COLLECTIVE MEMORY AND THE 11M BOMBING IN ,

A thesis submitted to the faculty of San Francisco State University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for AS the Degree 3 < *

2o\(, Master of Arts

In

Anthropology

by

Emma Christina Fuentes

San Francisco, California

May 2016 Copyright by Emma Christina Fuentes 2016 >1

CERTIFICATION OF APPROVAL

I certify that I have read Collective Memory and the 11-M Bombing in Madrid, Spain by

Emma Christina Fuentes, and that in my opinion this work meets the criteria for approving a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree

Master of Arts in Anthropology at San Francisco State University.

'James Quesada, Ph.D Professor of Anthropology

Lucia Volk, Ph.D Professor of International Relations COLLECTIVE MEMORY AND THE 11-M BOMBING IN MADRID, SPAIN

Emma Christina Fuentes San Francisco, California 2016

This thesis examines the March 11, 2004 (“11-M”) train bombings in Madrid, Spain and the massive public protests and national elections that followed as a case study on how collective memory of a violent past shaped public responses to . I argue that in

Spain, remembered experiences of the Civil War, the dictatorship of , and violence inflicted by the terrorist group ETA, were deeply influential in determining behavior and reactions after the 11-M bombing and I examine some of the ways in which memories were communicated and shared publicly. I also examine lasting effects of the bombing: the construction of two memorials to the victims, as well as medical and psychological outcomes among citizens of Madrid. My research is based on academic literature, first hand observations, and interviews conducted with Spanish citizens. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the friends who were there with me during my time in Madrid, and made it an indelibly wonderful experience: Grant, Tomas, Doyle, Alex, Jhon and Laura.

I would like to express my deep appreciation to all of my Spanish friends, both in

California and in Spain, who welcomed me and shared their culture, knowledge, and perspective with me over the years. In particular, I want to thank: Ana Belen, Soledad,

David, Francisco, Daniel, Sonia, and Ariadna, who provided especially helpful insights and interviews for this thesis.

Heartfelt gratitude to my two advisors: James Quesada and Lucia Volk for their patience, guidance, and invaluable feedback through this process. I was very fortunate to learn from two people whose work I admire greatly. Thank you to all of the professors and staff of the Anthropology department.

All my love to my family, for a lifetime of support: Laura, Leo, Megan (thanks for reading), Paul and Marlene, and to my wonderful friends that have cheered me along:

Camille, Justin, D. Bruce and Evan.

I couldn’t have done it without my husband, Anton Gronholm... .jag alskar dig.

. .if we had stayed in our world / between the table and the desk / between the town and the suburb... / If we had lived in our city / sixty years might not prove / the power this week / the overthrown past.. — Muriel Rukeyser

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures...... viii

List of Appendices...... ix

Introduction...... 1

What is 11-M and Why Study it?...... 1

Methods and Literature Review...... 7

Chapter One: 11-M...... 14

March 11 - 14, 2004: Bombing, Protests, and Elections...... 14

Chapter Two: Collective Memories of the Violent Past...... 27

The Civil War and Franco’s Dictatorship...... 27

The Pact of Silence and the Memory Movement...... 35

Mass Graves and Exhumations...... 39

ETA...... 44

El GAL...... 45

Peace Movements...... 48

Chapter Three: Cultural Representations of Violence...... 55

Images and Meaning...... 55

Guernica...... 60

Mickey Mouse...... 67

Chapter Four: Memorials and Monuments...... 73

Impromptu Memorials...... 73

El Bosque de Recuerdo - The Forest of Remembrance...... 76 El Monumento a las Victimas del 11-M - Monument to the Victims of 11-M...78

Chapter Five: Medical and Psychological Outcomes...... 89

Community Health, Social Healing, and Resilience...... 96

Conclusion...... 100

Works Cited...... 105

Appendices...... 114 LIST OF FIGURES

Figures Page

1. Cartoon: Aznar...... 19

2. Demonstrations at ,...... 20

3. Miguel Angel Blanco...... 52

4. White and Black Handprints...... 53

5. White Handprint with Train...... 53

6. Cartoon: Father and Son Looking at Guernica...... 65

7. Poster: Guernica & Madird...... 66

8. Graffiti: Aznar / Mickey Mouse...... 71

9. Memorials at Atocha Station...... 74

10. El Bosque del los Ausentes...... 76

11. Street View of Atocha Memorial...... 79

12. Interior View of Atocha Memorial...... 82

13. Presence of Acute Stress Symptoms in General Population of Madrid...... 95

14. Cartoon: 10 Anos Despues...... 103 LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix Page

A. Glossary of terms and abbreviations...... 114

B. List of Spanish Prime Ministers...... 116

C. Map of Spain...... 117

D. Map of bombing sites...... 118

E. Number of protestors, listed by city...... 119

F. Sample interview questions...... 122

G. Oral interview data spreadsheet...... 123

H. IRB approval document...... 125

ix 1

INTRODUCTION

What is 11-M and why study it?

On the morning of March 11, 2004, bombs exploded in four commuter trains in Madrid, Spain, killing 191 people and wounding approximately 1,800. At the time of the bombing, I was living just a few blocks away from Atocha train station, close enough to hear and feel the explosions. The bombing attack, which became known as "11-M" in reference to the date, was followed the next day (March 12) by massive protests in cities across Spain. There was widespread confusion about who was responsible for the attacks; new evidence in the case was being discovered hourly and disseminated to the public (or not) and the government, citizens, and journalists scrambled to circulate their versions of the truth. Protests continued through March 13, and on March 14 national elections were held. Anti-war candidate Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, of the left-leaning party Partido Socialista

Obrero Espanol (PSOE)1 won the election, defeating the incumbent Prime Minister

Jose Maria Aznar, a member of the right-wing Partido Popular (PP) who had supported the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq. Zapatero was sworn into office on April 17, and withdrew all Spanish troops from the Iraq War by April 28 (BBC News 2004;

CNN 2014, n.d., Tremlett 2006, 224-253).

