How Russia Is Ruled—1998
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Technocrat Or Silovik Special Raport on Russian Governors
SPECIAL REPORT 26/02/2018 TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK SPECIAL RAPORT ON RUssIAN GOVERNORS The Warsaw Institute Foundation TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK. SPECIAL REPORT ON RUSSIAN GOVERNORS • The large-scale personnel changes in the Russian Federation indicates that such a situation is not only due to the pre-election campaign as loyal and efficient people are needed in order to ensure the proper result of the vote. It constitutes an element of a new role of the regions in the Putin regime, which may be associated with the start of his new presidential term. • The aforementioned personnel reshuffles result from the state’s increasing centralisation, which seems to be additionally fuelled by growing importance of the so-called siloviki. • The entire process has begun right after changes within the leadership of the Presidential Administration (also referred as PA). The key role is played by its head, Anton Vaino, as well as Sergey Kiriyenko who has recently replaced Vyacheslav Volodin as first deputy chief of staff of the Presidential Administration. • The fact of restoring direct gubernatorial election in 2012 has only seemingly strengthened their position. Indeed, it is getting weaker, if only because the president is given full freedom to dismiss governors and appoint acting ones, who confirm their mandate in a fully controlled election. • Importantly, none of the changes, which occurred in 2017, could be justified from economic point of view. Such regions as Mordovia, Khakassia and Kabardino-Balkar struggle with the most difficult financial situation. Even though, governors of these regions managed to retain their positions. Interestingly, it is no longer enough to maintain political calm (with no protests being organized), demonstrate economic successes and to obediently fulfill Putin’s decrees. -
Putinism: a Praetorian System?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 106 Putinism: A Praetorian System? Jean-Robert RAVIOT March 2018 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Russia, Caucasus and Eastern Europe Observatory”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-808-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2018 How to quote this document: Jean-Robert Raviot, “Putinism: A Praetorian System?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 106, Ifri, March 2018. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy-oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. Author Jean-Robert Raviot is a doctor of political science with accreditation to supervise research and professor of contemporary Russian civilization at Paris Nanterre University. -
2016 Veth Manuel 1142220 Et
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Selling the People's Game Football's transition from Communism to Capitalism in the Soviet Union and its Successor State Veth, Karl Manuel Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 03. Oct. 2021 Selling the People’s Game: Football's Transition from Communism to Capitalism in the Soviet Union and its Successor States K. -
Full Issue/Número Completo
ISSN 1696-2206 Nº 17 Mayo / May 2008 RUSIA: PERSPECTIVAS PARA LA PRESIDENCIA DE MEDVEDEV RUSSIA: PERSPECTIVES FOR THE MEDVEDEV PRESIDENCY (Javier Morales, coord.) Jesús de Andrés y Y Putin encontró el camino. Instituciones y régimen UNISCI Rubén Ruiz político en la Rusia del siglo XXI Andrei Melville Russia in Today’s World: An Experiment in Multidimensional Classifications UNIDAD DE Francesc Serra Rusia ante, contra o con Occidente: diferentes posiciones INVESTIGACIÓN en las relaciones entre dos ejes complementarios del SOBRE poder mundial SEGURIDAD Y Alexander Savelyev Russian Defense and Arms Control Policy and its COOPERACIÓN Prospects after the Presidential Elections INTERNACIONAL Antonio Sánchez La seguridad energética rusa: entre Europa y China Javier Morales ¿Estado de Derecho o “democracia soberana”? Una RESEARCH aproximación al proyecto político de Dmitri Medvedev UNIT ON INTERNATIONAL MIGRACIONES / MIGRATIONS SECURITY AND COOPERATION Gustavo Díaz y Migración y seguridad en España: la seguridad Gracia Abad humana y el control de fronteras. El caso de Frontex EUROPA / EUROPE Jorge Tuñón ¿Cómo las regiones influyen en el proceso decisional comunitario? Mecanismos de activación ascendente de las entidades sub-estales europeas ESPACIO POSTSOVIÉTICO / POST-SOVIET SPACE Komil Kalanov and Sacred Places and “Folk” Islam in Central Asia Antonio Alonso ASIA-PACÍFICO / ASIA PACIFIC Andrew N. D. Yang The Military of the People’s Republic of China: Strategy and Implementation MEDITERRÁNEO / MEDITERRANEAN David Bayón La Unión por el Mediterráneo: -
