MY Name Is Lal Das. I

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

MY Name Is Lal Das. I Y name is Lal Das. I was Interview appointed by the court as Mthe chief priest of Ramjanmabhoomi temple in 1983 and “I Wonder How I am Still Alive” continued in that position until March 1,1992. Before that I used to oversee Baba Lal Das interviewed by Madhu Kishwar the work of the Ramjanmabhoomi Seva Samiti. I was attending to the a few months before his murder court case [relating to the disputed site] from 1969 to 1983, before being appointed the chief priest. On paper I am still the chief priest. This appointment was made by the Government Receiver. Earlier, a magistrate or a judge used to be the Receiver. In 1992 the BJPgovernment removed me and appointed their own supporter as the priest there. Why did they do such a thing? Why did they feel that you would not work in their interest? The question of working in anyone’s interests did not arise. 1 was not under them. I was appointed by the court and the courts appoint an impartial person. Whatever they wanted from me and whatever expectations they had that I would work for them were not possible. What expectations did they have from you? How did they want you to work in their favour? They had two expectations, one Baba Lal Das that I should issue statements to the months, we would get about Rs 10,000 that we should tell all the visitors that press in their favour and second, that to Rs 12,000. On an average we the VHP owned the mandir because 1 should tell everyone that all income received about Rs 30,000 to Rs 35,000 they had already announced all over the Ramjanmabhoomi pujari receives a year. This was used for our India that they had rights over the belongs to the VHP. expenses. mandir. How much was received annually Did they want whatever money Since when did the VHP start as offerings? that came to go to them? coming to Ayodhya? Initially it was not much. After the No, they were interested in From 1984 on wards. locks were opened, the amount of propaganda. What they wanted was Before that there was no offerings increased to between Rs 5 interference from them in Ayodhya? to Rs 10 lakhs a year. What they wanted was All the rioting and violence How much was received before that we should tell all the started in 1984. Before that there was the locks were opened? no dispute or trouble. There was a Before that, whatever used to visitors that the VHP owned small dispute in 1949 and both sides come used to be at the chabutara of the mandir because they had went to court to argue out their case. the akhara. People did not go inside already announced all over There was no fighting or slogan the mandir. When we opened the India that they had rights shouting on the roads, neither was donation boxes after five or six over the mandir. there any violence. 10 MANUSHI What happened in 1984 to cause on the streets to fight. But they did Congress. Right throughout till the them to suddenly remember this raise moral objections. demolition, the Congress has fully place? How did they do it? There have supported the BJP. Today also the BJP It all started at Sitamarhi in Bihar. not been many statements from them. has the full support of the Congress. There they took out a rath yatra to There are nearly 8,500 big and They have an internal arrangement— generate propaganda to get the locks small mandirs in Ayodhya. The press whatever the BJP does the Congress on the Ramjanmabhoomi opened. people come and meet a few people, supports. But to show the public that They got popular support and also a generally those who are in the they do not support the BJ P they lot of money. They got to realise that limelight. The Sadhu Samaj gave us make a big drama like the Ramlila. In they could make a lot of money out of moral support and protested against the Ramlila you bring Meghnad, this and also get publicity. So, with the VHP action, so did many members Ravan and Sita on the stage to show more money flowing in their of the public and political parties. the public a good drama. But behind programmes also went on increasing. Which politicalparties supported the curtain the actors are neither How did they remove you? you? Ravan nor Sita. Just in that manner, I was forcibly removed. It’s like We received support from the S all this drama is meant for public having some dacoits enter your home JP, Janta Dal, Janta(S) and the consumption. Behind the scenes both and take away everything. Bahujan Samaj Party. Only the