The New Italian Government
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Vom Abstellgleis Zur Nebenregierung1
05_Hornig Seite 454 Donnerstag, 13. Dezember 2007 9:06 09 Eike-Christian Hornig »Camera obscura« – Der italienische Senat und seine Mitglieder auf Lebenszeit: Vom Abstellgleis zur Nebenregierung1 Das italienische Parlament gilt im internationalen Vergleich als eine Besonderheit, da es mit dem Abgeordnetenhaus und dem Senat über zwei gleichberechtigte und direkt gewählte Kammern verfügt. Dieser »bicameralismo perfetto« ist seit den Umbrüchen der 1990er Jahre verstärkt in das Fadenkreuz institutioneller Reformen gerückt, da er als Quelle der Instabilität der Regierungen schnell auszumachen war. Da aber eine Kopplung des Senats an eine Dezentralisierung bzw. Föderalisierung Italiens bislang ausblieb, ist der Senat nach wie vor der »machtvolle Zwillingsbruder der Abgeordnetenkammer«2. Seit der Parlamentswahl im April 2006 steht er beson- ders im Mittelpunkt der Aufmerksamkeit, da die Regierung Prodi hier nur über eine hauchdünne Mehrheit verfügt. Bei einer symbolträchtigen Abstimmung über die Außenpolitik im Februar 2007 kam diese Mehrheit nicht zu Stande und stürzte die Regierung in die Krise. Dafür ausschlaggebend waren, neben der Abwesenheit zweier kommunistischer Senatoren der Regierungskoalition, auch zwei Senatoren auf Lebenszeit (SaL). Insbesondere der Pate der italienischen Politik, der mehrfache Ministerpräsident Giulio Andreotti sorgte mit einem kurzfristigen Stimmungs- wechsel für Kritik an der Rolle der Senatoren auf Lebenszeit als Zünglein an der Waage3. Diese war zuvor schon im Dezember 2006 laut geworden, da der Haushalt der Regierung nur Dank der massiven Unterstützung der Senatoren auf Lebenszeit verabschiedet werden konnte, was Oppositionspolitiker wie der Vorsitzende der Oppositionspartei »Alleanza Nazionale«, Gianfranco Fini als undemokratisch kri- tisierten4. 1 Für ihre Hinweise danke ich Ralf Kleinfeld, Anna Lena Etzbach und David Grewe. 2 Jörg Seisselberg, »Der italienische Senat: Machtvoller Zwillingsbruder der Abgeordne- tenkammer«, in: Gisela Riescher / Sabine Ruß / Christoph Haas (Hg.), Zweite Kam- mern, München 2000, S. -
El MSI Y El Lugar Del Fascismo En La Cultura Política Italiana = the Msi and the Role of Fascism in Italian Political Culture
El msi y El luGar DEl Fascismo En la cultura Política italiana The msi and the role of fascism in Italian political culture Ferran GallEGo Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona Fecha de recepción: 17 de febrero; revisión: 17 de mayo; aceptación definitiva: 23 de octubre rEsumEn: En este trabajo se analiza el papel del movimiento social italiano en la política del país transalpino del siglo xx. la clave de su influencia estaría en las peculiaridades del régimen político surgido de las ruinas del fascismo. con la proclamación de la república muchos fascistas se enrolaron en las filas de la Democracia cristiana y otros partidos de la derecha, dejando al msi como único heredero del fascismo. Eso no le impidió colaborar con la Democracia cristiana a través de la estrategia del «inserimento». cuando la Democracia cristiana empezó su aproximación al Partido socialista italiano, el msi se vio claramente excluido y situado en una posición relativamente marginal. su resurgimiento estará relacio- nado con los cambios radicales ocurridos en la política italiana en las décadas de los sesenta y setenta que propiciaran la llegada al liderazgo de Giorgio almirante en 1969. El msi se presentará como un partido restaurador del orden y dispuesto a combatir por sí mismo la subversión. Durante los años 80 el msi se moverá entre la estrategia del Partido-Protesta de almirante y la idea de un partido de la sociedad civil defendido por rauti. al final, el msi, tras el cambio de liderazgo de almirante por Gianfranco Fini, inició un nuevo camino donde se afirmaba la lealtad a los valores del fascismo, corroborado por la crisis del comunismo. -
The Transformation of Italian Democracy
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 29-47 The Transformation of Italian Democracy Sergio Fabbrini University of Trento Abstract: The history of post-Second World War Italy may be divided into two distinct periods corresponding to two different modes of democratic functioning. During the period from 1948 to 1993 (commonly referred to as the First Republic), Italy was a consensual democracy; whereas the system (commonly referred to as the Second Republic) that emerged from the dramatic changes brought about by the end of the Cold War functions according to the logic of competitive democracy. The transformation of Italy’s political system has thus been significant. However, there remain important hurdles on the road to a coherent institutionalisation of the competitive model. The article reconstructs the transformation of Italian democracy, highlighting the socio-economic and institutional barriers that continue to obstruct a competitive outcome. Keywords: Italian politics, Models of democracy, Parliamentary government, Party system, Interest groups, Political change. Introduction As a result of the parliamentary elections of 13-14 April 2008, the Italian party system now ranks amongst the least fragmented in Europe. Only four party groups are represented in the Senate and five in the Chamber of Deputies. In comparison, in Spain there are nine party groups in the Congreso de los Diputados and six in the Senado; in France, four in the Assemblée Nationale an d six in the Sénat; and in Germany, six in the Bundestag. Admittedly, as is the case for the United Kingdom, rather fewer parties matter in those democracies in terms of the formation of governments: generally not more than two or three. -
Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Trade: Trade and Investment Frameworks
The G20 Research Group at Trinity College at the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy in the University of Toronto presents the 2017 G20 Hamburg Summit Final Compliance Report 8 July 2017 to 30 October 2018 Prepared by Sophie Barnett, Hélène Emorine and the G20 Research Group, Toronto, and Irina Popova, Andrey Shelepov, Andrei Sakharov and Alexander Ignatov and the Center for International Institutions Research of the Russian Presidential AcadeMy of National EconoMy and Public AdMinistration, Moscow 29 November 2018 www.g20.utoronto.ca [email protected] “The University of Toronto … produced a detailed analysis to the extent of which each G20 country has met its commitments since the last summit … I think this is important; we come to these summits, we make these commitments, we say we are going to do these things and it is important that there is an organisation that checks up on who has done what.” — David Cameron, Prime Minister, United Kingdom, at the 2012 Los Cabos Summit Contents Preface ................................................................................................................................................................... 3 G20 Research Group Research Team ............................................................................................................. 4 G20 Research Group Lead Analysts ........................................................................................................... 4 G20 Research Group Analysts .................................................................................................................... -
The Political Economy of Sovereign Debt Ownership in the Eurozone
MPIfG Discussion Paper 20/2 Who Are These Bond Vigilantes Anyway? The Political Economy of Sovereign Debt Ownership in the Eurozone Tobias Arbogast MPIfG Discussion Paper MPIfG Discussion Paper Tobias Arbogast Who Are These Bond Vigilantes Anyway? The Political Economy of Sovereign Debt Ownership in the Eurozone MPIfG Discussion Paper 20/2 Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung, Köln Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne April 2020 MPIfG Discussion Paper ISSN 0944-2073 (Print) ISSN 1864-4325 (Internet) © 2020 by the author(s) About the author Tobias Arbogast was a research assistant in the Research Group on the Sociology of Public Finances and Debt at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne. Email: [email protected] MPIfG Discussion Papers are refereed scholarly papers of the kind that are publishable in a peer-reviewed disciplinary journal. Their objective is to contribute to the cumulative improvement of theoretical knowl- edge. Copies can be ordered from the Institute or downloaded as PDF files (free). Downloads www.mpifg.de Go to Publications / Discussion Papers Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies Paulstr. 3 | 50676 Cologne | Germany Tel. +49 221 2767-0 Fax +49 221 2767-555 www.mpifg.de [email protected] Arbogast: Who Are These Bond Vigilantes Anyway? iii Abstract This paper examines the ownership structure of eurozone public debt and the distribu- tional consequences thereof. Through both a comparative perspective and an explorative case study of Italy, this paper asks two research questions. Firstly, it asks who holds gov- ernment debt in Spain, France, Germany, and Italy. -
Oh for a New Risorgimento
SPECIAL REPORT I TA LY June 11th 2011 Oh for a new risorgimento SRitaly.indd 1 31/05/2011 14:42 S PECIAL REPORT I TALY O h for a new risorgimento Italy needs to stop blaming the dead for its troubles and get on with life, says John Prideaux ON A WARM spring morning in Treviso, a town in Italy’s north•east, sev• eral hundred people have gathered in the main square, in the shadow of a13th•century bell tower, to listen to speeches. The crowd is so uniformly dressed, in casually smart clothes and expensive sunglasses, that an out• sider might assume invitations to this event had been sent out weeks ago. Most people are clutching plastic ags on white sticks. Some of them car• ry children wearing rosettes in red, white and green. On a temporary stage a succession of speakers talk about the country’s glori• ous history. Italy has taken the day o to celebrate its 150th anniversary as a nation. Treviso’s mayor, Gian Paolo Gobbo, is not celebrating. The desk in his oce faces a large painting of Venice in the style of Canaletto. This has some signicance for Mr Gobbo, who has spent his political career ghting to resus• citate the Republic of Venice, which nally expired in 1797 after a long illness. Below the painting stands a uorescent• green bear. It’s just like me! exclaims the mayor, a portly man in his 60s. Green is the colour of the Northern League, C ONTENTS a party which has sometimes toyed with the idea of break• 3 The economy ing up Italy and allowing the northern part of the country For ever espresso to go it alone. -
