H. Res. 156 with Amendments
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Russo-EU Relations: Impact of the Navalny Factor
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 049 – 19 March 2021 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. Russo-EU Relations: Impact of the Navalny Factor By Christopher Cheang SYNOPSIS The EU announced on 2 March 2021 new sanctions against Russia over the imprisonment of Alexei Navalny, the opposition figure. This development only confirms the already tense Russo-EU relationship but will not lead to a point of no return. COMMENTARY EUROPEAN SANCTIONS which covered travel bans and asset freezes of four top Russian officials in response to the jailing of the opposition figure Alexei Navalny did not come as a surprise. The officials are Viktor Zolotov, head of Russia’s National Guard; Igor Krasnov, the prosecutor general; Alexander Kalashnikov, the Federal Penitentiary Service chief; and Alexander Bastrykin, who heads the Investigative Committee. Zolotov and Bastrykin are seen as close to President Vladimir Putin. Russia has pledged to respond to the sanctions but can be expected to calibrate its moves. Its focus in the future will be on maintaining strong links with individual European Union (EU) countries, principally Germany. EU’s importance to Russia In an interview in mid-February, Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov stressed that Russia was prepared to sever its links with the EU, should the grouping impose sanctions in the wake of Navalny’s imprisonment. -
The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
Russia's Silence Factory
Russia’s Silence Factory: The Kremlin’s Crackdown on Free Speech and Democracy in the Run-up to the 2021 Parliamentary Elections August 2021 Contact information: International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) Rue Belliard 205, 1040 Brussels, Belgium [email protected] Contents I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 II. INTRODUCTION 6 A. AUTHORS 6 B. OBJECTIVES 6 C. SOURCES OF INFORMATION AND METHODOLOGY 6 III. THE KREMLIN’S CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 7 A. THE LEGAL TOOLKIT USED BY THE KREMLIN 7 B. 2021 TIMELINE OF THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 9 C. KEY TARGETS IN THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 12 i) Alexei Navalny 12 ii) Organisations and Individuals associated with Alexei Navalny 13 iii) Human Rights Lawyers 20 iv) Independent Media 22 v) Opposition politicians and pro-democracy activists 24 IV. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS TRIGGERED BY THE CRACKDOWN 27 A. FREEDOMS OF ASSOCIATION, OPINION AND EXPRESSION 27 B. FAIR TRIAL RIGHTS 29 C. ARBITRARY DETENTION 30 D. POLITICAL PERSECUTION AS A CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY 31 V. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 37 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY “An overdose of freedom is lethal to a state.” Vladislav Surkov, former adviser to President Putin and architect of Russia’s “managed democracy”.1 Russia is due to hold Parliamentary elections in September 2021. The ruling United Russia party is polling at 28% and is projected to lose its constitutional majority (the number of seats required to amend the Constitution).2 In a bid to silence its critics and retain control of the legislature, the Kremlin has unleashed an unprecedented crackdown on the pro-democracy movement, independent media, and anti-corruption activists. -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold. -
Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
September 14, 2020 Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies Russia has an extensive internal security system, with Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions, multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence. targeted organizations and senior leadership both Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia’s leadership, these institutionally and politically. agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have become integral to the security and stability of the Russian Law Enforcement and Internal government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is Security Agencies and Heads now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in (as of September 2020) the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev of Congress, understanding the numerous internal security National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the x Special Purpose Mobile Units (OMON) prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition x Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR) after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S. x Interior Troops (VV) sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses. x Kadyrovtsy Overview and Context Federal Security Service (FSB): Alexander Bortnikov -
