Reading a Death Warrant in Tehran
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King and Karabell BS
k o No. 3 • March 2008 o l Iran’s Global Ambition t By Michael Rubin u While the United States has focused its attention on Iranian activities in the greater Middle East, Iran has worked O assiduously to expand its influence in Latin America and Africa. Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s out- reach in both areas has been deliberate and generously funded. He has made significant strides in Latin America, helping to embolden the anti-American bloc of Venezuela, Bolivia, and Nicaragua. In Africa, he is forging strong n ties as well. The United States ignores these developments at its peril, and efforts need to be undertaken to reverse r Iran’s recent gains. e t Both before and after the Islamic Revolution, Iran Iranian officials have pursued a coordinated has aspired to be a regional power. Prior to 1979, diplomatic, economic, and military strategy to s Washington supported Tehran’s ambitions—after expand their influence in Latin America and a all, the shah provided a bulwark against both Africa. They have found success not only in communist and radical Arab nationalism. Follow- Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Bolivia, but also in E ing the Islamic Revolution, however, U.S. officials Senegal, Zimbabwe, and South Africa. These new viewed Iranian visions of grandeur warily. alliances will together challenge U.S. interests in e This wariness has grown as the Islamic Repub- these states and in the wider region, especially if l lic pursues nuclear technology in contravention Tehran pursues an inkblot strategy to expand its d to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty safe- influence to other regional states. -
A Linguistic Analysis of Errors in News Agencies and Websites of Iran
ISSN 1799-2591 Theory and Practice in Language Studies, Vol. 5, No. 11, pp. 2340-2347, November 2015 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0511.19 A Linguistic Analysis of Errors in News Agencies and Websites of Iran Elham Akbari Department of General Linguistics, Shahroud Science and Researches Pardis, Iran Reza Kheirabadi Organization for Educational Research and Planning, Iran Abstract—In this research, we analyzed the common errors of three highly visited news websites of Iran within three syntactic, morphological and typographic-orthographic level to scrutinize the pitfalls of news websites. The data was gathered from three news websites of ALEF, ASRE-IRAN AND TABNAK which are listed among the most visited news websites in Iran based on Alexa ranking site. The findings showed that in studying the syntactic level of the materials on the news sites, one can face with a breach in the unmarked constituent order of Persian language and asymmetrical verbs deletion. Furthermore, the writing errors in the news are more of the typographical errors, and lack of using punctuations in the news and the commonest linguistic errors in morphological level in news sites are lexical redundancy Index Terms—errors, discourse, linguistic analysis, linguistic analysis of errors, news I. INTRODUCTION In new theories, “discourse” is a social and communicative act. In fact, discourse analysis is the analysis of the text in context. Text can be used in a broad sense by discourse analysis. Sometimes text can be news, a radio program, a page of the newspaper, a TV series, or a TV program, a simple talk, a social interaction and so on. -
Policy Notes April 2021
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY APRIL 2021 POLICY NOTES NO. 103 Deterring Iran in the Gray Zone: Insights from Four Decades of Conflict Michael Eisenstadt resident Joe Biden has stated that if Iran returns to full compliance with the 2015 nuclear accord, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the United States will too, as a starting point for P 1 follow-on talks about Iran’s missile program and regional activities. The path to a stronger, longer, and broader JCPOA, however, may be tortuous and prolonged; success is not foreordained. Indeed, since the Biden administration took office, Tehran has already resumed proxy attacks on U.S. intrests in Image: The Japanese-owned Iraq, and has accelerated work on its nuclear program while limiting access tanker Kokuka Courageous, by international inspectors, in order to (1) build leverage, (2) roll back U.S. showing damage from an sanctions, and (3) obtain other concessions. Washington needs to be able to Iranian limpet mine attack in the Gulf of Oman, June 2019. deter or counter such moves and deny Tehran advantage in ways that do not Screenshot: U.S. Central hinder renewed diplomacy. Moreover, even if talks succeed, U.S.-Iran ties will Command. MICHAEL EISENSTADT DETERRING IRAN IN THE GRAY ZONE likely remain tense for years to come. Deterrence engendered by more effectively deterring and will therefore remain a core component of U.S. policy countering Tehran’s regional activities may enhance toward Iran as a way to manage tensions, avoid Washington’s ability to deter a potential future escalation, and deny Tehran leverage, thus creating nuclear breakout by Iran. -
Ahmadinejad's Principalist Doctrine: Sovereign Rights to a Nuclear Arsenal
