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Technocrat Or Silovik Special Raport on Russian Governors
SPECIAL REPORT 26/02/2018 TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK SPECIAL RAPORT ON RUssIAN GOVERNORS The Warsaw Institute Foundation TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK. SPECIAL REPORT ON RUSSIAN GOVERNORS • The large-scale personnel changes in the Russian Federation indicates that such a situation is not only due to the pre-election campaign as loyal and efficient people are needed in order to ensure the proper result of the vote. It constitutes an element of a new role of the regions in the Putin regime, which may be associated with the start of his new presidential term. • The aforementioned personnel reshuffles result from the state’s increasing centralisation, which seems to be additionally fuelled by growing importance of the so-called siloviki. • The entire process has begun right after changes within the leadership of the Presidential Administration (also referred as PA). The key role is played by its head, Anton Vaino, as well as Sergey Kiriyenko who has recently replaced Vyacheslav Volodin as first deputy chief of staff of the Presidential Administration. • The fact of restoring direct gubernatorial election in 2012 has only seemingly strengthened their position. Indeed, it is getting weaker, if only because the president is given full freedom to dismiss governors and appoint acting ones, who confirm their mandate in a fully controlled election. • Importantly, none of the changes, which occurred in 2017, could be justified from economic point of view. Such regions as Mordovia, Khakassia and Kabardino-Balkar struggle with the most difficult financial situation. Even though, governors of these regions managed to retain their positions. Interestingly, it is no longer enough to maintain political calm (with no protests being organized), demonstrate economic successes and to obediently fulfill Putin’s decrees. -
Putinism: a Praetorian System?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 106 Putinism: A Praetorian System? Jean-Robert RAVIOT March 2018 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Russia, Caucasus and Eastern Europe Observatory”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-808-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2018 How to quote this document: Jean-Robert Raviot, “Putinism: A Praetorian System?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 106, Ifri, March 2018. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy-oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. Author Jean-Robert Raviot is a doctor of political science with accreditation to supervise research and professor of contemporary Russian civilization at Paris Nanterre University. -
International Crimes in Crimea
International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B. -
How Russia Is Ruled—1998
How Russia Is Ruled—1998 DONALD N. JENSEN Your sovereigns, born to the throne, may suffer twenty defeats and still keep return- ing to their capitals. I cannot. I am an upstart soldier. My rule will not survive the day on which I have ceased to be strong and feared. Napoleon to Metternich, 18131 oris Yeltsin approaches the end of his second term as Russian president with B the character of the country he leads the subject of wide—and often bitter— dispute. Observers trying to answer the two central questions about politics— Who governs? To what ends?—describe Russia as a democracy, a republic, an oligarchy, a criminalized state, or simply a mess. To those interested in compar- isons, Russia has been likened to nineteenth-century America, Germany in the 1920s, Germany in the 1930s, France in the 1950s, Spain in the 1970s, Colom- bia, and even Pakistan in the 1990s. There is general agreement only that there will be no return to Soviet communism and that the road since the end of the USSR has been unexpectedly and painfully rocky. Such varied impressions reflect the complex processes simultaneously buffeting the country—the contin- ued collapse of the remnants of the Soviet system; the renewal, although not always along Western lines, of key parts of the state and society; the stagnation of still other elements, which remain largely untouched by change—and conti- nuity with key elements of the Russian past. In this article, I will examine these complex processes and attempt to answer the questions, Who governs Russia in 1998, and moreover, what difference does it make who governs? These questions can be answered, I believe, only by link- ing the analysis of government institutions and political processes to an explana- tion of how and why major policy decisions are made as they are. -
MEMORIAL Leningrad Were Buried During World War II
NO. 3 1795 САНКТ-ПЕТЕРБУРГ-ТАЙМС WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 29, 2014 WWW.SPTIMES.RU DMITRY LOVETSKY / AP LOVETSKY DMITRY Valentina Kiseleva, 76, who remained in Leningrad during the blockade, walks past a wreath at the Piskaryovskoye Cemetery where most victims of the Siege of MEMORIAL Leningrad were buried during World War II. More than 1 million people died during the 872-day siege, which was finally lifted on Jan. 27, 1944. SOCHI BUSINESS Billion-Dollar Postal Blues LOCAL Doubts Linger Blockade Over Games Survivors Honored With less than ten days to go The Boris Eifman before they start, the Sochi troupe honors Olympics are still dividing Consumers caught up in battle veterans. Page 3. local opinion. Page 8. over e-commerce. Page 6. LocalNews www.sptimes.ru | Wednesday, January 29, 2014 ❖ 2 Local Activists Protest in Kiev VK Founder Durov By Sergey Chernov THE ST. PETERSBURG TIMES Sells Stake in Website St. Petersburg’s liberal and left-wing ac- tivists have offered their support to the RIA NOVOSTI said it was probably based on the protests currently taking place in Pavel Durov, the founder of company’s value of $3-4 billion. Ukraine with one-man rallies and pick- VKontakte, said on Jan. 24 that he Previous media reports said ets, a vigil and visits to Kiev. Pickets had sold his stake in the immensely that Durov and his VKontakte have been held near the Consulate Gen- popular social-networking website team were planning to quit and eral of Ukraine and on Nevsky Prospekt that has often been dubbed “Rus- engage in a new project, but his since mid-week while on Jan. -
