear signal of Russia’s intention to influ- ence internal developments in Ukraine, including the course of the presidential campaign. In the run-up to the January 2010 poll, unlike in the period preceding the Orange Revolution, Russia will very likely refrain from backing just a single candidate, and instead will seek a deepening of the existing divisions and further destabilization on the Ukrainian political scene, destabilization which it sees as helping to protect Russian interests in Ukraine. Medvedev’s Letter. In an open letter to Viktor Yushchenko, dated 11 August, Dmitry Medvedev put the blame for the crisis in bilateral relations on the Ukrainian president, and he explained that the arrival of the new ambassador to Kiev, Mikhail Zurabov—replacing Viktor Chernomyrdin, who was recalled last June—would be postponed. Medvedev accused his Ukrainian counterpart of having knowingly abandoned the principles of friendship and partnership with Russia during the past several years. Among the Yushchenko administration’s alleged anti-Russian actions, he listed weapons shipments and support extended to Georgia in last year’s armed conflict in South Ossetia; endeavors to gain -
17 Infidel Turks and Schismatic Russians in Late Medieval Livonia
Madis Maasing 17 Infidel Turks and Schismatic Russians in Late Medieval Livonia 17.1 Introduction At the beginning of the sixteenth century, political rhetoric in Livonia was shaped by the threat posed by an alien power: Following a significant deterio- ration in the relations between the Catholic Livonian territories and their mighty Eastern Orthodox neighbour – the Grand Duchy of Moscow – war broke out, lasting from 1501 to 1503, with renewed armed conflict remaining an immi- nent threat until 1509. During this period of confrontation, and afterwards, the Livonians (i.e., the political elite of Livonia) fulminated in their political writ- ings about the gruesome, schismatic, and even infidel Russians, who posed a threat not only to Livonia, but to Western Christendom in general. In the Holy Roman Empire and at the Roman Curia, these allegations were quite favoura- bly received. Arguably, the Livonians’ greatest success took the form of a papal provision for two financially profitable anti-Russian indulgence campaigns (1503–1510). For various political reasons, the motif of a permanent and general ‘Russian threat’ had ongoing currency in Livonia up until the Livonian War (1558–1583). Even after the collapse of the Livonian territories, the Russian threat motif continued to be quite effectively used by other adversaries of Mos- cow – e.g., Poland-Lithuania and Sweden. I will focus here first and foremost on what was behind the initial success of the Russian threat motif in Livonia, but I will also address why it persisted for as long as it did. A large part of its success was the fact that it drew upon a similar phenomenon – the ‘Turkish threat’,1 which played a significant role in the political rhetoric of Early Modern Europe, especially in south-eastern 1 This research was supported by the Estonian Research Council’s PUT 107 programme, “Me- dieval Livonia: European Periphery and its Centres (Twelfth–Sixteenth Centuries)”, and by the European Social Fund’s Doctoral Studies and Internationalization Programme DoRa, which is carried out by Foundation Archimedes.