1 See Appendix A: Glossary of Spanish terms and abbreviations 2

In the space of a few days, Spain experienced the largest terrorist attack in their history, the mobilization of millions of citizens nationwide in demonstrations, and an election that resulted in significant changes in both domestic Spanish politics as well as international affairs. I witnessed these dramatic events unfolding from the classic anthropological position of participant observer. 1 had moved to Madrid, alone, at the age of 24, shortly after receiving my bachelor’s degree in Anthropology.

I studied Spanish, and was certified to teach English, so I found work and a rented

room from ads in the newspaper, ultimately staying in Madrid for nearly two years

(August 2003 - June 2005). At the time of the bombing, I had no schedule for

returning to the US - Madrid was home for me. I travelled through Atocha station

on a regular basis, and it was a beautiful landmark in my neighborhood. I cared for

the people who were hurt and killed as members of my extended community.

However, as whole-heartedly as I immersed myself in Spanish culture, I was still an

American living abroad and clearly an outsider with my own cultural background

and assumptions, and at every turn the events of 11-M surprised me.

To my eyes, the public reactions of Spanish citizens - and their significant

political outcomes - were strikingly different from those of Americans in the

aftermath of September 11, 2001. This thesis arose from my desire to identify

cultural and historical factors that account for the unique social response to violence

I observed in Spain, to examine the results of that response, and to attempt to 3

understand Spaniards’ perspectives, in their own words, on the momentous events of 11-M and the days that followed.

Furthermore, while a substantial number of books, both fiction and nonfiction, have been published in Spanish dealing with 11-M (not to mention other media such as videos, interviews, and art exhibits that have been produced), I find that the bombing and its aftermath are generally not well covered in English. A limited body of academic work addressed aspects of these events, but it seemed that outside of circles of specialists, many Americans were completely unaware of 11-M and its consequences. If it was discussed at all, it was typically only as a tangent of

9/11, not an event examined in its own right. So it seemed a worthwhile project to provide an analysis of events that have been overlooked or poorly understood in the

US.

Finally, while it is not my intention to analyze "terrorism” per se, it would be absurd not to recognize that the “war on terror” has been the dominant political discourse of the United States for most of my adult life. For me personally, one of the biggest surprises of 11-M was the simple fact that the anti-war candidate, Jose

Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, was elected and actually followed through on his campaign promises to withdraw troops from Iraq. Such swift results would have been unimaginable to me in the United States. I saw the events of 11-M as a fascinating alternative to American reactions to political violence. This brings me to 4

a second, classic anthropological perspective: gaining insight into your own culture by observing another. It is worth critically examining reactions to violence; what is taken for granted and assumed to be "natural" behavior (in one’s own culture) may not be so at all. And in the unfortunate reality that political violence continues to occur, it is also worth examining public reactions as there is a great deal of potential for change; the real power in “terrorism" (however one chooses to define it) lies in the public and political reactions that are provoked.

Spain's reaction to terror has been shaped by three massive episodes of political violence in the last century: The Civil War (1936-1939), the dictatorship of

Francisco Franco (1939-1975), and the ETA conflict (1959 - 2011). I contend that through these shared experiences a core of collective memories, beliefs, symbols, concepts, and strategies of resistance have gradually developed, and that this common social consciousness informed Spanish responses to the 11-M bombing.

Their shared cultural history informed behavior and actions, both on the level of the

individual and of the collective, social body.

In examining 11-M and its aftermath against this background of historical violence in Spain, several major fields of study intersect and overlap. Needless to

say, the Civil War, Franco's dictatorship, and ETA are each the subject of substantial

research from a variety of disciplines, both within Spain and internationally. It is far

beyond the scope of this thesis to examine those individual crises in great depth; 5

rather I want to look at the ways that contemporary Spanish history2, social

movements, and collective memory converged and intersected in this one event.

I also examine some of the more lasting results of 11-M: two major

memorials that were built to commemorate the bombing, as well as medical and

psychological outcomes among the general public. The memorials demonstrate the way the public has chosen to remember the victims and represent the events. The

medical and psychological studies that were conducted provide insight into the

effects on individual lives and health among the general public, as well as broader

social functioning. I believe that the meaningful, collective action helped alleviate trauma caused by the bombing, creating a positive emotional climate (Paez, et al.

2007) and improving outcomes for many citizens.

11-M was the type of event that Pierre Nora described as "...immediately

invested with symbolic significance and treated, even as they are unfolding, as if they were being commemorated in advance" (Nora 1996, 53). The public knew, as

soon as word began to spread about the size of the attack, that this would be a

historic event. Although no one could have guessed the ultimate outcome, there was

a real sense that participating in the protests was the kind of significant action that

happens rarely, and marks an entire generation. Yet while looking to the future -

most specifically the upcoming elections - Spaniards drew on their collective

2 Contemporary history defined as events within living memory. Based on a life expectancy of 80 years, witnesses are still alive. 6

memories of past actions and symbols to communicate, unify, and mobilize. Nora describes three types of "places of memories” (lieux de memoire): physical, functional, and symbolic (Nora 1996). I would argue that in 11-M, we observe each of these types of collective memories and remembrances, overlapping and combining.

‘Physical’ or material lieux de memoire may be portable objects, such as the signs and images carried by the protestors that referred to the past (as discussed in chapter three), or the forensic evidence of the mass graves (see chapter two).

Physical places of memory may also be locations such as landscapes or monuments; the memorials to the victims of 11-M, both impromptu and officially sanctioned,

come to mind (see chapter four). Some liex de memoire are ‘functional’ - for example

a ceremony with a commemorative or pedagogical purpose. The protests, as we will

examine further, were both: immediately commemorating the victims, as well as

seeking to share information and mobilize voters. I would add that the

demonstrations had a therapeutic or healing function as well (see chapter five).

Lastly, Nora describes ‘symbolic’ lieux de memoire as often being spectacular

celebrations of triumph" by a dominant group, or the opposite - hushed

remembrances by a defeated group. In the case of 11-M, the physical presence and

mass movement of people expressed their symbolic resistance to the government's

lies, as well as their solidarity with the victims. 7

Methods and Literature Review

For this thesis, my methods consisted of informal participant observation, academic research, and interviews. Rather than following a more traditional course where a student identifies a problem or question, does scholarly research, and then goes to a location to do fieldwork, my experience living in Spain from August 2003

to May 2005 brought about my interest in the topic of 11-M, and I have followed up

on my experience with academic research and interviews.