BJP and Congress are one and the What about the police? Congress and the BJP were silent. same. What about them? The police was How come the Congress party did Supposing you were asked to on their side and the state government not support you even though you resolve the dispute in your personal was theirs. were appointed by their government? capacity, what steps would you have Did the other mahants of The Congress and the BJP have taken to settle the dispute? Ayodhya not protest about this? similar policies. What one does is Since the Muslims have never What can the mahants do? Those supported by the other. All the fought over it, the problem resolves who are on our side cannot come out troubles have been created by the itself. The Muslims had not used the Baba Lal Das praying in the Ram Janamsthan Mandir No.79 (November-December 1993) 11 Babri Masjid since 1949. The Muslims was not constructed. Their slogans foundation stone there would be more of Faizabad did not even know where changed from that point onwards. violence. Then construction would be Babri Masjid was situated, leave They held processions all over India halted. After construction was halted, alone the Muslims from the rest of announcing that they would continue the Hindus would get angry and join India. Theolder generation of their fight as long as the mandir was their side in the dispute. Faizabad may have known where the not constructed. They also used a They started construction work Babri Masjid was but the younger slogan: “This is just for starters — after they laid the foundation stone. generations did not know anything Mathura and Kashi are yet to come.” Vir Bahadur Singh stopped the about it. The Sangh parivar started (Abhi to yeh jhanki hai, Mathura construction work. Then the VHP propaganda to take revenge on the Kashi baki hai.) After this they announced that they had been descendants of Babar and to send started taking out processions in the prevented from building a mandir. them to Pakistan. Their propaganda Muslim dominated areas and started After that Rajiv Gandhi was killed. brought attention to the fact that Babri abusing them. The Muslims, who Then the elections were held. The Masjid existed in Ayodhya. It is they were in mourning, became upset at Congress formed the government at who united all the Muslims in India. these attacks. From February 7, 1986 the Centre and the BJP in Uttar When they brought the Muslims riots started. Pradesh. That the Congress and BJP together, the Muslims gave the One result of these riots was that have a common programme was not expected reaction that it was a royal many Hindus were attacked in known to the common man. The masjid and that it should not be Kashmir. The state government was Indian public could not see through touched while there was a case going dismissed in Kashmir as a result of the BJP-Congress deceptions as they on in the courts over it. The Muslims the riots. Elections have not been would alternately blow hot and cold. did not come out in the streets to fight held in Kashmir ever since then. Even The lock was not put on because over it till they were attacked openly. now there is governor’s rule in of anyone’s order. The lock was put On February 1,1986 the district Kashmir. on in 1971. It was not locked in 1949. court ordered the locks opened. The When the riots broke out on The legal aspect of this situation was BJP-VHP rathyatra processions had February 7 and continued till that the place was in charge of a to be cancelled. They were silent till February 20-22, the rath yatras were “Receiver.” The food was cooked in February 7, wondering what to do, as stopped by the then chief minister Vir the kitchen of the Ram Chabutra. The their source of income had dried up. Bahadur Singh. It was a Congress sentry would open the lock for the They used to collect a lot of money government then. When the locks bhog (food offering to deities). through the rath yatra; the villagers were opened on the orders of the In 1971, Priya Dutt Ram, who was used to pay for getting the mandir central government, Vir Bahadur the Receiver, expired. There was a opened. Now that the mandir was stopped the processions. Otherwise dispute between the new Receiver unlocked, what should they do? there would have been more and the Nirmohi Akhara. The police Did the Muslims not create any violence. After the locks had been intervened, put their own lock on, and trouble in all this time? opened, the VHP started a campaign kept the key.