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Cory Welt Analyst in European Affairs August 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44775 Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Over the last five years, Congress and the executive branch have closely monitored and responded to new developments in Russian policy. These developments include the following: increasingly authoritarian governance since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidential post in 2012; Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and support of separatists in eastern Ukraine; violations of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; Moscow’s intervention in Syria in support of Bashar al Asad’s government; increased military activity in Europe; and cyber-related influence operations that, according to the U.S. intelligence community, have targeted the 2016 U.S. presidential election and countries in Europe. In response, the United States has imposed economic and diplomatic sanctions related to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Syria, malicious cyber activity, and human rights violations. The United States also has led NATO in developing a new military posture in Central and Eastern Europe designed to reassure allies and deter aggression. U.S. policymakers over the years have identified areas in which U.S. and Russian interests are or could be compatible. The United States and Russia have cooperated successfully on issues such as nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, support for military operations in Afghanistan, the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs, the International Space Station, and the removal of chemical weapons from Syria. In addition, the United States and Russia have identified other areas of cooperation, such as countering terrorism, illicit narcotics, and piracy. -
The Political Elite Under Putin by Dmitry Gorenburg
The Political Elite Under Putin By Dmitry Gorenburg Executive Summary Russia’s political elite has undergone relatively little change under Vladimir Putin’s rule. Only sixty people have been ranked twentieth or higher at least once between 2000 and 2019 in the annual Nezavisimaya Gazeta list of the most politically influential Russians. Eighteen people have appeared on every list during this period. The greatest shift in elite composition occurred between 2007 and 2008, with smaller shifts around the presidential elections of 2004 and 2012. Most of the political elite originate in the government bureaucracy in Moscow or St. Petersburg or came to their positions of influence through personal ties to Vladimir Putin, either in St. Petersburg or in the security services. Only ten percent came to power through electoral politics; another ten percent are businessmen who made their money independently of any connections to Vladimir Putin. The elite is fairly evenly divided between individuals who have political influence solely because of their positions in government and individuals who have influence outside of their official role. People in the first group generally drop off the list quickly after leaving government or being demoted, and people in the second group tend to retain influence regardless of their position at any given time and remain influential for extended periods, even after departing government service. Introduction For most of the post-Soviet period, the newspaper Nezavisimaya Gazeta has conducted a monthly survey of Russian political experts. This survey asks its respondents to rank the 100 most politically influential Russians in the previous month. Throughout this period, the newspaper has also published an annual ranking,1 based on the average rank of those mentioned during the previous calendar year. -
The Russian Elite in the Post-Putin Era
Centre d’étude des crises et conflits internationaux The Russian Elite in the post-Putin Era Marie Brancaleone March 2021 Note d’analyse no. 76 The Russian Elite in the post-Putin Era Marie Brancaleone 2 © 2021 Centre d’étude des crises et conflits internationaux Le CECRI ne prend pas de position institutionnelle sur des questions de politiques publiques. Les opinions exprimées dans la présente publication n'engagent que les auteurs cités nommément. Direction : Tanguy Struye de Swielande Centre d’étude des crises et conflits internationaux Université catholique de Louvain Place Montesquieu 1, bte L2.08.07 1348 Louvain-la-Neuve Belgique www.cecrilouvain.be Photo de couverture : © Marie Brancaleone 3 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Marie Brancaleone is a student at the ULB, enrolled in a Specialised Master in European Interdisciplinary Studies. She already holds a Master in International Relations at UCL. Her interests mainly focus on Russian political, societal and security issues and Russia’s relations with neighbouring countries and regions, including the European Union. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................... 4 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 6 2. THE WORKING OF THE ELITE SYSTEM IN RUSSIA ..................................................... 7 3. A CATEGORISATION OF THE RUSSIAN ELITE ............................................................. 8 Putin’s family -
Russia's Private Military Contractors: Cause for Worry?
