DOCSLIB.ORG

Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States Weak States, Strong Elites, and Fractional Societies in Central Asia and Beyond Fredrik M. Sjöberg Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Brusewitzsalen, Department of Government, Gamla Torget 6, Uppsala, Saturday, October 1, 2011 at 13:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Sjöberg, F. M. 2011. Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States. Weak States, Strong Elites, and Fractional Societies in Central Asia and Beyond. Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. 228 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-506-2226-3. Why do some authoritarian states have competitive elections? This study shows that when- ever there is a balance of power between candidates, competitiveness will ensue. Electoral fraud is often widespread in autocratic states, but if no single candidate or party is in a posi- tion to monopolize electoral support, the elections will be competitive. The contribution here is to analyze the relative strength of all actors involved in a parlia- mentary election and to show that electoral returns reflect district-level balances of power, even in autocracies. Three main sources of candidate-level electoral power are identified: state, market, and society. State-affiliated candidates in authoritarian states perform well due to favorable treatment by state institutions. Market actors perform well due to financial re- sources. Market actors arise when economic reforms create a class of entrepreneurs that de- fend their interests by running for public office, often challenging state sanctioned candidates. The strength of candidates capitalizing on social cleavages, here mainly defined as ‘clan’ or ethnic, is found to be exaggerated in the literature. This study also shows that competitiveness is not necessarily caused by foreign ‘democratic interventions’ or civil society engagement in the electoral process. Furthermore, competitive elections matter because they can severely destabilize the re- gime, as was the case in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. However, electoral competitiveness that is the result of an intra-elite balance of power should not be confused with democracy. This form of raw competitiveness, where clientelism is pervasive and accountability mechanisms are weak, is an affront to the democratic ideal. For those of us who advocate democracy and genuine political participation, competitive authoritarian regimes can be used as an informative cau- tionary tale. Power matters, and especially so in authoritarian states. Understanding the logic behind competitive authoritarianism helps us revise strategies for lasting democratic reforms. Keywords: electoral competitiveness, authoritarianism, parliamentary elections, candidates, clientelism, political parties, market reform, privatization, clan, ethnicity, Kyrgyzstan, Azer- baijan Fredrik M. Sjöberg, Department of Government, Box 514, Uppsala University, SE-75120 Uppsala, Sweden. © Fredrik M Sjöberg 2011 ISBN 978-91-506-2226-3 urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-156150 (http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-156150) Printed in Sweden by Edita Västra Aros, a climate neutral company, Västerås 2011 Acknowledgements A doctoral research project is very much a product of the environment in which the research is conducted and specifically the individuals guiding and assisting in the process. Over the years I have benefited from the insight and patience of innumerous generous individuals from all over the world. At my Alma Mater, Uppsala University, I greatly benefited from the guidance of my supervisors Li Bennich-Björkman and Sven Oskarsson. Without their professional experience and insistence on excellence, this book would not be what it is today. Axel Hadenius, who agreed to supervise the project for the Sida application back in 2005, inspired the initiation of the project while I was working for the Silk Road Studies Program. All the par- ticipants in my manuscript conference deserve special mention: Henry Hale, Elin Bjarnegård, Johan Engvall, Kåre Vernby and Jonas Linde. Thank you also to Karl-Oskar Lindgren and Gunnar Myrberg, both of who were con- structive opponents when I presented my work at the higher research semi- nar in Uppsala. The research project as such would not have been possible without gener- ous grants from The Swedish International Development Agency (Sida, grants SWE-2005-216 and SWE-2006-178). Thank you also to the British Council of Finland, the Fulbright Center in Finland (ASLA-Fulbright Graduate Grant), Svensk-Österbottniska Samfundet, Stiftelsen Söderströms donationsfond at Kungl. Vetenskapsakademien, and Borbos Erik Hanssons Stiftelse. My fieldwork would have been impossible without help from all of my local assistants Lira Ajikova, Ilgiz Kambar, Iliyas Mamadiyarov, Diana Mamatova, Yryzbek Choibalsan, Munozhat Tashbaeva, and later Eraliden Payziev and Aida Aidarova. I would not know what I know today about society in Kyrgyzstan without the help of these ambitious young profession- als. What made the work in the field enjoyable as an intellectual