Recommended publications
  • Rajesh Kumar Gupta Page 48 AMAR CHITRA KATHA: the FIGURE OF
    International Journal of Movement Education and Social Science ISSN (Print): 2278-0793 IJMESS Vol. 7 Special Issue 1 (Jan-June 2018) www.ijmess.org ISSN (Online): 2321-3779 AMAR CHITRA KATHA: THE FIGURE OF RAM AND HINDU MASS MOBILIZATION relied heavily on the symbols of Ram and Ramyana Rajesh Kumar Gupta was Mahatma Gandhi. He brought the concept of Ram Rajya. For Gandhi, Ram Rajya was an ideal Abstract „republic‟ where values of justice, equality, idealism, In this paper I tried to explore how the popular renunciation and sacrifice are practiced. His idea of comics of Amar Chitra Katha based on Ram and Satyagraha was derived from Ramyana and Geeta. Ramyana the psychology of the comics reader in the The conceptual root of the application of the concept late influenced tweinteeth century. It also shows as of Ahimsa also lay in the Geeta and Ramyan in to how these comics laid the background of ugra which it was reared, to political action.2 Gandhi's Ram instead of benovelent Ram? This was the time imaginative invention and usage of symbols when, ugra Ram became the symbol of Hindu resonated in the minds and hearts of Indians.3 With Nationalism, he was utilised as a political figure the above examples of Baba Ramchandra and which was directly or indirectly linked with the Hindu- Mahatma Gandhi, I wish to emphasize that symbols Muslim conflicts, and it also sharpning the religious of Hindu epics and figure of Ram were utilized to identity for the construction of Ram temple in critique the colonial rule and the idea of Ram Rajya Ayodhya.
    [Show full text]
  • CJP Ayodhya Petition
    1 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION I.A NO. _______ OF 2017 IN CIVIL APPEAL NO. 10866 -10867 OF 2010 IN THE MATTER OF: Mohammad Siddiq@ Hafiz Mohammad Siddiq Etc. etc Appellants Versus Mahant Suresh Dase & Ors. Etc Respondents Etc . AND IN THE MATTER OF: 1. Shyam Benegal, 103, Sangam, Pedder Road, B/h Jaslok Hospital, Mumbai – 400026 Applicant No. 1 2. Aparna Sen, Block 10, Apt 14 A&B, Bengal Silver Spring, 5 JBS Haldane Avenue EM Bypass, Kolkata 700 105 Applicant No.2 3. Anil Dharker, 15-B, Harmony Tower, Opp. Toyota Showroom, Worli, Dr. Moses Road, Acharya Chowk, Mumbai - 400018 Applicant No.3 4. Teesta Setalvad Nirant, Juhu Tara Road, Juhu, Mumbai – 400049 Applicant No. 4 5. Om Thanvi, A-304 Jansatta Apts, Sector 9, Vasundhara, Ghaziabad – 201012. UP Applicant No.5 6. Cyrus J. Guzder AFL Pvt. Ltd., AFL House, Lok Bharati Complex, Marol-Maroshi Road, Andheri (East), Mumbai – 400059 Applicant No.6 7. Aruna Roy, Village Tilonia, Ajmer District, Kishangarh, Rajasthan-305816 Applicant No.7 2 8. Ganesh N. Devy 188, II Main, I Cross, Narayanpur, DHARWAD 580 008, Applicant No.8 9. Dr. B.T. Lalitha Naik #22, 1st Main, 2nd Cross, Judicial Officer's Colony, Sanjaynagar, RMV 2nd Stage, Bangalore – 560094 Applicant No.9 10. Medha Patkar 6/6, Jangpura B, New Delhi - 110014 Applicant No.10 11. Kumar Ketkar, 29/6, Hundiwala Apartment, Ground Floor, Opp. Apollo Pharmacy, Kopri, Thane (East), Thane – 400603 Applicant No.11 12. Anand Patwardhan 27 Lokmanya Tilak Colony Marg, 2nd Floor, Street No.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Academic Freedom in India
    Academic Freedom In India: A Status Report, 2020 Nandini Sundar with Gowhar Fazili* There have been several structural concerns with academic freedom in the previous decades since independence (1947), especially during the Emergency (1975-77). However, the period since 2014 when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has seen an unprecedented assault on academic freedom as well as on academics. This is accurately reflected in the sharp downward decline in India’s position in an Academic Freedom Index. 1 However, no attempt to map academic freedom in India, including this one, can do justice to the vast diversity and unevenness in the higher education landscape. According to the All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE), 2018-19, India has 993 universities, 39,931 colleges and 10,725 standalone institutions. Of these, 385 universities and 78% of the colleges are privately managed while 394 universities and 60.53% of the colleges are located in rural areas. 