During the time that 1 lived in Spain I had not yet applied to graduate school

or considered a thesis topic, therefore I did not take traditional field notes or

attempt to do research using any specific method. However, I do have journals,

photos, and e-mails sent to family and friends that reflect my opinions and

observations. Having studied Anthropology (major), Political Science and Spanish

(double minor) as an undergraduate, I had a strong interest in culture, social life,

politics and history, and I actively sought to inform myself and be immersed in

Spanish culture. I watched the news, read magazines and newspapers, and

discussed current events with my Spanish friends and colleagues. Furthermore, I

was working as an English teacher, and in my job I fortunately had the opportunity

to have lengthy conversation with Spaniards of all ages and from different

professions and backgrounds. Teaching introduced me to Madrilenos I would not 8

have met in my usual social circles; I was sent to homes and offices all over the city. I often asked my students their opinions, or to explain to me some aspect of Spanish politics, history, or social life. Finally, I lived just a few blocks away from one of the train stations that was bombed (Atocha) and observed first-hand the aftermath of the attacks, the protests, and the elections.

My research in Spain led me to focus on two fields of anthropological study: violence, and the cultural construction of collective memory. I studied Spanish history and culture, and also compiled current news and research about the specific events in the aftermath of the 11-M bombings and subsequent Spanish elections.

Maurice Halbwachs is credited with being the first to use the term "collective memory." He developed the concept that even individual memories are organized and interpreted by individuals within the context of their social community.

Collective memories are also linked strongly to the identity of the group and its members, creating a sense of continuity and solidarity [Halbwachs 1992). In common usage, the word 'memory' refers to the capacity of one person to recall past events - that is private or personal memory, which exists in the mind of the individual. In contrast, collective memories are expressed externally and understood among members of a cohesive social group; the group may be small, for example a family, or large and complex, for instance a nation, an ethnic group, or a religious community. Collective memories are expressed in and to the public in a 9

wide variety of ways: through stories, symbols, rituals, traditions, national holidays, objects, architecture, and more, which convey information to members of the community about their shared past, common experiences, beliefs, and values.

For example, the Vietnam War Memorial is a monument, in a specific location, which provides a focal point for community members to share memories or experiences of that particular part of their personal as well as national history.

Family members of deceased servicemen and women come to deposit flowers or images at the memorial, which are then carefully collected, curated, and stored.

Furthermore, commemorative ceremonies may be held at memorials or monuments. Physical presence, participation, the performance of songs or speeches, or symbolic actions such as leaving flowers all function to express and preserve memories of the war.

Halbwachs, as well as Pierre Nora (1996), Paul Connerton (1989), and

Andreas Huyssen (1993) emphasize that collective memories are selective, and are based on the needs and understanding of the present day. In other words, some events or people are chosen for remembrance, while other past events may be ignored or forgotten; the memories that are preserved provide a narrative of the past that is in accord with current cultural norms. Huyssen and others have also observed that as technology changes and some traditions are lost, expressions of collective memory change as well; new forms of media and postmodern 10

commodification provide new formats for remembering the past. Collective

memory is especially helpful in understanding the many ways in which past violence within Spain has been actively remembered by the public. In the events of

11-M in particular, images and symbols were used to great effect to communicate beliefs about Spaniard's shared past and political context.

In Spain, the rapid growth of a "memory movement” dedicated to revealing

and preserving information that was suppressed under Franco, has caused a recent

increase in literature - both academic and popular - about collective memory.

Archaeologist Francisco Ferrandiz (2008) is a leading figure in analyzing the social

impact of exhuming mass graves, and in describing the new narratives that are

being created in the process. Among many, I found the books Unearthing Franco's

Legacy (Jereez-Farran and Amago 2010), Exhuming Loss (Renshaw 2011), and

Working Through Memory (Ferran 2007) especially insightful.

In the case of Spain, due to the historical circumstances of the Civil War,

Franco’s dictatorship, and ETA terrorism, studies of collective memory necessarily

overlap with studies of violence; this intersection is central to my thesis. The work

of medical anthropologists researching violence and its effects on both individuals

and collectivities has been illuminating. Medical anthropologists describe many

types of violence - ranging from warfare and acts of to the more mundane

and intimate violence of daily life, as well as casting light on "invisible" violence - 11

structural and symbolic. They also analyze the effects of violence on those who experience it, including the ways people resist, cope, and heal themselves and their communities. I was particularly influenced by Social Suffering (1997) by Arthur

Kleinman, Veena Das, and Margaret Lock.

On the topic of the , Paul Preston, Antony Beevor, and Hugh

Thomas are among the leading authors in English, thoroughly covering military history and politics. However, as a student of anthropology I was most influenced by

George Orwell's autobiographical account of his participation in the war Homage to

Catalonia (1952). Although Orwell does not cover the entire spectrum of the war, he

clearly explains the various factions and internecine fighting, while providing a vivid

and compassionate description of the people, places, and lived experiences.

Similar to the Civil War, an abundance of books and articles about ETA have

been published. In researching ETA, and also the rhetoric of terrorism in general, I was especially inspired by the work of Spanish (Basque) Anthropologist Joseba

Zulaika; specifically his books Basque Violence: Metaphor and Sacrament (1988) and

Terrorism: The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy (2009), as well as numerous articles. During

the course of my research, Dr. Zulaika was also kind enough to meet with me for an

interview at the University of Nevada Reno.

For a general overview of contemporary Spain, Giles Tremlett's Ghosts o f

Spain (2006) was invaluable; covering many aspects of culture, lifestyle, politics, 12

and history. His chapter on the 11-M bombing ("11-M: Morosy Cristianos") is the most thorough account I have seen in English, and I found it intriguing that many of his observations and impressions so closely matched my own memories of the event. Also, although Ben Lerner’s Leaving theAtocha Station (2011) is a work of fiction, it was written by an American who lived in Madrid, and I found much truth in his description of 11-M and the protests.

Finally, I conducted interviews in person and by e-mail, with Spanish citizens.

The interviewees provided qualitative data about their experiences, reactions, and opinions. I conducted eleven in-person, oral interviews between February 2010 -

20113. The interviewees ranged from 25 - 40 years of age at the time of the interview, came from a variety of cities in Spain, and were living, studying, or visiting the US. Interviews lasted from one to three hours, were conducted in both

English and Spanish, and were recorded and transcribed by me. As some interviewees chose to speak in English but were not native speakers, I have not changed any of their grammar or vocabulary irregularities; all quotes used are transcribed as they were spoken. Interviews that were conducted in Spanish are quoted here in English, translated by me. I also e-mailed questionnaires which were completed by 13 participants. Sample interview questions are provided in

Appendix F and data from the oral interviews is summarized in Appendix G.

3 Per dates of IRB approval. See Appendix H. 13

Regarding the images used in this thesis, some have been difficult to cite in

traditional academic style, however 1 have chosen to include them here as visual

communication and symbolism plays such an important role in collective memory..

As mentioned above, I was interested in the topic of 11-M before 1 began graduate

thesis work, so I personally collected and saved dozens of images without knowing

that I would one day need to cite their sources. Several images came from websites

that were active in 2004 or later, but now are not, making it difficult to re-trace

origins. Images have been cited as "in the author's possession’’ when a reliable

source could not be identified. Furthermore, some of the art such as hand-made

signs, internet memes, or graffiti was created anonymously and shared collectively

so it is difficult to identify a single individual to credit. Wherever possible, 1 have

provided a citation for at least one website where the image can be found; however,

some image may be available from several other sources as well. 14

CHAPTER ONE: 11-M

March 11-14. 2004: Bombing. Protests, and Elections

Madrid, heart o f Spain,

Throbbing with the beats of fever.

If yesterday her blood was boiling

Today it boils with more heat...

- Rafael Alberti4

On Thursday, March 11, 2004 ten bombs exploded in four separate

commuter trains at the stations of El Pozo, Santa Eugenia, and Atocha during rush- hour traffic between 7:37 and 7:43 am. The stations are located in central and southern Madrid; most of the commuters were workers and students on their way

into the city. (For map of station locations, see Appendix D.) A total of 191 people were killed and approximately 1,800 were wounded in the attacks. Between 8:00

and 10:00 a.m. temporary hospitals were set up to receive the wounded, the Red

Cross put out an urgent request for blood donations, all other Cercanias (local)

trains were stopped, and Spanish citizens were advised to stay off the roads so that

ambulances and emergency vehicles could get through. Representatives of the

Spanish government - notably Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar and Interior

4 From the poem “Madrid, corazon de Espana,” written about the Civil War . Alberti went into exile during the war, not returning to Spain until 1977. 15

Minister Angel Acebes - immediately and persistently attributed the bombings to

Basque separatist group ETA; morning editions of major newspapers El Pais and

ABC as well as early TV and radio news broadcasts followed suit announcing that

ETA was probably responsible for the bombing, even though there was little evidence at that point. (BBC News 2004; CNN 2014; El Mundo n.d.)

That morning I was at home sleeping, a few blocks away from Atocha station, and I woke up when 1 heard and felt the rumbling of the explosion. I thought, "that seemed like something blew up” but, half-asleep, I told myself that was a stupid idea because "things only blow up in movies - not in real life.” I dozed a little longer, but woke up again hearing sirens outside and I began getting text messages from my roommate and friends in Madrid asking: "Where are you? Are you alright?” They knew that I lived nearby and used Atocha station regularly. It registered that something strange must be going on and I got up and turned on the news. It was probably between 8:30 and 9:00 a.m. and CNN was reporting a train bombing at

Atocha. In a surreal moment I realized that the carnage and distress on the news, which is usually so remote, was happening literally outside the apartment. I called my family, even though it was late at night in the U.S., and when my sister answered the phone it was difficult for me to speak. I remember that my voice was shaky and I had a hard time finding the words to tell her what was happening. The strongest emotions were grief for the victims, and shock that this violence had occurred in a city that I called home, in a place that I walked through every day. 16

Also, many people asked me if I had gone to look, or taken pictures, as I was an avid photographer at the time. That morning it did not even cross my mind to go to Atocha - with emergency services already at the site, there was nothing I could do

to help and 1 felt that it would be inappropriate and disrespectful to go there as a

"tourist" or to photograph anyone in distress.

I got in touch with my friends in Madrid; everyone was ok, although for many

Madrilenos it eventually turned out that almost everyone knew someone affected -

"a friend of a friend” who was on one of the trains or nearby. Later in the day I had to teach a class - I couldn't believe it wasn't cancelled. I took the bus there, and it

passed by Atocha. Although by that time the injured had been taken to the hospital, the roundabout was still mostly blocked off, a chaos of police, ambulances, journalists, and on-lookers. Approaching Madrid's central plaza Puerto del , I

remember passing a large office building with enormous banners made out of white

fabric hanging from the windows, spelling out in gigantic letters, one to each sheet, E

T A N 0. The makeshift sign was so big it covered the entire side of the building. In

those early hours after the bombing, many people’s first reaction was to blame ETA,

although that changed quickly.

By the afternoon of March 11, three other bombs that failed to detonate had

been discovered and deactivated. The bombs were approximately 22 pounds each of

"GOMA-2 ECO” explosives, loaded also with 2 pounds of nails and metal shrapnel, 17

placed in backpacks, to be detonated by cell phones (Wright 2004). As information

about the attacks got out, citizens familiar with ETA soon realized that the attacks

were inconsistent with the group’s usual style. ETA, even at their peak, had never

even attempted an attack so massive5; and they were widely believed to be

incapable of such organization by 2004, as many of their senior leaders had been

arrested. ETA rarely targeted civilians, and generally gave an anonymous warning

before an attack. ETA would stand little to gain from killing working people; there

was no reasonable objective or rationale for such an action. Furthermore, Arnaldo

Otegi (spokesman of the banned Batasuna party6, linked to ETA) publicly denied any

involvement. Other early clues indicated that it was not an ETA attack: cell phones

found in unexploded bombs were traced to Moroccan immigrants, and a van with

detonators and cassettes of Arabic music was discovered near another train station

(Tremlett 2006, 228-230; Wright 2004). Many Spaniards monitored international

news sources and were surprised by the discrepancies with local news. As one

interviewee commented:

"The sensation was a little confused [sic], no? Because looking at international newspapers, people dismissed ETA but reading Spanish newspapers - well the government ofPP said that basically they didn't want to dismiss the possibility o f ETA." -Ana

5 ETA's deadliest attack was a 1987 bombing at Hipercor supermarket in Barcelona, where 21 people were killed and 40 wounded. 6 Batasuna was a Basque nationalist political party active 2001 - 2013. They were banned in Spain in 2003 for financing ETA, and had been included on the European Union's "list of terrorist persons and organizations.” 18

Despite the growing evidence that ETA was probably not responsible, Prime

Minister Aznar7 (PP) and his officials continued to publicly blame ETA - even going

so far as to personally call journalists and newspaper editors to insist that

investigating any possibility other than ETA was a malicious distraction, as well as

pressing the United Nations Security Council to pass a resolution specifically

blaming ETA. Foreign Minister Ana directed Spanish ambassadors to "use

every occasion to confirm the authorship of ETA” (Gordon 2004; Tremlett 2006,

234). The government was actively - desperately - trying to control the media and

persuade the public of ETA's guilt. With national elections only three days away an

ETA attack would strengthen Partido Populars’ position8, as their policy was "tough

on terrorism.” On the other hand, if the bombing was planned by radical Islamists, it would reflect poorly on Partido Popular because Aznar had supported the U.S. in the war in Iraq despite an overwhelming majority of Spanish citizens (over 90%) being

opposed to the war9.

7 Aznar’s personal hatred of ETA should not be overlooked. He had himself been the victim of an ETA car bomb in 1995. Aznar was not seriously injured in the attack, although the bomb was strong enough to cause damage to nearby buildings (Tremlett 2006, 246-247). 8 It has also been claimed that Aznar and PP "obtained significant domestic benefits” from ETA’s classification as a terrorist organization; among other things justifying "a new raft of abusive anti-terrorist laws that led to the repression of the anti­ globalization movement..." (Fuster-Morell 2004). 9 Top Spanish terrorism expert Fernando Reinares has recently published an account of the 11-M bombing in which claims that they were not in fact retaliation for Iraq, and were not planned to influence the elections. See (Reinares 2014). 19

DAAL f ^ ^ 5 1

FIGURE 1: Political Cartoon, showing Aznar staring at an eye chart that clearly reads "AL-QAIDA," yet thinking to himself "ETA," implying that he is incapable of seeing the truth, even when it is spelled out quite clearly. (In the author’s possession.)

By March 12, 2004 it was widely believed that either al-Qaeda or a similar radical Islamist group was in fact responsible for the bombings, and that Prime

Minister Aznar and Partido Popular were callously attempting to deceive the public in order to win re-election10. Eleven and a half million people across Spain - two

10 According to an opinion poll published within two weeks of the bombing, at least 67% of the Spanish population believed that "the government manipulated information during the crisis” (Gordon, Madrid Bombings and U.S. Policy 2004). 20

million in Madrid alone - demonstrated for most of the afternoon and into the next morning against terrorism, against the war in Iraq, against the perceived manipulation by the government, and especially to mourn the victims. (See

Appendix E for number of protestors listed by city.) Demonstrators carried signs or chanted "iQuien ha sidoT - "Who was it?" or "We want to know.” Other signs read:

"We are not all here: 200 are missing” "The dead are not for use: stop the manipulation” (Fuster-Morell 2004) Many said simply'paz' - peace, or "No to the war."

FIGURE 2: Protestors fill the streets outside Atocha station, March 12, 2004

(Lejarcegi, Manifestacion. 12 de marzo de 2004. 2015). 21

Across Spain, people were texting their networks of friends and family,

expressing their doubts about the government's claims and sharing information about where to demonstrate, nearly all of the messages ended with the phrase

"pasalo" - pass it on. The sheer size of the protests alone was impressive. That 11.5

million people - 28% of the total Spanish population - could be mobilized by means

of text messages and e-mail to protest within one day of the bombing was truly

remarkable. Mayo Fusto-Morell has described the gatherings as having "No flags,

parties, leaders, organizers or orders: participation is horizontal, spontaneous and

massive” (2004). As described by an interviewee:

"Messages from people began to arrive, by e-mail and text, saying that they were going to protest against the government in Madrid to know the hidden - before the elections, right? - To know the hidden information. And the messages that I remember were like "they think we’re stupid" or something like that. All o f them against the PP office." - Ariadna

On Friday, I joined the protests after work. Every street was full of people, so

just by leaving your house and walking you would become a part of it - the

protesters were everywhere. It was raining. Ben Lerner (2011,122-123) and Giles

Tremlett (2006, 238) both write about people chanting the slogan "Madrid is crying”

but personally I don’t remember hearing that. I remember that a dear friend from

Glasgow used to joke about how Spanish people seemed to panic at the hint of rain,

running for the metro at the tiniest drop, but this time the rain didn't send anyone

inside - they went on with the protest, despite the rain. Later the photos would show

a virtual wall of umbrellas in the streets. Also, I had expected some kind of violence 22

in the protests. Most of my family and friends expected the same and advised: "don't go, there will be riots. Stay safe." But everything 1 witnessed was surprisingly orderly. Although tensions and emotions were high, being in the crowd felt safe.

What struck me as unusual was that, aside from when people began chanting, it was so quiet. All my memories of Madrid are noisy, except that one. The silence was extraordinary. I also remember wondering what happened to the buses, cars, and taxis that usually crowded the streets - where did they go? The streets were just solid people for as far as you could see. I don’t know what anyone would have done if they had actually needed transportation to go to work - all of that was suspended; obviously nobody was doing anything else. Any day to day business was put aside.

On March 13 an anonymous caller informed local television station

Telemadrid that there was a videotape in a garbage bin outside a large mosque in

Madrid. Police retrieved the video, which showed several masked men with machine guns. One individual spoke Arabic with a Moroccan accent and identified himself as

‘the military commander of al-Qaeda in ’ - (Abu Dujan al-Afgani). He stated:

"We declare our responsibility for what happened in Madrid exactly two and a half years after the attacks on New York and Washington. It is a response to your collaboration with the criminal Bush and his allies. This is a response to the crimes that you have caused in the world, and specifically in Iraq and Afghanistan..."

By tracking SIM cards from mobile phones connected to the undetonated bombs that had been found, the first arrests were made - five men allegedly linked to extremist Moroccan groups (BBC News 2004; Tremlett 2006, 243). Even with 23

that information, PP spokespeople continued to insist that ETA was responsible.

Public frustration increased and the demonstrations continued.

Prior to the bombing, low voter turnout and a PP victory was projected11

(Gordon 2004). On March 14, voter turnout reached an all-time high (approximately

77%) and Partido Popular was defeated in the election. The bombing particularly motivated the young and undecided voters: there were 2 million first-time voters, nearly all for Partido Socialista Obrero Espafiol (PSOE) (Gordon 2004). Jose Luis

Rodriguez Zapatero, an anti-war candidate from PSOE party, was elected. Within one month of taking office, Zapatero removed all Spanish troops from the war in

Iraq, officially ending the mission on April 28.

In the months that followed the bombing, a massive international

investigation was launched. On April 3, 2004, seven suspects blew themselves up in an apartment in a Madrid suburb as the police closed in on them. The trial of twenty-eight other suspects began on February 15, 2007 and concluded on October

31, 2007 with twenty-one of the twenty-eight defendants found guilty.

Zapatero's first term as prime minister was plagued by conspiracy theories

promoted by the losing Partido Popular party and he received a less-than-friendly

reception by the Bush administration. He was also given the nickname “Bambi” by

11 As of March 7, the last day of polling before the elections, PP was 4 percentage points ahead of PSOE (42% - 38%). The national elections of 2000 had a voter turnout of just 55%. 24

opponents, implying that he was naive like a baby deer, and was accused of being

"soft on terror” and of having won the election only because of panic over the bombings. However, Zapatero’s March 2008 re-election victory - again with remarkably high voter turnout (approximately 75%) - seemed to vindicate

Zapatero as a leader and showed that four years after the Atocha bombing, Spanish citizens still felt that they made the right decision in electing him.

Some American commentators portrayed the Spanish elections as

"appeasement to terrorism,” although this view is incorrect for several reasons. First of all, as unpopular as the war in Iraq was with Spanish voters, what truly aroused anger against Aznar and the PP government was their handling of the bombing:

"The government's premature, categorical conclusion that Basque separatists were behind the atrocities, and its stubborn refusal to back away from that conclusion...left the government looking manipulative and disingenuous in the eyes of Spanish voters” (Gordon 2004).

In the second place, being against participation in the Iraq war does not, for

Spanish voters, necessarily mean that they are against the so-called war on terror. In a presentation to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Philip H. Gordon argued that “...while the Bush administration has defined Iraq as the central front in the war on terrorism, the Spanish - and most Europeans - never accepted that argument.” A clear example of this can be seen in Prime Minister Zapatero - 25

although he immediately withdrew troops from Iraq, he promised to make fighting terrorism a high priority and actually increased Spanish participation in the war in

Afghanistan (Gordon 2004).

Third, the Spanish have been dealing with terrorism for decades. Despite suffering a great deal of violence at the hands of ETA, Spaniards have not surrendered to their demands. "Even a brief glance at the implacable stand that

Spanish governments, including Socialist governments, have historically taken against ETA in particular and terrorism in general should convince us that appeasement is not their natural inclination” (Gordon 2004). In other words, the

Spanish vote for Zapatero was not motivated by panic or fear of terrorism. Their vote was primarily based on anger at Aznar’s deception and secondarily against the war in Iraq.

Much like with 9/11 in the US or any other controversial event, there are an abundance of conspiracy theories about the true details of the attacks, as well as their actual perpetrators. Many of these focus on disputes about specific pieces of evidence and the investigation. Often, conspiracy theories are politically motivated; and the issue is still quite divisive. During the course of my research, I inevitably found heated arguments regarding the "real truth" about 11-M in the comments sections of online articles and videos. A couple of people that I interviewed also suggested that they had some doubt about who was “really” behind the attacks. 26

Among politically right-leaning members and supporters of the PP, there are a variety of popular theories attributing some or all of the blame to the leftist political party PSOE, as they won the election in the fallout of the bombing, or ETA or both.

For the purposes of this thesis, I have provided only a brief summary of the main events, and I have used what I believe to be the most “mainstream” or generally accepted account, as reported by major news sources, such as CNN, BBC, Spanish

media, as well as independent observers. 27

CHAPTER TWO: COLLECTIVE MEMORIES OF THE VIOLENT PAST

The events of March 11 did not occur in a vacuum; they were seen, experienced and understood within an existing framework of collective memories of a violent past that Spaniards shared. In particular, the Civil War and Franco's dictatorship left deep imprints on the social body of Spain, as did the long running conflict between ETA and the Spanish nation-state. Memories of this distinct

Spanish past shaped the responses to 11M. At the time 11M occurred, the memory movement was bringing new information and debates about the past sharply into focus.

The Civil War and Franco's Dictatorship

"Here lies half of Spain. It died o f the other half."

- Mariano Jose de Larra (1836)

The image of a deeply divided Spain - a nation composed of almost polar opposites - far predates the Spanish Civil War. Although it may be a bit of an over­ simplification, the phrase “the two " is often used to express nearly 28

irreconcilable cultural and political differences, and is derived from Antonio

Machado's121917 poem (Tremlett 2006,12), which reads as follows:

Ya hay un espanol que quiere viviry a vivir empieza / entre una Espana que muerey otra Espana que bosteza. Espafiolito que vienes al mundo, teguarde Dios: Una de las dos Espanas ha de helarte el coraon.

There is now a Spaniard who wants to live, and has started to do it, between a Spain that dies and a Spain that yawns. Little Spaniard who is just now coming to the world, may God guard you! One o f the two Spains will freeze your heart.

This poem is well known in Spain, and was in fact introduced to me by one of my interviewees, and mentioned by another.