exercise owes much to Edil Baisalov, Keneshbek Sainazarov, Emil Juraev, Shairbek Juraev, Joomart Saparbaev, Kumar Bekbolotov, Dinara Oshurakhunova, Marat Tazabekov, and Kairat Osmonaliev. I also want to thank the OSCE Academy in Bishkek, American University of Central Asia (AUCA), Peter Sondergaard, Jeff Lilley and Nurlan Nabiev at IRI, Scott Kearin at NDI, Dan Malinovich and David Mikosz at IFES, and Oskar Lehner at UNDP. A spe- cial thanks goes to all my taxi drivers, especially Murat and his reliable Kia jeep that challenged the mountains in Kara-Kulja and Alai. Finally, in terms 5 of the fieldwork I was lucky to have a few compatriots in Kyrgyzstan: Taru Kernisalo and Tapio Naula. I started my doctoral work at London School of Economics (LSE) and I especially want to thank my brilliant supervisor James Hughes and my advi- sor Roy Allison. Also Patrick Dunleavy, Bob Hancké, Bill Kissane, and David Held deserve a mention. I would also like to thank the TLC staff for all their inspiring workshops on different phases of the dissertation project. Both of my MPhil viva examiners, Timothy Colton (Harvard University) and John Sidel (LSE), were very valuable for the completion of the PhD disserta- tion. During my time at Harvard University and the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, I profited from the comments by John Schoeberlein, Steven Levitsky, Daniel Ziblatt, and Pippa Norris. I also thank the Central Asia and Caucasus working group, the Comparative Politics workshop, and the Post-Communist Politics and Economics workshop for valuable feed- back. I am also grateful to the Harriman Institute at Columbia University and especially Timothy Frye, Rafis Abazov, and Alex Cooley. The exposure to the brilliance of comparativists at Columbia really opened my mind and Israel Marques and David Szakonyi were very helpful for the completion of the book. For help with using GIS technology, I am indebted to the Elec- tronic Data Service at Columbia and especially Jeremiah Trinidad- Christensen. I also want to thank one of the most experienced election ob- servers, Anders Eriksson, who provided me with some unique OSCE data about election observation missions. Over the years I have benefited greatly from discussions with friends and colleagues Dave Gullette, Scott Radnitz, Eric McGlinchey, Sally Cummings, Ed Schatz, Erica Marat, Bhavna Dave, Niklas Schmidt, Madeleine Reeves, Alexander Wolters, Magnus Lundgren, Philipp Schröder, to mention a few. Sections of the book in earlier versions have been presented at MPSA, ASN, AAASS, CESS, ESCAS conferences. Panel participants at all of these events have provided valuable feedback that prepared me for the final test of pub- licly defending my work. Lastly, I want to thank my friends and family, and especially my parents who to this day probably do not know what I have been up to for the last five years. Most of all, of course, I am indebted to my understanding and patient wife, Ida, without whom my life would be utterly miserable. Being married to an academic nomad like me cannot be easy. At the end of the project I was distracted by the arrival of my little angel Saskia, which by any measure is the best thing that has ever happened in my life. 6 Note on Transliteration and Names For transliteration in this book I have used The United States Board on Geo- graphic Names and the Permanent Committee on Geographical Names for British Official Use (BGN/PCGN) system. The BGN/PCGN system is rela- tively intuitive for Anglophones to read and pronounce. I use a simplified form of the system to render English versions of Russian names, typically converting ë to yo, simplifying -iy and -yy endings to -y, and omitting apos- trophes for ъ and ь. However, for some frequently occurring words I decided to keep the apostrophe, like in oblast’. 7 Table of contents Acknowledgements......................................................................................... 5 Note on Transliteration and Names ................................................................ 7 Chapter 1: Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States............................ 13 Institutional pre-conditions and electoral outcomes ................................ 17 Beyond aggregate level measures ............................................................ 21 Summary and structure of the book ......................................................... 23 Chapter
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Elections and Identity Politics in Kyrgyzstan 1989-2009 - Moving Beyond the ‘Clan Politics’ Hypothesis
    LSE ELECTIONS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN KYRGYZSTAN 1989-2009 - MOVING BEYOND THE ‘CLAN POLITICS’ HYPOTHESIS Fredrik M Sjoberg Thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy (MPhil) Department of Government London School of Economics and Political Science London July 2009 Final version: 01/12/2009 11:49 UMI Number: U615307 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615307 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Fredrik M Sjoberg 2 Abstract This dissertation examines the emergence of political pluralism in the unlikely case of Kyrgyzstan.