Working Paper October 2020 Authors Dr. Sergey Sukhankin Alla Hurska Russia’s Private Military Contractors: Cause for Worry? About the Authors Dr. Sergey Sukhankin is a Fellow at the James- Alla Hurska is an associate expert at the International town Foundation, an Advisor at the Gulf State Center for Policy Studies (Kyiv), and a research assis- Analytics (both – Washington DC) and an Asso- tant at the University of Alberta. Hurska’s research ciate Expert at the International Center for Policy at the University of Alberta concerns geo-econom- Studies (Kyiv). His areas of scientific interest pri- ic and geopolitical issues in the post-Soviet area, marily concern socio-economic developments including the Arctic region and geopolitics of gas in the Baltic Sea region, Russian information and and oil. She is also interested in the role of Rus- cyber security, A2/AD concept and its interpre- sian propaganda campaigns in influencing public tation in Russia, as well as the development of opinion and decision-making in post-Soviet coun- Russia Private Military Companies (geo-econom- tries. Her articles and expert comments have been ic compound) as an instrument of “power eco- solicited by international think tanks, research in- nomics”. Dr. Sukhankin has consulted/briefed stitutions, and news outlets, including Diplomaatia such top-notch institutions as the EU Parliament (Estonia), ICPS (Ukraine), Kyiv Post (Ukraine) and, in (Brussels), CSIS (Ottawa), DIA (Washington DC). Spain, CIDOB, Autonomous University of Barcelo- na, El Periódico de Catalunya, and El Confidencial. Funding Acknowledgment This Working Paper was funded by the Defence and Security Foresight Group which receives fund- ing from the Mobilizing Insights in Defence and Security (MINDS) program designed to facilitate collaboration and mobilize knowledge between the Department of National Defence, the Canadian Armed Forces, and academia and other experts on defence and security issues. -
Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
September 14, 2020 Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies Russia has an extensive internal security system, with of opportunities for enrichment and political advancement. multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions, vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence. often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia’s leadership, these targeted organizations and senior leadership both agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have institutionally and politically. become integral to the security and stability of the government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is Russian Law Enforcement and Internal now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in Security Agencies and Heads the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a (as of September 2020) transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members of Congress, understanding the numerous internal security Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition Special Purpose Mobile Units (OMON) after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR) agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S. sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses. Interior Troops (VV) Kadyrovtsy Overview and -
Russia Intelligence N∞18 P
RIA63 11/10/07 10:59 Page 1 N°63 - October 11 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN c P. 1-4 Politics & Government Hunting scenes in Moscow KREMLIN It is Moscow as it’s never been seen before : a senior officer of a power centre, Viktor Cherkesov, 56, c Hunting scenes the boss of the anti-narcotics service, a co-disciple of Vladimir Putin at the university of Leningrad in in Moscow FOCUS 1973, who entered the KGB in 1975, the point man in the hunt for dissidents in the northern capital un- c Vladimir Putin, the til 1984, Putin’s deputy at the direction of the FSB in 1998 and anxious enough about his security to pub- improbable "Chancellor of licly denounce in an open letter in the daily Kommersant «the fratricidal struggle within the secret serv- Russia" ices» that could «weaken the government and undermine the stability of the state»...Just as we have FOCUS never ceased to write, the process of Vladimir Putin’s succession is leading to chain reactions in his in- c Who will take Gazprom? ner circle which is developing into mass formation battles between two clans. Igor Sechin (presidential ALERTS administration), Nicolay Patrushev (FSB), Rashid Nurgaliev (Interior) have decided to clash with the c Gazprom in line for the opposite clan, whose principal leaders are Dimitri Medvedev, Alisher Usmanov, Alexey Kudrin, Vladimir Ankara distribution network Kozhin, Viktor Cherkesov, Viktor Zolotov, Yevgeny Murov (read details page 4). It’s likely that the ar- c Suez is preparing rest of Vladimir Barsukov, alias Kumarin, reputed head of the Tambov gang in Saint Petersburg (Rus- its entry on the Russian sia Intelligence n 61 of September 3 and n 62 September 27) was the first shot of the war whose most electricity market ∞ ∞ recent episode was the arrest by the Sechin clan of Cherkesov’s closest associate, the latter obviously be- ALERTS ing in the grasp of Sechin and Patrushev. -
Russian Private Military Contractors in Sub-Saharan Africa Strengths, Limitations and Implications
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 120 Russian Private Military Contractors in Sub-Saharan Africa Strengths, Limitations and Implications Sergey SUKHANKIN September 2020 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy, Ministry of the Armed Forces), under “Russia, Caucasus and Eastern Europe Observatory”. ISBN: 979-10-373-0222-9 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2020 Cover: © Getmilitaryphotos/shutterstock.com How to quote this document: Sergey Sukhankin, “Russian Private Military Contractors in Sub-Saharan Africa: Strengths, Limitations and Implications”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 120, Ifri, September 2020 Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy-oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues.