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Title MIGRATION and ECONOMIC CHANGE in OKAYAMA DURING the TOKUGAWA PERIOD Sub Title Author HANLEY, SUSAN B

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Title MIGRATION and ECONOMIC CHANGE in OKAYAMA DURING the TOKUGAWA PERIOD Sub Title Author HANLEY, SUSAN B Title MIGRATION AND ECONOMIC CHANGE IN OKAYAMA DURING THE TOKUGAWA PERIOD Sub Title Author HANLEY, SUSAN B. Publisher Keio Economic Society, Keio University Publication year 1973 Jtitle Keio economic studies Vol.10, No.2 (1973. ) ,p.19- 35 Abstract Notes Genre Journal Article URL http://koara.lib.keio.ac.jp/xoonips/modules/xoonips/detail.php?koara_id=AA00260492-19730002- 0019 Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org) MIGRATION AND ECONOMIC CHANGE IN OKAYAMA DURING THE TOKUGAWA PERIOD* SUSAN B. HANLEY If an economy is to grow, as the Tokugawa economy undoubtedly did,' the use of its resources must be improved. An increase in the mobility of labor, an im- portant factor of production, indicates that this resource is being real located in an effort to make more efficient use of it. Changes in the magnitude and patterns of mobility are also indicators of social change, and analyzed in conjunction with government efforts to control and regulate mobility can yield clues to the effective- ness of government. In this context, an analysis of mobility during the Tokugawa period, especially during the latter half, may provide valuable insight on changes in the Tokugawa economy and society, particularly as related to conditions which set the stage for the modern economic development following the Meiji Restoration. This paper then is an effort to examine and analyze mobility for employment and for mar- riage in the domain of Okayama, with emphasis on the southern half which ex- perienced considerable economic development during the second half of the period.2 In this study, I will evaluate the following hypotheses: 1) Both permanent and temporary migration, especially for employment, was common during the Tokugawa period, indicating that the village during this period was not a closed, self-sufficient society. 2) Economic development, particularly in one area of the domain, was quickly reflected in the dekasegi (t ) statistics.3 3) Political boundaries, at least in the Okayama area, did not constitute a real obstacle for persons who wished to migrate. Mobility was more closely connected to economic activity and geographical proximity than to political and administrative units. 4) Migration was common during the last two centuries of the Tokugawa * The author is indebted to Professor Akira Hayami for guidance in the use of shumon-aratame- cho for demographic analysis, to Professor Jiro Naito for making available the shumon-aratame- cho for Numa, and to Miss Akiko Ikeda for the computer programming. She would also like to thank the Foreign Area Fellowship Program and the East-West Population Institute, Honolulu, for financial support in carrying out this study. 1 For evidence of Tokugawa economic growth , see the review article, S. HANLEY and K. YAMAMURA,"A Quiet Transformation in Tokugawa Economic History," The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Feb. 1971), pp. 373-84, and Kozo YAMAMURA,"Toward a Reexamination of the Economic History of Tokugawa Japan, 1600-1867," The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 3 (Sept. 1973), pp. 509-46. 2 A discussion in English can be found in S. HANLEY, "Population Trends and Economic Development in Tokugawa Japan: The Case of Bizen Province in Okayama," Daedalus, Spring 1968, pp. 622-35. For studies in Japanese, see the source cited in footnotes following. 3 Dekasegi means leaving home to work elsewhere . 19 20 SUSAN B. HANLEY period in Okayama despite repeated efforts of the domain government to control migration, and even prohibit persons from moving from farm villages to towns and some kinds of dekasegi. 5) Some patterns of migration associated with the Meiji period , such as the practice of young adults working outside the village on contracts of a year or more, could be found in the Tokugawa period and were common by the nineteenth century. In short, it is hypothesized that in this region of Japan , the nature and patterns of mobility during the Tokugawa period were similar to those during the late nineteenth century following the Restoration , and that whatever the contrasts in government and its policies during these periods , Meiji mobility patterns can be traced to the Bakumatsu period and earlier .4 The primary sources for this study on Okayama are the shumon-aratame-cho (7; MMt m), or religious investigation registers, from two villages in the district of Kojima and one in Kamimichi (the present Jodo-gun) ." One of the uses of the shumon-aratame-cho was as a record of the permanent and usual domicile of residents of the domain. The extant copies , those left within the village, also contain notations of changes in the residence of an inhabitant and the arrival of new inhabitants, permanent or temporary . These records therefore contain information on the destination of any person leaving the village for any reason , on the former residence or the permanent residence of any person coming to the village, and the location of any permanent resident who was currently living or working outside the village.' Tables I through III contain a summary of informa- tion to be obtained from the registers of Fujito, Fukiage , and Numa. THE VILLAGES OF FUJITO, FUKIAGE, AND NUMA Fujito was a farm village located in the northwest corner of Kojima on the 4 One of the best studiesof Meijiemployment patterns , includingmobility for employment, can be found in HAZAMAHiroshi, Ninon romu kanri-shi kenkyu (A studyof the historyof labor managementin Japan), (Tokyo:Daiyamond-sha, 1964), especially pp. 241-5. HAZAMAstates that it wascommon during the earlyMeiji period for youngmen and womento go out to work not far fromhome in the textileindustry, usually on two-yearcontracts. 6 For a descriptionand discussionof the shumon-aratame-choas sourcesfor demographic studies,see SEKIYAMA Naotaro, Kinsei Ninon no jinko kozo (The population sturcture of Tokugawa Japan), (Tokyo: YoshikawaKobunkan, 1958), Chapter 1: Akira HAYAMI,"The Demographic Analysisof a Villagein TokugawaJapan: Kando-shindenof Owari Province,1778-1871," KeioEconomic Studies, Vol. 5 (1968),pp. 50-88;and HAYAMI, Kinsei no sonno rekishijinkogakuteki kenkyu(An historicaldemographic analysis of Tokugawafarming villages), (Tokyo: Toy• Keizai Shimpo-sha,1973), especially pp. 6-9. Registersare extantfor 42 yearsbetween 1775 and 1863 for Fujito,for 31 yearsbetween 1683 and 1860for Fukiage,both of Kojima,and for 33 yearsbe- tween1780 and 1871for Numa of Kamimichi. Two of the registersfor Fujito are incomplete and oneeach for Fukiageand Numa. 6 Becausethe registersfor these three villagesdo not provideunbroken times series coverage , the mostdifficult type of migrationto assessis the movingof familiesinto and out of the villages overa span of time. For this reason,no attempt has been made here to quantitativelyassess this type of migration. MIGRATION AND ECONOMIC CHANGE IN OKAYAMA 21 route leading from the castle town to the port of Shimotsui on the Inland Sea. Fujito's population numbered over 650 in both 1775 and 1794, but within the next decade fell by ten per cent. The last half century of the Tokugawa period was one of growth, however, with the population increasing from 586 in 1825 to over 700 by 1860. This increase paralleled the economic growth which resulted from land reclamation and increased opportunities for by-employments.7 With the exception of the years when its population decreased, Fujito was a labor short village with a positive net immigration for employment. (See Table I) TABLE I. DATA ON EMPLOYMENT IN HOUSEHOLDS OTHER THAN OWN 1. Worked 2. Came into 3. Net immi- 4. Worked 5. Hired labor Year outside village gration for within village within village village to work employment in household other (2. minus 1.) than own (2. plus 4.) Fujito 1775 27 43 +16 7 50 1794 30 26 — 4 9 35 1797 23 30 + 7 7 37 1798 24 24 0 7 31 1799 28 22 — 6 11 33 1800 23 22 — 1 12 34 1801 24 17 — 7 12 29 1802 18 13 — 5 13 26 1803 13 14 + 1 14 28 1804 12 15 + 3 14 29 1805 14 16 + 2 12 28 1806 15 22 + 7 12 34 1808 14 12 — 2 10 22 1809 9 15 + 6 7 22 1810 8 16 + 8 9 25 1825 8 6 — 2 3 9 1826 4 5 + 1 3 8 1827 5 11 + 6 2 13 1828 8 15 + 7 1 16 1829 10 16 + 6 4 20 1830 10 17 + 7 3 20 1831 7 12 + 5 4 16 1832 5 8 + 3 1 9 1833 4 9 + 5 2 11 1834 6 5 — 1 2 7 1835 3 7 + 4 1 8 1837 2 3 + 1 2 5 1841 2 2 0 3 5 1844 4 5 + 1 4 9 1845 2 6 + 4 3 9 1846 3 7 •4 2 9 7 See S. HANLEY, "Toward an Analysis of Demographic and Economic Change in Tokugawa Japan: A Village Study," The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol . 31, No. 3 (May 1972), pp. 515-37 for a study of Fujito. 22 SUSAN B. HANLEY TABLE I. (Continued `2) 1. Worked 2. Came into 3. Net immi- 4. Worked 5. Hired labor Year outside village gration for within village within village village to work employment in household other (2. minus 1.) than own (2. plus 4.) 1847 3 8 + 5 2 10 1848 4 9 + 5 2 11 1850 3 9 + 6 2 11 1852 4 7 + 3 4 11 1856 5 4 — 1 0 4 1857 6 12 + 6 1 13 1859 5 12 + 7 1 13 1861 5 13 + 8 2 15 1863 8 15 + 7 3 18 Fukiage 1685 8 4 — 4 0 4 1686 1 3 + 2 1 4 1687 2 5 + 3 0 5 1688 2 4 + 2 0 4 1693 11 5 — 6 1 6 1694 13 5 — 8 0 5 1697 18 11 — 7 0 11 1699 28 13 —15 0 13 1700 30 11 —19 0 11 1702 25 8 —17 0 8 1703 23 6 —17 0 6 1705 27 14 —13 0 14 1706 25 13 —12 0 13 1712 26 24 — 2 0 24 1727 23 26 + 3 0 26 1730 22 37 +15 0 37 1741 38 40 + 2 0 40 1773 15 47 +32 3 50 1780 17 30 +13 2 32 1781 21 31 +10 3 34 1787 15 32 +17 5 37 1797 30 40 +10 4 44 1801 25 41 +16 1 42 1821 26 21 — 5 2 23 1822 24 15 — 9 1 16 1826 17 22 + 5 2 24 1854 3 3 0 3 6 1855 1 3 + 2 0 3 1860 1 4 + 3 0 4 Numa 1780 18 35 +17 2 37 1785 23 31 + 8 5 36 1786 27 31 + 4 4 35 1796 24 22 — 2 10 32 1798 17 16 — 1 4 20 1799 15 22 + 7 3 25 23 MIGRATION AND ECONOMIC CHANGE IN OKAYAMA TABLE I.
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