    [Show full text]
  • With a Focus on Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan
    A Strategic Conflict Analysis of Central Asia With a Focus on Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan Niklas L.P. SwanstrSwanströmöm Svante E. Cornell Anara Tabyshalieva June 2005 A Conflict and Security Analysis of Central Asia with a Focus on Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan Niklas L.P. Swanström Svante E. Cornell Anara Tabyshalieva Prepared for the Swedish Development Cooperation Agency June 1, 2005 A Strategic Conflict Analysis of Central Asia 1 Strategic Conflict Analysis of Central Asia with a Focus on Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan .... 1 1. General Security and Conflict Situation in Central Asia................................................... 1 1.1. General conflict development........................................................................................................2 1.1.1. Multilateral security arrangements..................................................................................................3 1.1.2. Conflict management, resolution and conflict prevention...................................................................4 1.1.3. Major changes 2002-2005, summarily..........................................................................................5 1.2. Conflict lines in Central Asia..........................................................................................................5 1.2.1 Ethnicity and Border Issues............................................................................................................6 1.2.2 Regionalism....................................................................................................................................7
    [Show full text]
  • Acta Slavica Iaponica No 16
    Preface The Slavic Research Center (SRC) of Hokkaido University held an international symposium entitled “Eager Eyes Fixed on Slavic Eurasia: Change and Progress” in Sapporo, Japan, on July 6 and 7 of 2006. The symposium was mainly funded by a special scientific research grant from the Japanese Ministry of Education’s Twenty-first Century Center of Excellence Program (“Making a Discipline of Slavic Eurasian Studies: 2003–2008,” project leader, Ieda Osamu) and partly assisted by Grants-in- Aid for Scientific Research from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (“An Emerging New Eurasian Order: Russia, China and Its Interactions toward its Neighbors: 2006–2009,” project leader, Iwashita Akihiro). The symposium started with an opening speech, Martha Brill Olcott’s “Eyes on Central Asia: How To Understand the Winners and Losers.” The aim of the symposium was to redefine the former Soviet space in international relations, paying closest attention to the “surrounding regions” of Eurasia. Well-known specialists on the region came together in Sapporo to debate topics such as “Russian Foreign Policy Reconsidered,” “South Asia and Eurasia,” “Central Asia and Eurasian Cooperation,” “Challenges of the Sino-Russian Border,” and “Russia in East Asia.” All of the sessions noted China’s presence in the region. Central Asian issues and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization were mentioned in the sessions on South Asia and East Asia. Every participant recognized the crucial importance of increasing interactions in and around Eurasia. Eighteen papers were submitted to the symposium: four from Japan, three from China, two each from Russia and the United States, and one each from Korea, Hungary, India, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, and Australia.
    [Show full text]
  • The Changed Position of Ethnic Russians and Uzbeks
    KYRGYZ LEADERSHIP AND ETHNOPOLITICS BEFORE AND AFTER THE TULIP REVOLUTION: THE CHANGED POSITION OF ETHNIC RUSSIANS AND UZBEKS By Munara Omuralieva Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Supervisor: Professor Matteo Fumagalli CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2008 Abstract The Soviet Union’s multi-ethnic legacy in the Central Asian region, particularly in Kyrgyzstan was a crucial factor that largely impacted its post-independence state consolidation and transition. Especially the nation-building became difficult due to the ethnic heterogeneity of its population. More recently in 2005 there was the “Tulip Revolution”, basically an overthrow of the northern president by the southern clan leader. Despite the fact that the system and character of the government and of any other governmental structures did not change following the so- called Kyrgyz “Tulip Revolution”, there have been observations of the dramatic changes for the worse in the position of ethnic minorities, more specifically Russians and Uzbeks, and their relation with the titular nation. This work uses interviews and media material in order to demonstrate how the elite change has caused the changes analyzed in the thesis. The findings of the research demonstrate that the elite change, which was a result of 2005 events, is the main factor that has caused negative shifts in the political representation, ethnic organizations becoming more active and politicized, official policies taking more nationalistic tones, and in deteriorated inter-ethnic relations. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements I want to express deep appreciation to my supervisor Professor Matteo Fumagalli for his useful comments and suggestions throughout the writing process.