In brief, the ideological conflicts between left and right (secular and religious, anarchist and monarchist, progressive and conservative, worker and land-owner, regionalist and centralist, democrat and fascist...) had long been established in

Spain; there had been three other civil wars in the century before the more well known twentieth century Civil War (Preston 1996, 9). Divisions dating at least back to the Civil War, and in some cases hundreds of years further were suddenly remembered and relevant, and there were symbols and slogans expressing that in the protests of 11-M.

The most recent Spanish Civil War (1936 - 1939) began with a coup d’etat against the existing progressive government and ended with the establishment of

12 Ironically, Machado’s own brother later wrote an ode to Franco; and Machado eventually fled the Civil War and died in exile, so this topic was intimately familiar to him. 29

General Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1939 - 1975). Franco's Nationalists were supported by fascist and Italy. The Republicans were supported by communist Russia, as well as volunteers from at least 53 countries13 and a variety of socialist, Marxist, and anarchist groups.14 The Spanish struggle of democracy against is often seen as a prologue to World War II and the involvement of these foreign powers in many ways foreshadowed the proxy wars of the Cold War era as well, with the U.S. later backing Franco because he was staunchly anti-communist.

The war was devastating, although estimates of casualties vary greatly

because documentation was systematically destroyed both at the end of the war and

upon Franco's death. One recent study put the number of people killed during the war by Republicans at 50,000 - 60,000 and by Nationalists at 100,000, with an

additional 50,000 people killed after the war, during Franco’s dictatorship. Other

researchers have estimated the number of civilians killed after the war as was as

high as 100,000 or even 192,000 (Ferran 2007, 300). War crimes and atrocities

were committed by both sides, as well as by soldiers sent on behalf of other

countries and political interests. The Basque city of Guernica was tragically bombed,

13 The Abraham Lincoln Brigade consisted of volunteers from the U.S. and many other countries. 14 The Fascists promoted a religious / racist ideology in which "...the Republic was the regime of the rabble, which was remotely controlled by a sinister conspiracy of Jews, Freemasons, and Communists” who were "conspiring to destroy Christian Europe with Spain as a principal target." Muslims were also included in the Fascist rhetoric. Franco portrayed the Civil War as a Holy War or Crusade, with the Fascists as defenders of Christianity against Jews, Communists, Atheists, Muslims, etc. (Jereez-Farran and Amago 2010, 31-46) 30

becoming the inspiration for Picasso’s famous painting. Madrid (also aerially

bombed) was the last major city to fall to Franco, and the citizens’ stubborn

resistance during a three-year siege was, and still is, typically portrayed as patriotic and heroic (Rhodes 2015,19-33.)

As it was a civil war, it goes without saying that brothers and neighbors

fought each other; several interviewees described having family members

(grandparents) on both sides. One gave a good example of the complexity of

conflicting interests: His grandparents from Barcelona were devout Catholics, so in

one sense they were inclined to support Franco, but as Catalans they were also

members of a group persecuted by Franco's regime. The politics of religion and

national identity divided the family and their allegiances. Several interviewees also

explained that their grandparents had been obliged to fight for one side or the other

without really understanding what was going on, or even to fight knowingly for a

side they didn't support.

"I think both o f my grandparents were...you know they didn’t ask them if they want to go to the military service or not - they just took them. So they fought for the Nacionales because they were took [sic] to the military service, and that’s it." - Anna

7 have my two grandfathers, they went to the - well, they went to the war. Well, everybody had to.... And he was on the left, this grandfather, but he had - he was in so he had to fight with the Nacionales, with Franco, so for him it was really bad." - Sonia 31

"But my grandfather...one didn't fight in the Civil War, but the other fought with Franco and then...I don't know. My father wasn't conservative or anything like that, he never brought up this topic and I suppose it's because o f that. He was embarrassed o f what had happened. But they were village people, and so the war just took them...they were recruited and went to fight at the front and that's it...what I've heard from older people is nobody had any idea about anything. They [soldiers] simply came and said "You - with us. You - over here" no? And you had to fight and you had to-you were obliged to go fight with one side or the other, with whoever had arrived there first. Especially in Spain at that time, the rural zones were really backwards, and in the area o f my family...they didn’t know nothing! They didn't know anything about politics. No idea." - David

There is certainly truth to these claims; unfortunate Spaniards were swept up involuntarily by military force, having little choice but to join up or be executed on the spot. George Orwell described similar situations in his autobiographical account Homage to (1952). 1 am not questioning the statements of these interviewees (three people I know personally as exceptionally candid and honest) or their families. However, reading their comments from a more critical distance begs the question: Is there a face-saving rhetoric at work here? In his work on social memory, Maurice Halbwachs writes: "Collective frameworks are...precisely the instruments used by the collective memory to reconstruct an image of the past which is in accord in each epoch, with the predominant thoughts of the society”

(Halbwachs 1992,41). Similarly, Paul Connerton writes in his introduction to How

Societies Remember. "Concerning social memory in particular, we may note that images of the past commonly legitimate a present social order" (Connerton 1989, 3).

Andreas Huyssen, specifically in respect to identity and the reliability of memory, 32

also suggests that the past is negotiated in light of current needs or is contingent on present social circumstances, stating that "the ways we remember define us in the present" (Huyssen 1993, 249).

In Spain, these days it is safe to say that publicly supporting Franco is an unpopular position, even for those who may be politically inclined to the right, and very few would enthusiastically associate themselves or their family with Franco's legacy. It would be especially uncomfortable for most people to say, "Oh, my granddad was a real fascist, so he joined the Nationalists..." However, the claim that grandparents were forced to fight for the Nationalists can function as a polite fiction which allows a younger generation to avoid confronting potentially shameful information about the past, and can present their grandparent’s participation in a more socially acceptable light. The third interviewee quoted above actually alludes to this possibility when he says of his father's silence: "He was embarrassed of what had happened."

Under Franco's dictatorship, political parties and labor unions were prohibited and suppressed by means of police violence. Political opponents, real or suspected, were jailed, exiled, executed, and an estimated 114,226 individuals

"disappeared” (United Nations General Assembly, Human Rights Council 2014, 5).