37.4 million persons (19.2 million male and 18.2 million female) are enrolled in higher education in India. The Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) in higher education in India is 26.3% (18-23 years). Certain categories of citizens have less access to higher education – for instance, Scheduled Castes have a GER of 23% and Scheduled Tribes have a GER of 17.2% as compared to the national GER of 26.3%. Muslims constitute only 5.2% of the student population, compared to their overall percentage of about 14.2% in the population. The mix of public and private universities, central and state universities (funded by the federal government and by the state government respectively), ‘deemed universities’, ‘institutes of national importance’, state aided and ‘minority institutions’ (run by religious minorities under constitutional provisions), affects the nature of institutional autonomy and subsequently, academic freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • Religion and International Relations Haynes, Jeffrey
    LONDON METROPOLITAN UNIVERSITY Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities GI7076 Religion and International Relations Lecture and Seminar Programme, Spring Semester, 2015-16 Module leader: Professor Jeffrey Haynes Module teacher: Martin Ridley Email Address [email protected] Office TM1-33f Office hours 13.00-14.00 Email address: [email protected] Office: TM1-33f Office telephone number: 020 7133 5080 Introduction After September 11 2001 (9/11), the global community was concerned with cultivating better inter-civilisational relations between the Christian and Muslim worlds. This goal would require real, sustained, and meaningful global dialogue. The United Nations (UN) and the ‘citizen-civil’ sector agreed to work together to improve Muslim-Christian relations, to address their needs and help preserve their identity and cultural heritage using inter-faith dialogue to build peaceful coexistence and enhance life. In the context of ‘religion and international relations’, this puts great emphasis on a new dedicated UN body, the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC), created in 2005. How might UNAOC work towards the goal of enhancing life for people, especially Christians and Muslims most affected by inter-religious tensions and conflict, by refining strategies and social mechanisms in several dimensions? Critics contend that the UNAOC is a well-meaning, elite-sponsored, initiative that may struggle to achieve its goals. Is UNAOC provided with enough leadership, funds and/or infrastructural support, to make achievement
    [Show full text]
  • Conference Full Paper Template
    Volume: 4 Issues: 14 [March, 2019] pp.09-17] International Journal of Law, Government and Communication eISSN: 0128-1763 Journal website: www.ijgc.com RELIGION AND POLITICS: REPRESENTATION IN INDEPENDENT INDIAN DOCUMENTARIES Sukhmani Kaur Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, Guru Nanak Dev University ([email protected]) Accepted date: 01-09-2018 Published date: 10-03-2019 To cite this document: Kaur, S. (2019). Religion and Politics: Representation in Independent Indian Documentaries. International Journal of Law, Government and Communication, 4 (14), 09-17. ___________________________________________________________________________ Abstract: Among the most prominent threats to the secular and pluralistic fabric of India have been religious or caste fundamentalism and communal differences. Today, most of the chaos and disharmony the country is facing can be credited to the power-play of religion, vote and politics. The situation becomes more deplorable when humans are killed and assaulted, rapes are given communal colour, voices of dissent are suppressed, patriotism is questioned, and unity is disturbed—all in the name of religion, caste and community. This scenario has well been discussed in recent times on various media platforms. Arts and media have in their own way represented religion and related issues in myriad ways. Movies like Garam Hava, Tamas, Firaq had effectively depicted the tragedy and aftermath of communal tensions in situations like the Partition or Gujarat riots. However, what has remained mostly unexplored is the domain of documentaries in representing such sensitive issues. Since this form of cinema is direct, reality oriented, mostly informative or investigative and provides a valuable record for history, it provides an important sphere of research to find answers to certain subjects.