    [Show full text]
  • The Us and Russian Policy Toward Central Asia in the Framework of the Geopolitical Theory
    EURASIAN RESEARCH JOURNAL, Eurasian ERJ, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 55-68, July 2020 Research Journal July 2020 ISSN 2519-2442, KAZAKHSTAN Vol. 2, No. 2 Research Article THE US AND RUSSIAN POLICY TOWARD CENTRAL ASIA IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE GEOPOLITICAL THEORY Zhuldyz KANAPIYANOVA 1 1 Uludag University, 16059 Bursa, Turkey; e-mail: [email protected]; ORCID: 0000-0002-2992-7390 Received: 01.11.2019 Accepted: 22.01.2020 ABSTRACT Central Asia (CA) has a large geostrategic and geopolitical importance due to its central location in Eurasia and its rich energy resources in the Caspian region. After the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), establishment of new independent states in the region increased the interest of great powers in the region. The influence of the Russian Federation (RF) in the region has continued after the collapse of the USSR as it was during the time of the USSR. After the collapse of the USSR, superpowers like United States of America (USA) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) began to establish their presence in the region in order to balance the Russian policy in the region. The interest of the USA in CA countries in early years of independence was seen in areas of economic aid and energy, while the influence of Russia has continued intensively in the political, economic, energy, and military fields. In this context, the USA and the Russia have entered into a competition to gain more military influence and space in the region. This study analyzes the effectiveness of the strategies applied by the US and Russia towards Central Asia within the framework of geopolitical theory.
    [Show full text]
  • Denuclearization of Central Asia Jozef Goldblat
    It should be noted that the articles contained in Disarmament Forum are the sole responsibility of the individual authors. They do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the United Nations, UNIDIR, its staff members or sponsors. The names and designations of countries, territories, cities and areas employed in Disarmament Forum do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations. Printed at United Nations, Geneva GE.07-02732—November 2007 —4,200 UNIDIR/DF/2007/4 ISSN 1020-7287 TABLE OF CONTENTS Editor's Note Kerstin VIGNARD ....................................................................................................... 1 Central Asia at the Crossroads Strategic concerns in Central Asia Martha BRILL OLCOTT ............................................................................................... 3 Central Asia: regional security and WMD proliferation threats Togzhan KASSENOVA ................................................................................................. 13 Denuclearization of Central Asia Jozef GOLDBLAT ........................................................................................................ 25 Risks to security in Central Asia: an assessment from a small arms perspective Christina WILLE .......................................................................................................... 33 The governance of Central Asian waters: national interests versus regional cooperation Jeremy ALLOUCHE ....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Colour Revolutions in the Post-Soviet Space: Illusion and Reality of the Post-Soviet Civil Disobedience
    Krzysztof Kozłowski Warsaw School of Economics The Colour Revolutions in the Post-Soviet Space: Illusion and Reality of the Post-Soviet Civil Disobedience Abstract The political events that took place at the end of 2003 in Georgia, in 2004 in Ukraine and in 2005 in Kyrgyzstan are popularly called the Rose, Orange and Tulip Revolution or collectively: the Colour Revolutions in the post-Soviet space. At first glance the term “revolution” may seem appropriate. The Colour Revolutions have resulted in the regime change in all the three states. However, from a decade-long perspective one may notice that the revolutionary changes in the political systems of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan did not actually take place. The post-revolutionary reality: the Russian-Georgian war and criminal charges against the revolutionary Georgian President Micheil Saakashvili, the infamous ending to the political career of the revolutionary leader Victor Yushchenko just four year after the Orange Revolution and the spectacular collapse of the Victor Yanukovych regime, which led to a hybrid warfare with Russia, or Kyrgyzstan’s permanent political instability following the revolutionary events of 2005 require yet another insight into what has happened in Tbilisi, Kiev, and Bishkek. Without an in-depth analysis of the events, it is impossible to understand the fundamental social and political dynamics of the ongoing and future changes in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus or Central Asia. The re-evaluation of the Colour Revolutions is not only of historical importance, though. It is also a universal lesson concerning the most important challenge that all the democratic social movements active in the authoritarian or post-authoritarian states have to face: how to manage large-scale civil disobedience protests of a disappointed society while the ruling governments do not follow democratic rules and the international community does not fully comprehend the significance of the ongoing changes.