The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark a Smith
Research & Assessment Branch The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark A Smith 09/13 RUSSIAN DOMESTIC CHRONOLOGY JULY 2009 – SEPTEMBER 2009 1 July 2009 The head of the commission for the Caucasus and first deputy speaker of the Federation Council, Aleksandr Torshin, criticises the assessment of the situation in the North Caucasus made by the human rights organization Amnesty International. 1 July 2009 President Dmitry Medvedev speaks at a state reception for graduates of military educational institutions in the Kremlin. He discusses military reform. 1 July 2009 Deputy Prime Minister Sergey Ivanov discusses with Vladimir Putin the development of seaport construction. Ivanov states: In 1998-99, of the total volume of import and export operations, 75 per cent of our cargoes were shipped through foreign ports, mostly Ukrainian and Baltic ones, and only 25 per cent through Russian ports. Now the proportion is as follows: 87 per cent of all cargoes are already shipped and processed through Russian ports, and only 13 per cent through foreign ports. I think that's fairly good dynamics, and in the foreseeable future we will completely get rid of dependence on foreign ports. This is very important from the economic point of view, and of course additional jobs. 1 July 2009 The head of the Rosnano state corporation Anatoly Chubays addresses the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs innovation policy committee. He discusses the need to develop an innovative economy in the Russian Federation. 1 July 2009 Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliyev says that alcohol abuse or poisoning causes each fifth death in Russia. -
Defining and Identifying Russia's Elite Groups
Defining and identifying Russia’s elite groups Siloviki representation during Putin’s third term Master’s Thesis Russian and Eurasian Studies Leiden University, The Netherlands 23 January 2017 Sam Broekman Student Number: 1605062 Word Count: 18,005 Supervisor: Dr. M. Frear Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 Introducing the siloviki ......................................................................................................................... 2 General research gaps ......................................................................................................................... 2 Research question ............................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter overview ................................................................................................................................. 4 Section 1: Rise of the siloviki..................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 The Politburo 2.0 ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Putin’s return to the presidency ................................................................................................. -
Bilateral Disputes Between EU Member States and Russia
Bilateral Disputes between EU Member States and Russia CEPS Working Document No. 319/August 2009 Mathias Roth Abstract Over the past years, a series of bilateral disputes between EU member states and Moscow have significantly affected EU–Russian relations and exposed sharp internal divisions over the EU’s approach towards Russia. Despite their potential for having a highly disruptive impact on EU foreign policy, the EU still lacks a consensus on how to handle bilateral disputes. This paper employs a case-study approach to provide an in-depth analysis of selected disputes and reviews several questions of importance for the coherence of EU policy towards Russia: What kinds of issues are at the centre of bilateral disputes? What strategies do member states adopt to resolve them? Under what circumstances are disputes raised to the EU level? The paper concludes that the scope of ‘EU solidarity’ in bilateral disputes remains deeply contested and draws on insights from the case studies to propose a set of guidelines for the EU’s approach to bilateral disputes. CEPS Working Documents are intended to give an indication of work being conducted within CEPS research programmes and to stimulate reactions from other experts in the field. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the author in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which he is associated. ISBN 978-92-9079-916-0 Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (http://www.ceps.eu) © Centre for European Policy Studies, 2009 Contents 1. Introduction............................................................................................................................. 1 2. Community competence and EU solidarity in bilateral disputes........................................... -
Russia's Foreign Policy: the Internal
RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY FOREIGN RUSSIA’S XXXXXXXX Andemus, cont? Giliis. Fertus por aciendam ponclem is at ISPI. omantem atuidic estius, nos modiertimiu consulabus RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: vivissulin voctum lissede fenducient. Andius isupio uratient. THE INTERNAL- Founded in 1934, ISPI is Actu sis me inatquam te te te, consulvit rei firiam atque a an independent think tank committed to the study of catis. Benterri er prarivitea nit; ipiesse stiliis aucto esceps, INTERNATIONAL LINK international political and Catuit depse huiumum peris, et esupimur, omnerobus economic dynamics. coneque nocuperem moves es vesimus. edited by Aldo Ferrari and Eleonora Tafuro Ambrosetti It is the only Italian Institute Iter ponsultorem, ursultorei contern ultortum di sid C. Marbi introduction by Paolo Magri – and one of the very few in silictemqui publint, Ti. Teatquit, videst auderfe ndiissendam Europe – to combine research Romnesidem simaximium intimus, ut et; eto te adhui activities with a significant publius conlostam sultusquit vid Cate facteri oriciamdi, commitment to training, events, ompec morterei iam pracion tum mo habem vitus pat veri and global risk analysis for senaributem apecultum forte hicie convo, que tris. Serum companies and institutions. pra intin tant. ISPI favours an interdisciplinary Bonertum inatum et rem sus ilicaedemus vid con tum and policy-oriented approach made possible by a research aur, conenit non se facia movere pareis, vo, vistelis re, crei team of over 50 analysts and terae movenenit L. Um prox noximod neritiam adeffrestod an international network of 70 comnit. Mulvis Ahacciverte confenit vat. Romnihilii issedem universities, think tanks, and acchuiu scenimi liescipio vistum det; hacrurorum, et, research centres. -
By Galina Stolyarova One Day in April 2007, Human
By Galina Stolyarova One day in April 2007, human rights lawyer Olga Tseitlina got a sudden call to a St. Petersburg police station. She had been asked to represent a client detained and fined for allegedly swearing in public. She soon discovered that police had used similar evidence against nearly 100 others. They had all been rounded up during an April 15 demonstration called by an opposition group, The Other Russia Coalition. In theory, the right to protest is guaranteed by the Constitution of the Russian Federation, but Tseitlina alleges that Russian police use any means they have to suppress such events. “One police statement ordering a person’s detention for swearing in a public place may not look suspicious. But if we collect more than 50 identical statements… then it becomes clear that the evidence was contrived,” Tseitlina said. Severe police violence against peaceful street protesters in Moscow and St. Petersburg has prompted high-level criticism of President Vladimir Putin’s government abroad. But not a single police officer is known to have been punished. During one opposition rally, Sergei Gulyayev, a member of the St. Petersburg Legislative Assembly at the time, suffered a broken right arm. Gulyayev demanded to view, face-to-face, all members of the police squad involved in the incident so that he could identify who inflicted the injury. But Gulyayev says he has been shown only dated, passport-size photos that make identification impossible. In this case, it appears the unspoken impunity protecting the police is stronger than the theoretical immunity to such treatment conferred on Gulyayev as a member of the Legislative Assembly. -
“What's in a Name?”
Boris BRUK “What’s in a Name?” The Russian Understanding of Patriotism Cover photo: Ruslan Shamukov / TASS Copyeditor: Ezekiel Pfeifer © Institute of Modern Russia Permission must be obtained to quote or reproduce this paper. Contents Introduction ...................................................................................3 What Is Patriotism? .......................................................................5 Russian Understanding of Patriotism ........................................6 Monopolization of Patriotism .....................................................7 “Non-patriots” And “Illegals” .................................................... 11 In Search for An External Enemy ............................................. 14 Patriotism: Official vs. Personal ............................................... 16 Conclusions ................................................................................. 21 References .................................................................................. 22 2 Introduction A quarter-century ago, renowned political scientist and economist Francis Fukuyama argued in his influential essay “The End of History?” (1989) that the world was witnessing “the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.” Fukuyama’s essay appeared just as democratic protests were taking place in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square and numerous democratic transitions were under way in Eastern Europe, Latin America, and sub-Saharan -
20. Russo-Japanese Relations and the Security of North-East Asia in the 21St Century
20. Russo-Japanese relations and the security of North-East Asia in the 21st century Tsuyoshi Hasegawa I. Introduction Since the spring of 1996 Russo-Japanese relations have shown remarkable improvement. At the beginning of 1997, the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiated a ‘multi-layered’ approach to Russia, expanding cooperation into the economic and security areas and abandoning the policy of ‘balanced expansion’ which linked the level of economic cooperation with progress on the issue of the southern Kuril Islands. In July then Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto delivered a historic speech at the Keizai Doyukai (the Japanese Association of Corporate Executives), proclaiming Japan’s Eurasian foreign policy and enunciating three principles—trust, mutual interest and long-term perspective—as the guiding principles of Japan’s Russia policy.1 This was followed by two ‘no-necktie’ meetings between Hashimoto and Russian Presi- dent Boris Yeltsin, first in November 1997 at Krasnoyarsk and then in April 1998 at Kawana in Japan. At Krasnoyarsk Hashimoto and Yeltsin signed the Hashimoto–Yeltsin Plan for economic cooperation and pledged to conclude a peace treaty by the year 2000, resolving the question of the Kuril Islands on the basis of the 1993 Tokyo Declaration.2 At Kawana, Hashimoto reportedly proposed a solution to the territorial issue by proposing the demarcation of the border.3 Hashimoto was scheduled to make a trip to Moscow in the autumn of 1998, at which point Yeltsin was expected to respond to this proposal. The unprecedented speed with which both sides attempted to repair relations that had long been in stalemate gave rise to expectations in both Japan and Russia that it might indeed be possible to conclude a peace treaty before the next millennium.