    [Show full text]
  • GIP076 Religion and International Relations London Metropolitan University
    GIP076 Religion and International Relations London Metropolitan University Lecture programme Section 1: Religion and international relations: Globalisation, conflict, order and religious fundamentalism 1. Religion and politics 2. Theorising about religion in international relations 3. Religion and globalisation 4. Religion and international conflict 5. Religion and international order 6. Religious ‘fundamentalism’ and international relations Section 2: Religion and international relations: Regional case studies 7. Islam and the West 8. The Roman Catholic Church as transnational actor 9. India’s international relations and Hindu nationalism 10. Confucianism and Buddhism in Pacific Asia 11. Conclusions Synopses of lectures and further reading 1. Religion and politics (7 February) This introductory lecture examines the relationship between religion and politics, both in domestic and international contexts. Reading J. Haynes, ‘Introduction’, in J.Haynes, Religion and International Relations, forthcoming (electronic copies available from Jeff) J. Haynes, Religion in Global Politics (Chapter 1) J. Haynes (ed.), Religion, Globalization and Political Culture in the Third World (Chapter 1) J. Haynes, Religion in Third World Politics J. Esposito & M. Watson (eds.), Religion and Global Order (Chapter 1) S. Hoeber Rudolph & J. Piscatori (eds.) Transnational Religion and Fading States (Chapter 1) P. Berger (ed.), The Desecularisation of the World C. Hallencreutz & D. Westerlund, ‘Introduction: Anti-secularist policies of religion’ in D. Westerlund (ed.), Questioning the Secular State S. Thomas, ‘Religion and international conflict’ in K. Dark (ed.), Religion and International Relations 2. Theorising about religion in international relations (14 February) This lecture examines the ways that various approaches – including, Realism, Liberal 1 Internationalism, and Neo-Marxism – understand the role of religion in contemporary international relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Ramamurthy, Priti, Ed. Spotlight on Ramayana
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 426 010 SO 029 230 AUTHOR Wadley, Susan, Ed.; Ramamurthy, Priti, Ed. TITLE Spotlight on Ramayana: An Enduring Tradition. INSTITUTION American Forum for Global Education, New York, NY. SPONS AGENCY Collaborative for Humanities and Arts Teaching.; National Endowment for the Humanities (NFAH), Washington, DC. ISBN ISBN-09-44675-54-9 PUB DATE 1995-00-00 NOTE 368p.; Funding also provided by CHART, Collaboratives for Humanities and Arts Teaching. AVAILABLE FROM The American Forum for Global Education, 120 Wall Street, New York, NY 10005; (Tel: 212-742-8232; Fax: 212-742-8752; e-mail: [email protected] ($40, based on numbers for quantity). PUB TYPE Guides Non-Classroom (055) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC15 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Foreign Countries; *Indians; *Instructional Materials; Literature; Multicultural Education; *Non Western Civilization; Secondary Education; Social Studies IDENTIFIERS *India; *Ramayana ABSTRACT This collection of lessons was developed by teachers in an institute focusing on teaching about India and the Ramayana. Essays providing background information are "The Oral Tradition and the Many 'Ramayanas'" (Philip Lutgendorf) and "Bringing Ramayana into the Classroom" (Hazel Sara Greenberg) .After an introduction by Susan Wadley, a Ramayana glossary, a piece called "The Ramayana! A 'Telling' of the Ancient Indian Epic," and maps of India, the sections include: (1) "How is Ramayana Part of the Great Storytelling Tradition?"; (2) "To What Extent Does Ramayana Introduce India and Its Culture?"; (3) "To What Degree Does Ramayana Help Us Comprehend Hindu Values and Religion?"; (4) "How Can Ramayana Help Us Gain an Understanding of Hindu Rituals?"; and (5)"How Does Ramayana Reflect Change Over Time and Space?" There are 25 units with lessons throughout the five sections.