    [Show full text]
  • China Vs. Central Asia. the Achievements of the Past Two Decades
    45 CHINA VS. CENTRAL ASIA THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE PAST TWO DECADES Aleksandra Jarosiewicz, Krzysztof Strachota NUMBER 45 WARSAW OCTOBER 2013 CHINA VS. CENTRAL ASIA THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE PAST TWO DECADES Aleksandra Jarosiewicz, Krzysztof Strachota Co-operation: Anna Wołowska, Marek Matusiak © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITORS Adam Eberhardt EDITOR Anna Łabuszewska CO-OPERATION Katarzyna Kazimierska TRANSLATION Ilona Duchnowicz CO-OPERATION Nicholas Furnival GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-buCH PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Shutterstock DTP GroupMedia MAPS Wojciech Mańkowski PubLISHER Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-62936-30-4 Contents MAIN POINTS /5 I. CHina anD CEntRAL Asia – THE BacKGROUND FOR MUTUAL RELations /7 1. The historical background /7 2. The strategic background for relations between China and Central Asia /9 2.1. Central Asia as seen by China – key challenges /10 2.2. China as seen by Central Asian countries – key challenges /13 3. Each party’s interests /15 II. CHINA AND CENTRAL ASIA – THE KEY ASPECTS OF POLITICAL RELATIONS AND SECURITY ISSUES /17 1. The borders and the Uyghur issue – from conflicts to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization /17 2. The stability issue in Central Asia vs. relations with China /20 3. China in regional geopolitical games /21 4. The Chinese model of building its political position in Central Asia /24 5. Central Asian countries on China /28 III. CHina’S Economic PRESEncE in CEntRAL Asia – THE acHIEVEMEnts OF THE past TWO DEcaDES /31 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Why to Consider the Negative Consequences of the Overpast Revolutions in Kyrgyzstan?
    Why to Consider the Negative Consequences of the Overpast Revolutions in Kyrgyzstan? “The upheavals that have taken place in Kyrgyzstan indirectly allow us to speak about the existence of regularities – the desire from democratic transformations, as a rule, slide down to authoritarian encroachments,” mentioned researcher and analyst Konstantin Larionov, in an article written specifically for CABAR.asia. Follow us on LinkedIn In the events of 2005, 2010, and 2020, the coming opposition united completely different political forces. Kyrgyzstan is experiencing the consequences of the third coup, which, like the previous ones, was accompanied by the removal of the president, as well as the resignation of the government. There are common features and common internal logic between the past coups. If in 2005 the “tulip revolution” was well planned and organized by the opposition forces (which included Bakiev, Otunbaeva, Sariev, Atambayev, Tekebaev, Beknazarov), then the events of 2010 and 2020 took place much more spontaneously and unpredictably. In addition, the events of October 2020 contributed to the seizure of power by the most enterprising political actors. Why to Consider the Negative Consequences of the Overpast Revolutions in Kyrgyzstan? In the events of 2005, 2010, and 2020, the coming opposition united completely different political forces. This ultimately led to the fact that the goals of “revolutions” were usually not achieved, because immediately after the protesters seized the White House, the leaders of the protests began to engage in the redistribution of resources. The upheavals that have taken place indirectly allow us to speak of the existence of regularities: the desire from democratic transformations, as a rule, slide down to authoritarian encroachments.