Book Reviews
italian culture, Vol. xxxii No. 2, September 2014, 138–60 Book Reviews Fictions of Appetite: Alimentary Discourses in Italian Modernist Literature. By Enrico Cesaretti. Pp. vii + 272. Oxford: Peter Lang. 2013. Aside from a few, notable examples, such as Gian-Paolo Biasin’s I sapori della modernità (1991), gastro-criticism is a fairly new multi-disciplinary approach to literature that incorpo- rates literary studies, anthropology, sociology, semiotics and history to explore cultural production. Enrico Cesaretti’s gastro-critical approach to Italian Modernism brings together articles previously published; but here they are revised in order to read early twentieth century Italian writers and texts from a new perspective. The four chapters explore both well-known and nearly forgotten texts by authors such as F. T. Marinetti, Aldo Palazzeschi, Paola Masino, Massimo Bontempelli, and Luigi Pirandello through the common thematic of food, eating, depravation and hunger. Cesaretti notes that “virtually every major twentieth-century Western intellectual from Freud onward, has refl ected on the multiple cultural roles and implications of food and eating” (3). Modernism brought renewed focus on the body, so the trope of food, or lack thereof, becomes an important semiotic concern for writers of the period. Cesaretti’s selection of authors and texts stems from a chronological closeness more so than a great stylistic affi nity, and he is conscious of trying to unite his authors under the umbrella of the term Modernism, which, as he notes, has been problematic in Italian literary critical circles. For Cesaretti, these fi ve authors all emphasize food, hunger, and related tropes in their works because of historical reality (food shortages in Italy during the interwar years among others) and because of Modernism’s emphasis on the body and its functions. -
Technocracy: Unfeasible Ideology Or Necessary Reality?
Technocracy: Unfeasible Ideology Or Necessary Reality? The concept of Technocracy is floating higher in global media consciousness, but often in the wrong context. This author limits his definition to “rule by experts” without mention of Technocracy as an economic system. ⁃ TN Editor The term “technocracy” derives from the Greek words “tekhne” and “kratos”, meaning skill or craft, and power, respectively. It has come to mean the governance or control of society by an elite of technical experts. Technocrat Vs Politician In their nature, technocrats are unelected experts, meaning they do not have to conform to political squabbling and appease the public. A technocrat’s expertise can be of particular importance and use in calming the financial markets and diminishing uncertainty in general. The fact that these officials are unelected enables them to implement policies that are not popular. With no concerns regarding public perception and getting re-elected, policies that are well-founded in data and knowledge, that act for the greater good, are more likely to be passed. However, this contradicts the growing international opinion that unelected officials are not representative of the needs and desires of the population. The specialist know-how undoubtedly enables effective, and in some cases necessary, change. However, this abrupt and direct approach calls into question the feasibility of technocrats as a long term solution. Technocracy Track Record Greece and Italy have a history of leadership from the technical elite, with the former director of the Bank of Greece, Xenopon Zolotas, also being prime minister of Greece between 1989 and 1990. Giuliano Amato (tasked with responding to Italy’s exclusion from the European Monetary System), Carlo Azeglio Ciampi and Lamberto Dini (asked to reform the pensions system) each took office as the prime minister of Italy for a year-long period (in 1992, 1993 and 1995 respectively). -
Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 09/23/2021 12:29:26PM Via Free Access Austria Belgium