Ahmadinejad’s Principalist Doctrine: Sovereign Rights to a Nuclear Arsenal Farhad Rezaei Center for Iranian Studies (IRAM), Ankara, Turkey January 2017 Abstract Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won the election in 2005, on behalf of the Principalists, a hardline secular opposition, that considered the clerical establishment corrupt and soft on foreign policy. In particular, the Principalists railed against the NPT, describing it as a product of Western hegemony. Ahmadinejad asserted that Iran, like other nations, had a sovereign right to run a nuclear program. Hinting broadly that Iran would not be dissuaded from weaponizing, Ahmadinejad proceeded to fashion a “civil religion” around the alleged nuclear prowess of Iran. Nuclear Day was celebrated around the country as part of a new secular nationalist identity. But in his customary contradictory and occasionally unpredictable and even bizarre manner, the president also claimed that pursuing the nuclear program is part of his mission ordained by the Mahdi. Ahmadinejad’s “in your face” nuclear diplomacy, coupled with his penchant for messianic visions and denial of the Holocaust, rattled the West. Unsure whether Ahmadinejad spoke for himself or for the regime, the international community became alarmed that Iran crossed the threshold from nuclear rationality to messianic irrationality. The SC reacted by imposing a series of increasingly punitive sanctions on Iran. References: 1. Goodenough, Patrick. 2010. No Sign of International Unity on Iran After Administration’s Latest Deadline Passes. CNS News, January 26. http://www.cnsnews.com/news/article/no-sign- international-unity-iran-after-administration-s-latest-deadline-passes 2. Adebahr, Cornelius. 2014. Tehran Calling: Understanding a New Iranian Leadership. -
Mullahs, Guards, and Bonyads: an Exploration of Iranian Leadership
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Support RAND WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Mullahs, Guards, and Bonyads An Exploration of Iranian Leadership Dynamics David E. -
Computer-Crimes-In-Iran-.Pdf
ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom T: +44 20 7324 2500 F: +44 20 7490 0566 E: [email protected] W: www.article19.org Tw: @article19org Fb: facebook.com/article19org ISBN: 978-1-906586-72-0 © ARTICLE 19, 2013 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19; 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/legalcode. ARTICLE 19 would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. 3 Table of contents Glossary and abbreviations 05 Executive summary 06 Methodology 07 Section I – The politicisation of the internet and the Iranian regime’s response 08 Iran’s Computer Crimes Law 09 The rise of the internet in Iran 10 The Iranian state’s response to the rise of the internet 11 Socio-Political developments 11 Developments in Iranian internet infrastructure & policies 13 Regulatory bodies 16 Timeline – A historical overview of the Iranian state’s relationship with the internet 18 Section II – The damage caused by the Computer Crimes Law 23 Expert contributions 24 Dr Ahmed Shaheed, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran 24 Mr Collin D. -
TAKING BACK the NEIGHBORHOOD the IRGC Provincial Guard’S Mission to Re-Islamize Iran
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n JUNE 2020 n PN81 Saeid Golkar TAKING BACK THE NEIGHBORHOOD The IRGC Provincial Guard’s Mission to Re-Islamize Iran During 2019, the Islamic Republic of Iran erupted in nearly simultaneous public protests in cities across the country. Thousands of citizens stopped traffic along major highways, marched, and shouted complaints about the gasoline price hike that had ostensibly sparked the demonstrations in the first place. They also aired their broader complaints against the leadership. Indeed, more than forty years after the country’s Islamic Revolution, the Iranian regime has become more repressive than ever, with an apparatus that attempts to reach into every facet of life and society. The protests, for their part, were brutally quelled through force. This was a familiar experience for Iranians seeking to express their displeasure. Scholars and journalists have produced a growing body of literature on political repression in Iran and the regime’s oppressive tools, including the police and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in general.1 © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR But these studies focus mainly on the IRGC’s 1979, to protect itself against a possible coup by military and security role and its five official divisions: Iran’s conventional army, the Artesh. At the beginning the IRGC Ground Forces (IRGC-GF), Aerospace of the Iran-Iraq War, in September 1980, the IRGC Force (IRGC-ASF), Navy (IRGCN), Qods Force was rapidly expanded to include ten departments. It (IRGC-QF),2 and Basij organization.3 Only a handful incorporated the National Mobilization (Basij-e Melli), of studies cover the IRGC’s role in political suppression which was created independently several months and maintaining state control, leaving a gap in the earlier, on April 30, 1980. -
THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC's ART of SURVIVAL
THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC’S ART of SURVIVAL: Neutralizing Domestic and Foreign Threats Saeid Golkar Policy Focus 125 | June 2013 THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC’S ART OF SURVIVAL: Neutralizing Domestic and Foreign Threats All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2013 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2013 in the United States of America by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Cover photo: Iranian soldiers shout anti-American slogans at a ceremony celebrating the 27th anniversary of the return from exile of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, February 2006. (AP Photo/Hasan Sarbakhshian) Contents About the Author v Acknowledgments vii Executive Summary 1 Introduction 3 1 | Neutralizing Threats from Below 4 2 | Neutralizing Threats from Above 9 3 | Neutralizing External Threats 14 4 | Conclusion 16 Notes 17 About the Author SAEID GOLKAR is a fellow at the Roberta Buffett Center for International and Comparative Studies at Northwest- ern University. Previously, he served as a postdoctoral fellow at the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) at Stanford University. His research interests include the politics of authoritarian regimes, state control, and Middle Eastern politics; his most recent analysis has appeared in Politics, Religion & Ideology, Armed Forces & Society, Journal of the Middle East and Africa, Digest of Middle East Studies, and Middle East Quar- terly, among other publications. -
Country Information on Sri Lanka, January 2004