    [Show full text]
  • Emerging Markets Forum Asia 2050 Book Launch
    AUGUST 1-2, 2011 TOKYO, JAPAN EMERGING MARKETS FORUM ASIA 2050 BOOK LAUNCH Participants’ The Emerging Markets Forum was created by the Centennial Group as a not-for-pro!t Pro!les initiative to bring together high-level government and corporate leaders from around the world to engage in dialogue on the key economic, !nancial and social issues facing emerging market countries (EMCs). The Forum is focused on some 70 emerging market economies in East and South Asia, Eurasia, Latin America and Africa that share prospects of superior economic performance, already have or seek to create a conducive business environment, and are of near-term interest to private investors, both domestic and international. We expect our current list of EMCs to evolve over time, as countries’ policies and prospects change. Further details on the Forum and its meetings may be seen on our website at http://www.emergingmarketsforum.org The Watergate O"ce Building, 2600 Virginia Avenue, NW, Suite 201 Washington, DC 20037, USA. Tel:(1) 202 393 6663 Fax: (1) 202 393 6556 A nonprofit initiative of the Centennial Group Email: [email protected] Emerging Markets Forum A nonprofit initiative of the Centennial Group Asia 2050 Book Launch Seminar August 1–2, 2011 Hotel Grand Palace, Tokyo, Japan Participants’ Profiles Tolkunbek Abdygulov Head of the Economy and Strategic Development Department, Office of the Minister of the Kyrgyz Republic Kyrgyz Republic Tolkunbek Abdygulov graduated with honors from International University of Kyrgyz Republic in 1997 with Bachelor degree in International economic relations. He continuously works on his further education and holds Master degrees in Banking PARTICIPANTS from International University of Kyrgyzstan (1999), Master of Arts degree in Development Economics from Graduate School of International Development, Nagoya University, Japan (2005) and Master of Public Administration from University of North Texas, USA (2007).
    [Show full text]
  • OMCT-Europe Weekly Newsletter 2005 No. 25, 04-10.07.2005 SUMMARY
    OMCT-Europe Weekly Newsletter 2005 No. 25, 04-10.07.2005 SUMMARY REGIONS: AFRICA ♦ Burundi Declaration by the Presidency on behalf of the European Union on parliamentary questions in Burundi (07.06.05) ♦ Sudan Javier Solana, EU High Representative for the CFSP, welcomes the inauguration of Transitional Government of Sudan, and the signing of the Declaration of Principles on the Darfur conflict (09.06.05) AMERICAS ♦ Mexico Deputy Secretary General of the Council of Europe meets Mexican Minister of Family Affairs (04.07.05) ♦ Nicaragua Declaration by the Presidency on behalf of the European Union concerning the situation in Nicaragua (08.07.05) ASIA ♦ India Parliamentary questions: Role of human rights in the EU-India strategic partnership - oral question by Sajjad Karim to the Commission (04.07.05) ♦ Tibet Council of the European Union: Declaration by the Presidency on behalf of the European Union on Tibet (06.07.05) EUROPE (OUTSIDE OF UE ) AND CIS ♦ Albania Javier Solana, EU High Representative for the CFSP, welcomes overall peaceful conduct of elections in Albania (04.07.05) ♦ Turkey Commissioner Rehn defends “rigorous” framework for negotiations with Turkey (04.07.05) Parliamentary questions: Statements by Mr Gül concerning the Patriarchate and the Halki School of Theology - oral question by Dimitrios Papadimoulis to the Council (07.06.05) ♦ Romania European Economical and Social Committee: Role of Romanian civil society should be strengthened before accession (04.07.05) ♦ Bosnia and Herzegovina Javier Solana, EU High Representative
    [Show full text]
  • Examining the Pressure on Human Rights in Kyrgyzstan
    Retreating Rights: Examining the pressures on human rights in Kyrgyzstan Executive Summary Kyrgyzstan has just experienced another period of rapid and chaotic change, the third time the country has overthrown an incumbent President in the last 15 years. This publication shows how the roots of the problem run deep. It explores how a culture of corruption and impunity have been at the heart of Kyrgyzstan’s institutional failings, problems that have sometimes been overlooked or downplayed because of the comparison to challenges elsewhere in Central Asia, but that were ruthlessly exposed by the COVID-19 pandemic. The publication tries to explain the recent emergence of the new President Sadyr Japarov in the unrest of October 2020 and what it might mean for the future of Kyrgyzstan. An instinctive anti-elite populist with a powerful personal narrative and a past reputation for economic nationalism Japarov is undertaking a rapid consolidation of power, including through controversial constitutional reform. Liberal minded civil society has been under increasing pressure throughout the last decade. They have faced successive governments increasingly seeking to regulate and pressure them and a rising tide of nationalism that has seen hatred against civil society activists expressed on the streets and online, particularly due to the weaponisation of work on women’s and LGBTQ rights. The publication proposes a root and branch rethink of donor initiatives in Kyrgyzstan to take stock of the situation and come again with new ways to help, including the need for greater flexibility to respond to local issues, opportunities for new ideas and organisations to be supported, and a renewed focus on governance, transparency and accountability.
    [Show full text]