    [Show full text]
  • Travails of the Nation Some Notes on Indian Documentaries
    CTTE19206.fm Page 175 Thursday, January 6, 2005 7:48 PM Third Text, Vol. 19, Issue 2, March, 2005, 175–185 Travails of the Nation Some Notes on Indian Documentaries 1. A voluminous literature Vinay Lal has grown up around what constitutes ‘documentaries’, and I suspect that the revival which documentaries are presently enjoying, in ThoughTaylorCTTE19206.sgm10.1080/0952882042000328098Third0000-0000Original2005192000000MarchVinayLalvlal@history.ucla.edu Text and& Article Francis (print)/0000-0000Francis 2005 Ltd Ltd (online) ‘Bollywood’ has become synonymous with Indian cinema to the countries such as the United States and India, uninitiated, there are an ample number of other traditions of film- will lead to further making in India, not least of which is a tradition of political documenta- speculation on the forms 1 ries. The Indian independence movement, led in the 1920s and 1930s that documentaries will take in the future. by Mohandas Gandhi, was the subject of the first concentrated phase of ‘Documentary’ became a documentary film-making. The bulk of these films, however, never movement in Britain in the received any public screening. The Cinematograph Act of 1918 intro- 1930s, and documentaries have ever since been duced censorship in India, and the Indian Cinematograph Committee of understood to be vehicles 1928, while urging the censors to curb their enthusiasm for bringing of social comment and change. The sense that films before the cutting-board, unequivocally reaffirmed the moral John Grierson conveyed necessity of censorship, especially in a country among whose natives, as 2 about the documentary, many British in India believed, passions reigned supreme. The various when apropos of Robert Flaherty’s Moana, he spoke regional censor boards did not only certify Indian films for exhibition of it as a ‘visual account of but also regulated the entry of foreign films into India and their public the daily life of a screenings.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    Bibliography INDIAN CINEMA: GOVERNMENT REPORTS Report of the Film Enquiry Committee, New Delhi, Government of India Press, 1951 Report of the Film Enquiry Committee on Film Censorship, New Delhi, Gov- ernment of India, 1969 Report of the Indian Cinematograph Committee 1927–28, Calcutta, Govern- ment of India, Central Publications Branch, 1928 Report of the Working Group on National Film Policy, New Delhi, Govern- ment of India, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1980 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS (SELECT ISSUES) Business Standard Economic Times Hindustan Times Frontline Indian Express Pioneer Sunday Times of India Vanity Fair FILM PERIODICALS, INCLUDING TRADE MAGAZINES (SELECT ISSUES) Filmindia Filmfare Indian Film Quarterly Indian Film Review Indian Film Quarterly Screen, Indian Express Publications Screen International Screen Digest 416 Bibliography WEBSITES Government Institutions www.lalitkala.gov.in (Lalit Kala Akademi) www.sahitya-akademi.org (Sahitya Akademi) http://www.gopio.org (People of Indian Origins) Educational Institutions http://www.leedsmet.ac.uk (Leeds Metropolitan University) Online Film Content http://www.darkmatter101.org/site/2007/03/12/coventry-ritz-cinema Nirmal Puwar’s film Coventry Ritz Cinema, produced by AV Frontline http://www.youtube.com Online Periodicals and Entertainment-Related Journalism http://www.variety.com (Variety Entertainment Weekly) http://123india.santabanta.com/cinema (Indian-Punjabi website for enter- tainment services) http://www.rediff.com/movies/(portal for online service) www.screenindia.com
    [Show full text]
  • Amar Chitra Katha: the Figure of Ram and Hindu Mass Mobilization
    Amar Chitra Katha: The Figure of Ram and Hindu Mass Mobilization Rajesh Kumar Gupta ABSTRACT In this paper I tried to explore how the popular comics of Amar Chitra Katha based on Ram and Ramyana influenced the psychology of the comics reader in the late tweinteeth century. It also shows as to how these comics laid the background of ugra Ram instead of benovelent Ram? This was the time when, ugra Ram became the symbol of Hindu Nationalism, he was utilised as a political figure which was directly or indirectly linked with the Hindu-Muslim conflicts, and it also sharpning the religious identity for the construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya. Keywords:Amar Chitra Katha, Comics, Identity politics, Hinduism, and Communalism. I.INTRODUCTION This work explored on the theme of a political and cultural evolution of Ram, who evolved from