Section 5 Data relating to political systems THE COUNTRIES OF WESTERN EUROPE referendum. The constitutional court (Verfassungsgerichtshof ) determines the constitutionality of legislation and Austria executive acts. Population 8.1 million (2000) Current government The 1999 Capital Vienna election brought to an end the Territory 83,857 sq. km 13-year government coalition GDP per capita US$25,788 (2000) between the Social Democratic Party Unemployment 3.7 per cent of of Austria (SPÖ) and Austrian workforce (2000) People’s Party (ÖVP), which had State form Republic. The Austrian been under considerable strain. When constitution of 1920, as amended in the two parties failed to reach a 1929, was restored on 1 May 1945. On coalition agreement, Austria found 15 May 1955, the four Allied Powers itself short of viable alternatives. The signed the State Treaty with Austria, record gains of the radical right ending the occupation and Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) had recognising Austrian independence. changed the balance of power within Current head of state President the party system. The other two Thomas Klestil (took office 8 July numerically viable coalitions – 1992, re-elected 1998). SPÖ/FPÖ or ÖVP/FPÖ – had been State structure A federation with nine ruled out in advance by the two provinces (Länder), each with its own mainstream parties. An attempt by the constitution, legislature and SPÖ to form a minority government government. failed. Finally, a coalition was formed Government The president appoints the between the ÖVP and FPÖ under prime minister (chancellor), and, on Wolfgang Schüssel (ÖVP) and the chancellor’s recommendation, a reluctantly sworn in by President cabinet (Council of Ministers) of Klestil on 5 February 2000. -
How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article
Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais ISSN: 1519-6089 ISSN: 1984-7289 Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul Vannucci, Alberto Systemic corruption and disorganized anticorruption in Italy: governance, politicization, and electoral accountability Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais, vol. 20, no. 3, 2020, September-December, pp. 408-424 Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul DOI: https://doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37877 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=74266204008 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative OPEN ACCESS CIVITAS Revista de Ciências Sociais Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais Civitas 20 (3): 408-424, set.-dez. 2020 e-ISSN: 1984-7289 ISSN-L: 1519-6089 http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37877 DOSSIER: FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION: STATE OF THE ART AND ANALYSIS PERSPECTIVES Systemic corruption and disorganized anticorruption in Italy: governance, politicization, and electoral accountability Corrupção sistêmica e anticorrupção desorganizada na Itália: governança, politização e accountability eleitoral Corrupción sistémica y anticorrupción desorganizada en Italia: gobernanza, politización y accountability electoral Alberto Vannucci1 Abstract: This paper provides, trough different indicators, empirical evidence on the orcid.org/0000-0003-0434-1323 presumably high relevance of corruption in Italian politics and administration, providing [email protected] an explanation of how this “obscure” side of Italian politics – a pervasive market for corrupt exchanges – has found its way to regulate its hidden activities within an informal institutional framework, i.e. -
Doers Dreamers Ors Disrupt &
POLITICO.EU DECEMBER 2018 Doers Dreamers THE PEOPLE WHO WILL SHAPE & Disrupt EUROPE IN THE ors COMING YEAR In the waves of change, we find our true drive Q8 is an evolving future proof company in this rapidly changing age. Q8 is growing to become a broad mobility player, by building on its current business to provide sustainable ‘fuel’ and services for all costumers. SOMEONE'S GOT TO TAKE THE LEAD Develop emission-free eTrucks for the future of freight transport. Who else but MAN. Anzeige_230x277_eTrucks_EN_181030.indd 1 31.10.18 10:29 11 CONTENTS No. 1: Matteo Salvini 8 + Where are Christian Lindner didn’t they now? live up to the hype — or did he? 17 The doers 42 In Germany, Has the left finally found its a new divide answer to right-wing nationalism? 49 The dreamers Artwork 74 85 Cover illustration by Simón Prades for POLITICO All illustrated An Italian The portraits African refugees face growing by Paul Ryding for unwelcome resentment in the country’s south disruptors POLITICO 4 POLITICO 28 SPONSORED CONTENT PRESENTED BY WILFRIED MARTENS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES THE EAST-WEST EU MARRIAGE: IT’S NOT TOO LATE TO TALK 2019 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS ARE A CHANCE TO LEARN FROM LESSONS OF THE PAST AND BRING NATIONS CLOSER TOGETHER BY MIKULÁŠ DZURINDA, PRESIDENT, WILFRIED MARTENS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES The East-West relationship is like the cliché between an Eastern bride and a Western man. She is beautiful but poor and with a slightly troubled past. He is rich and comfortable. The West which feels underappreciated and the East, which has the impression of not being heard.