Chronology of Events in Iran, April 2005* April 1 Doctor claims photojournalist raped, tortured in Iran. (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) An Iranian doctor who claims he treated Canadian photo-journalist Zahra Kazemi after she had been interrogated by Iranian secret service agents says she was raped and tortured before dying from her injuries. Zahra Kazemi was a Canadian photojournalist arrested in July, 2003, by Iranian Intelligence agents. She had been photographing the infamous Evin prison in Tehran. While in custody she died of a brain haemorrhage after her skull had been crushed. Shahram Azam was a doctor in the Iranian military who says he treated Ms Kazemi. She had bruises all over her body, her nose was broken, fingers were broken, and fingernails were missing. Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) report of the same new on April 2: A hospital source ruled out claims of Shahram A'zam -- posing himself in the faked label of physician at Tehran's Baqiatollah Hospital -- on Iranian photojournalist Zahra Kazemi as were printed at the Canadian press. April 2 Centre for Defence of Human Rights meets political prisoners and families. (Iranian Labour News Agency / ILNA) Members of the Centre for the Defence of Human Rights have met a number of political prisoners and their families during the New Year holidays, Mohammad Seyfzadeh, a member of the centre said. He reported that he Centre for the Defence of Human Rights met Naser Zarafshan, Abbas Amir Entezam and the family of Mojtaba Sami'inezhad. 66 asylum seekers sent back from Canada to Iran. (Canadian newspaper Toronto Star) Canada sent 66 failed refugee claimants back to Iran in 2004, where human rights activists say they face an uncertain fate in a regime well-known for its abuses and torture. -
Vigilante Violence the ACID ATTACKS AGAINST WOMEN in IRAN and the STATE’S ASSAULT on WOMEN’S RIGHTS
Vigilante Violence THE ACID ATTACKS AGAINST WOMEN IN IRAN AND THE STATE’S ASSAULT ON WOMEN’S RIGHTS Copyright © 2015 by the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including mechanical, electric, photocopying, re- cording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. Vigilante Violence THE ACID ATTACKS AGAINST WOMEN IN IRAN AND THE STATE’S ASSAULT ON WOMEN’S RIGHTS A Briefing Paper March 2015 www.iranhumanrights.org About Us The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran is an independent, nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to the protection and promotion of human rights in Iran. The Campaign investigates and documents rights violations occurring throughout Iran, relying on first-hand accounts to expose abuses that would otherwise go unreported. We bring these violations to the attention of the international community through news articles, briefings, in-depth reports, podcasts, and videos, and work to build support for human rights inside Iran as well. The Campaign engages in intensive outreach and international advocacy aimed at defending the fundamental rights and freedoms of the Iranian people and holding the Iranian government accountable to its human rights obligations. Table of Contents Executive Summary 2 Recommendations 3 Introduction 5 The Plan to Promote Virtue and Prevent Vice 6 The Emergence of Vigilante Groups -
Turkish-Iranian Relations in a Changing Middle East
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and EDUCATION AND THE ARTS decisionmaking through research and analysis. ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from www.rand.org as a public service INFRASTRUCTURE AND of the RAND Corporation. TRANSPORTATION INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY Support RAND SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Purchase this document TERRORISM AND Browse Reports & Bookstore HOMELAND SECURITY Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Turkish-Iranian Relations in a Changing Middle East F. Stephen Larrabee, Alireza Nader C O R P O R A T I O N NATIONAL DEFENSE RESEARCH INSTITUTE Turkish-Iranian Relations in a Changing Middle East F. -
Civil-Military Relations, State Strategies and Presidential
Conflict Studies Research Centre Middle East Series 05/26 Civil-Military Relations, State Strategies & Presidential Elections in Iran Dr Babak Ganji Key Points The candidacy of Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, the former commander of the Law-Enforcement Force and Revolution Guards air force, has triggered major debate about civil-military relations in Iran. Opponents of the participation of former military commanders in politics have argued that it contravenes the late Ayatollah Khomeyni’s ruling that the military must not interefere in politics. Four of the presidential candidates: Qalibaf; former C-in-C of the Guards Mohsen Reza’i; former director of the state radio and television Ali Larijani and mayor of Tehran Ahmadinezhad have served as military commanders. However, it is Qalibaf’s candidacy which has been most controversial. Qalibaf has argued that reformism and fundamentalism are not necessarily incompatible. Qalibaf has expressed his preferences for "a mixed economy" and also sought to appeal to young religious people. The current head of the Expediency Council and former president Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani has sought to improve his chances in the elections by arguing that only he is capable of preventing the militarization of the Iranian political system. Rafsanjani has moved closer to "reformist" political figures and some reformist journalists have been arguing that a major realignment of factions in Iran is in the offing. It would be wrong to interpret this realignment in terms of "hard- liners" versus "pragmatists". Qalibaf has been trying to gain the hard- line conservative and radical votes. However, he has been vehemently opposed by the largest vigilante organization in the country, Ansar-e Hezbollah, which has accused Qalibaf and Rafsanjani's election headquarters of coordinating their strategies.