The City of Moscow in Russia's Foreign and Security Policy: Role
Eidgenössische “Regionalization of Russian Foreign and Security Policy” Technische Hochschule Zürich Project organized by The Russian Study Group at the Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research Andreas Wenger, Jeronim Perovic,´ Andrei Makarychev, Oleg Alexandrov WORKING PAPER NO.7 APRIL 2001 The City of Moscow in Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy: Role, Aims and Motivations DESIGN : SUSANA PERROTTET RIOS Moscow enjoys an exceptional position among the Russian regions. Due to its huge By Oleg B. Alexandrov economic and financial potential, the city of Moscow largely shapes the country’s economic and political processes. This study provides an overall insight into the complex international network that the city of Moscow is tied into. It also assesses the role, aims and motivations of the main regional actors that are involved. These include the political authorities, the media tycoons and the major financial-industrial groups. Special attention is paid to the problem of institutional and non-institutional interaction between the Moscow city authorities and the federal center in the foreign and security policy sector, with an emphasis on the impact of Putin’s federal reforms. Contact: Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research ETH Zentrum / SEI CH-8092 Zürich Switzerland Andreas Wenger, head of project [email protected] Jeronim Perovic´ , project coordinator [email protected] Oleg Alexandrov [email protected]; [email protected] Andrei Makarychev [email protected]; [email protected] Order of copies: Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research ETH Zentrum / SEI CH-8092 Zürich Switzerland [email protected] Papers available in full-text format at: http://www.fsk.ethz.ch/ Layout by Marco Zanoli The City of Moscow in Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy: Role, Aims and Motivations By Oleg B. -
The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark a Smith
Research & Assessment Branch The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark A Smith 09/13 RUSSIAN DOMESTIC CHRONOLOGY JULY 2009 – SEPTEMBER 2009 1 July 2009 The head of the commission for the Caucasus and first deputy speaker of the Federation Council, Aleksandr Torshin, criticises the assessment of the situation in the North Caucasus made by the human rights organization Amnesty International. 1 July 2009 President Dmitry Medvedev speaks at a state reception for graduates of military educational institutions in the Kremlin. He discusses military reform. 1 July 2009 Deputy Prime Minister Sergey Ivanov discusses with Vladimir Putin the development of seaport construction. Ivanov states: In 1998-99, of the total volume of import and export operations, 75 per cent of our cargoes were shipped through foreign ports, mostly Ukrainian and Baltic ones, and only 25 per cent through Russian ports. Now the proportion is as follows: 87 per cent of all cargoes are already shipped and processed through Russian ports, and only 13 per cent through foreign ports. I think that's fairly good dynamics, and in the foreseeable future we will completely get rid of dependence on foreign ports. This is very important from the economic point of view, and of course additional jobs. 1 July 2009 The head of the Rosnano state corporation Anatoly Chubays addresses the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs innovation policy committee. He discusses the need to develop an innovative economy in the Russian Federation. 1 July 2009 Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliyev says that alcohol abuse or poisoning causes each fifth death in Russia. -
Defining and Identifying Russia's Elite Groups
Defining and identifying Russia’s elite groups Siloviki representation during Putin’s third term Master’s Thesis Russian and Eurasian Studies Leiden University, The Netherlands 23 January 2017 Sam Broekman Student Number: 1605062 Word Count: 18,005 Supervisor: Dr. M. Frear Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 Introducing the siloviki ......................................................................................................................... 2 General research gaps ......................................................................................................................... 2 Research question ............................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter overview ................................................................................................................................. 4 Section 1: Rise of the siloviki..................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 The Politburo 2.0 ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Putin’s return to the presidency ................................................................................................. -