a popular „benevolent‟ avatar to an ugra avatar in the late twentieth century. I have utilized the comic series of Amar Chitra Katha to track the role played by the comics in laying the background for the emergence of the figure of ugra Ram. What was the role played by comics in the construction of the image of ugra Ram which was different from the earlier popular image of „benevolent‟ Ram? What was the politics behind it? How did it influence the Hindu mobilization for the construction of a Ram temple in Ayodhya? These are the questions which I am going to investigate in this paper. During the colonial period, Baba Ramchandra was a prominent peasant leader in Oudh. He used the verses and stories from Ramyana and appealed to the peasants for their mobilization against the colonial rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Langlit ISSN 2349-5189 an International Peer-Reviewed Open Access Journal UGC Approved Journal – Arts & Humanities – Sr
    IMPACT FACTOR – 4.23 ISSN 2349-5189 LangLit An International Peer-Reviewed Open Access Journal UGC Approved Journal – Arts & Humanities – Sr. No. 6067 OTHERING AS SELF-IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION: A RELIGIOUS CONTEXT FROM INDIA SHRIKARUNAAKARAN .K PhD Research Scholar, EFL University, Hyderabad. ABSTRACT This paper explores the construction of the Hindu identity even as the Muslims are represented as the other. Focus of the time period is confined to the 1990s. The period constitutes a truly ruptural moment in contemporary Indian history. The paper draws on Anand Patwardhan’s documentary, Abdul Bismillah’s short story, Shahid Amin’s essay, and Arvind Narrain’s report. Patwardhan’s documentary “In the Name of God” (“Ram ke Nam”) speaks volumes of the religious tension unleashed. Abdul Bismillah’s story “Guest is God” uses sarcasm and irony to depict the prevalent prejudices. Shahid Amin’s essay contests the contemporary representation of the Muslims; Arvind Narrain’s report reveals the intentions and the disastrous consequences of the religious riots. The paper points up the violent ideological character built into the movement of the Hindu nationalism, and finally makes a case for an impartial representation of the Muslims in correspondence with reality. Keywords: Identity; Hindu Nationalism; Representation; Other; History; India. The construction of the new Hindu identity is set on making the non-Hindus, the Muslims in this case, as the other through and through, so much so that they are portrayed as aliens. The distinction is deliberately and vigorously retained to amass/mobilise and strengthen political constituencies, and achieve narrow political ambitions. Othering is defined as a process whereby the members of a subordinate community are labelled as the other.
    [Show full text]
  • Resources Against Communalism and Religious Fundamentalism in India
    Resources Against Communalism and Religious Fundamentalism in India Researched and compiled by Harsh Kapoor WLUML Research, Information & Documentation Unit Bibliographies and Resources Series April 1995 2 Preface India’s most noble commitments to secularism and democratic governence have been under the most brazen attack in the last fifteen years. The forces of Hindutva have been steadily undermining the painfuly accumulated secular achievements of the freedom movement and the Nehru period in independent India. Since Nehru’s death, successive governments have more or less allowed the communalist tendency in the country to go unchecked. They have been appeasing communal elements among majority (the Hindus) before and after the destruction of the mosque in Ayodhya, and at the same time encouraging the most communal reaction amongst Muslims, as is evident from the Congress government’s support of the Muslim Women’s Bill. They must do this for their survival because it is the only way for them to retain some measure of their once populist base, given the fact that that base has dwindled because of the governments manifest failure to solve the basic problems of economic deprivation of the majority of its population and social discrimination against its lowest castes and tribes. Communal politics thrives under these conditions and even avowedly secular governments and political parties too succumb to it. It would be an understatement to say that there is now a crisis. The crisis has set in deeply, communal forces are in power in some of the most politically important regions of the country, and the destruction of the mosque in Ayodhya has shown that these forces have no regard for the basic constitutional commitments of the country.
    [Show full text]