Russia's Foreign Policy: the Internal
RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY FOREIGN RUSSIA’S XXXXXXXX Andemus, cont? Giliis. Fertus por aciendam ponclem is at ISPI. omantem atuidic estius, nos modiertimiu consulabus RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: vivissulin voctum lissede fenducient. Andius isupio uratient. THE INTERNAL- Founded in 1934, ISPI is Actu sis me inatquam te te te, consulvit rei firiam atque a an independent think tank committed to the study of catis. Benterri er prarivitea nit; ipiesse stiliis aucto esceps, INTERNATIONAL LINK international political and Catuit depse huiumum peris, et esupimur, omnerobus economic dynamics. coneque nocuperem moves es vesimus. edited by Aldo Ferrari and Eleonora Tafuro Ambrosetti It is the only Italian Institute Iter ponsultorem, ursultorei contern ultortum di sid C. Marbi introduction by Paolo Magri – and one of the very few in silictemqui publint, Ti. Teatquit, videst auderfe ndiissendam Europe – to combine research Romnesidem simaximium intimus, ut et; eto te adhui activities with a significant publius conlostam sultusquit vid Cate facteri oriciamdi, commitment to training, events, ompec morterei iam pracion tum mo habem vitus pat veri and global risk analysis for senaributem apecultum forte hicie convo, que tris. Serum companies and institutions. pra intin tant. ISPI favours an interdisciplinary Bonertum inatum et rem sus ilicaedemus vid con tum and policy-oriented approach made possible by a research aur, conenit non se facia movere pareis, vo, vistelis re, crei team of over 50 analysts and terae movenenit L. Um prox noximod neritiam adeffrestod an international network of 70 comnit. Mulvis Ahacciverte confenit vat. Romnihilii issedem universities, think tanks, and acchuiu scenimi liescipio vistum det; hacrurorum, et, research centres. -
Conversations with Vladimir Putin, P.69 Back to Text 28
PUTINS PEOPLE How the KGB Took Back Russia and Then Took on the West Catherine Belton Copyright William Collins An imprint of HarperCollinsPublishers 1 London Bridge Street London SE1 9GF WilliamCollinsBooks.com This eBook first published in Great Britain by William Collins in 2020 Copyright © Catherine Belton 2020 Cover photograph © Getty Images Catherine Belton asserts the moral right to be identified as the author of this work A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. By payment of the required fees, you have been granted the non-exclusive, non-transferable right to access and read the text of this e- book on-screen. No part of this text may be reproduced, transmitted, down- loaded, decompiled, reverse engineered, or stored in or introduced into any information storage and retrieval system, in any form or by any means, whether electronic or mechanical, now known or hereinafter invented, without the express written permission of HarperCollins Source ISBN: 9780007578795 Ebook Edition © April 2020 ISBN: 9780007578801 Version: 2020-04-29 Dedication To my parents, Marjorie and Derek, as well as to Richard and to Catherine Birkett. Epigraph ‘Russian organised-crime leaders, their members, their associates, are moving into Western Europe, they are purchasing property, they are establishing bank accounts, theyre establishing companies, theyre weaving themselves into the fabric of society, and by the time that Europe develops an awareness its going to be too late. Former FBI special agent Bob Levinson ‘I want to warn Americans. As a people, you are very naïve about Russia and its intentions. -
RUSSIA • 9/11, Putin
RUSSIA • 9/11, Putin. Russia, successi di Putin dopo l’undici settembre 2001R27789 - • 9/11, scenari geopolitici post 11 settembre: riallineamento. Scenari geopolitici mondiali conseguenti agli attentati dell’undici settembre: riallineamento di Mosca 2001 R27790 - • ABKHAZIA e VALLE DI PANKISI, ribelli ceceni. Ribelli ceceni nella Valle di Pankisi in Georgia e nella regione autonoma secessionista dell’Abkhazia (appoggiata da Tblisi) R27791 - • ABKHAZIA, conflitto con Georgia. Georgia, conflitto con l’Abkhazia (Abchazija) e crisi politica interna R27792 - • ABKHAZIA, instabilità: spinte centrifughe interne alla Georgia. Le forze centrifughe nella fase dell’implosione sovietica: Baikonur, cosmodromo nel Kazakhstan (Kazakistan); Repubbliche baltiche, processo di indipendenza dall’Urss; Georgia, Abhkazia, Ossezia meridionale; Khanato di Kazan; referendum indetto sulla conservazione dell’Urss e sull’indipendenza delle Repubbliche federate R27793 - • ABKHAZIA, NATO e ceceni. Appoggio fornito da Tbilisi ai guerriglieri ceceni in Abkhazia e manovre della NATO ai confini con la Russia R27794 - • ABKHAZIA, referendum autonomia 1999. Abkhazia, referendum sull’autonomia del 3 ottobre 1999: schiacciante successo dello schieramento favorevole al distacco dalla Georgia R27795 - • ABKHAZIA, secessionismo: referendum autonomia 1999. Abkhazia, referendum sull’autonomia del 3 ottobre 1999: schiacciante successo dello schieramento favorevole al distacco dalla Georgia R27796 - • ABKHAZIA, secessionismo: rigetto Onu autonomia, 1999. Abkhazia, Onu, Consiglio di Sicurezza: rigetto nelle forme dell’illegittimità delle elezioni presidenziali e della dichiarazione di autonomia dalla Georgia della regione secessionista russofona R27797 - • ABKHAZIA, sostegno russo ai ribelli. Georgia, influenze esercitate dalla Russia di Putin sulla repubblica del Caucaso settentrionale: le pressioni del Cremlino sul presidente Edvard Shevardnadze e il sostegno fornito ai ribelli di ZviadGamsakhurdia e ai separatisti abkhazi R27798 - • ACCADEMIA DELLE SCIENZE, Alexei Vasiliev. -
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC ______RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC ___________________________________________________________ RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 6, No. 131, Part II, 16 July 2002 END NOTE WILL LUKASHENKA SURVIVE AS PUTIN LOSES INTEREST IN UNION WITH BELARUS? By Taras Kuzio Belarusian President Alyaksandr Lukashenka has become increasingly isolated and out of step with international developments since his re-election and the 11 September terrorist attacks against the United States -- a trend best evidenced by the country's tepid relations with its closest ally, Russia. Russian President Vladimir Putin has not shown the same level of interest in the much-touted Russia-Belarus Union, which is based on an interstate treaty that came into force in January 2000, as did his predecessor Boris Yeltsin. As "Izvestiya" recently wrote, Lukashenka's problem is that he no longer has an ally in the Kremlin. "The chill in Russian-Belarusian relations appeared as soon as Putin replaced Yeltsin," "Izvestiya" added. Moreover, the presidential elections held in Belarus on 9 September, in which Lukashenka won in the first round with 75.62 percent of the vote, "marked a dramatic decline in relations between Moscow and Minsk" because it was reminiscent of a "farce," "Izvestiya" commented. Four issues plague the union, which have caused Putin to lose interest in the union. First, Putin has openly poured cold water on the idea of equality between Russia and Belarus, upon which Lukashenka has always insisted. Pavel Borodin, the state secretary of the Russia-Belarus Union, told Russia's NTV television that Lukashenka's proposed model for the union, which he presented to Putin last month, is "nonsense" and "simply foolish." Second, the Belarusian economy is only 3 percent as large as Russia's, as Putin pointed out, but Belarus is demanding the right of veto while maintaining its sovereignty and territorial integrity. -
Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008
1 Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008 Rasmus Nilsson UCL For the degree of PhD 2 I, Rasmus Nilsson, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 3 Abstract The theme of this thesis concerns post-Soviet Russian foreign policy perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008. In the thesis I argue that Russian perceptions became increasingly revanchist in nature during this period, and that we may distinguish between two different types of revanchism, the consequences of which for Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty are quite different. I argue that all Russian perceptions of international affairs are constituted by perceptions of Russia. Thus, perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty may be divided into three categories, or paradigms, each of which centres on a specific concept that legitimises the existence of Russia, and determines how Belarus and Ukraine are viewed. The three central concepts are the concepts of Law, Power, and Nation, respectively. In the introduction, I outline these paradigms, both in abstract terms and in relation to Russian foreign policy in general, as well as Russian foreign policy towards Belarus and Ukraine. Subsequently, I present my methodology and my literature review, together with a discussion of the theoretical assumptions, which provide the foundation for my argument. Then, I briefly outline Russian foreign policy making during the period relevant for my thesis, before the four main chapters of my thesis outline in roughly chronological fashion how the relative significance of the three paradigms has changed over time.