An estimated 200,000 people were executed in just the first five years after the war

(1939-1944) (Jereez-Farran and Amago 2010,165) and over 400,000 Spaniards 33

were sent to concentration camps between 1939 and 1947 (Anderson 2009).

Approximately 30,960 children were systematically abducted from their parents

(often Republican detainees), as well as from hospitals and schools, becoming wards

of the state or being given -sometimes even sold - to adoptive (Francoist) families without the consent or knowledge of their biological families (United Nations

General Assembly, Human Rights Council 2014, 5). An estimated 500,000 citizens

fled, escaping to live abroad (Anderson 2009). During the 1940's and 50’s there was

a deep recession, known as los aiios de hambre (the years of hunger). Franco was generally associated with authoritarianism, traditional conservative values, military

and police force, and above all the Catholic Church, with "" as

his official policy. The following quote illustrates the fear and of

life under Franco's regime:

"Politically, my mom remembers these episodes o f people like, um desaparaciendo [disappearing]. Yeah, like [people] being kidnapped because they were communists or whatever...being killed or being taken to jail. My grandmother's sister was in jail because she’s communist. They accused her and she was in jail for months and then they released her and well - she was always like really [politically] active. I mean, in the level she could... My family grew up in a really small area, in La Mancha, so being something was really dangerous because it was so small that everybody knew it. And the power was Franquista [Francoist], so no way you could be openly politically active or communist. No way. You could, o f course, but you were risking a lot o f- like, your life, or your kids or your family’s security or safety." - Anna

Freedom of speech was non-existent and media was heavily censored,

leading to a public distrust of government propaganda that has lingered to this day.

Furthermore, in an attempt to promote "cultural homogeneity" many regional 34

cultural activities, languages and dialects were banned. Among other disastrous consequences, Franco's persecution of the Basques led to the creation and rise of

ETA.

Elderly survivors of the Spanish Civil War are still among the population; people who were 20 years old at the outset of the war would have been 88 in 2004 at the time of the bombing. Their children - those who were born and grew up during the dictatorship - are now older adults, like my friend's mother whose experience is described above. Finally, the younger generation of people, born around or after the end of the dictatorship15 may have some childhood memories of the transition period, or would have heard some things from their parents, although levels of knowledge vary considerably.

So what collective concepts, cultural norms, or ways of being, have developed as a result of the war and dictatorship? It will vary considerably from family to family, and depending on one’s political orientation. In Lawrence Langer’s work on the Holocaust, he "...argues for an alarmed vision, an alerted way of looking at the world that expects danger, a vision that would constantly look out for atrocity and prepare people to respond...survivalist tactics on the collective level..." (Kleinman,

Das and Lock 1997, xvii). As a result of the Civil War and the Franco dictatorship, the same ‘alarmed vision’ and 'survivalist tactics' can be observed in Spain to this

15 Most of my interviewees were born between 1970-1985; they would have been young children when Franco died and during the transition to democracy. 35

day. A Spanish friend recently asked me what my thesis was about. I responded vaguely that it was about 11-M and also had something to do with the Civil War,

Franco and ETA. She told me the following: "Oh, the Civil War. That's like in our blood. It's like DNA or genetics or something. Do you know what people in my city

[Marbella] did when that [11-M] happened? They ran to the grocery store and bought fucking everything. Like all the food they could get, to save it at home.

Thinking "This is happening again. We're going back in the Civil War."

The Pact of Silence & The Memory Movement

With the death of dictator Francisco Franco in 1975 and Spain’s transition to democracy, "el pacto de silencio" or pact of silence began, also known as "el pacto del olvido" - the . In their haste to rebuild the country, and their profound fear of re-opening old conflicts that could lead to another civil war or dictatorship16, everything from the last 40 years was suppressed. The Civil War and the oppression of Franco's dictatorship were rarely discussed, publicly or privately.

In the interest of "looking toward the future” and "re-uniting” the country, there were no formal investigations into war crimes. An amnesty law was passed in 1977, which protected Franco’s officials from prosecution and many transitioned

16 An attempted coup in 1982 led by officer Molina sent ordinary citizens into a panic. Some interviewees were old enough at the time to recognize the terror their parents experienced. Similar to the quotes above about an "alarmed vision,” families feared persecution if the coup was successful, some prepared to flee the country fearing a return to Francoist repression. 36

seamlessly into high-ranking positions in the newly formed democratic government, by and large becoming members of the right-leaning Partido Popular (PP)17. For decades, many Spaniards were literally neighbors with the same war criminals who had tortured, imprisoned, and executed their relatives.

The same intentional, willful silencing has been seen in many other countries,

including , Rwanda, and as described here, in Lebanon:

“Particularly in the public sphere, civil war topics were assiduously avoided in favor of a discourse that emphasized the future over the present or the past. Instead of prosecuting militia leaders in court for crimes committed during the civil war, a 1991 amnesty law officially granted the majority of them a clean slate and included them in the newly formed government” (Volk 2008, 293).

Several of my informants (born between 1975-1985) had strikingly similar,

highly illustrative comments on the institutional "forgetting" of the Civil War. When

I asked them how students were educated about the Civil War in Spanish schools, or what they remembered being taught, they answered as follows:

"This subject - well really as they cover so much history, when you get to the end - the contemporary history, there isn't time. In the class at least, at least for me. They haven't...they haven’t told me anything. I was born around when Franco died and about Franco...no information got to me." - Javier

"The Civil War was not taught very well in school...when the course is ending and you get close to the part that interests you - it's over! ...The teachers never had

17 For one interesting example, see the case of , who was Franco’s information and tourism minister. Even in 2005, the 83-year-old was still the "most voted-for political leader in Galicia” (Tremlett 2006, 8). He was a founding member of Partido Popular, one of the authors of the 1978 constitution, and died in 2012. (Tremlett, 2012) 37

time, so we never finished. I think I’ve studied the whole history o f Spain six or seven times but never got to the Civil War. It's incredible!... I sincerely think that the education in Spain about the Civil War is really deficient... and that must be one o f the reasons why there are so many people talking about the Civil War all the time." - David

This silencing of the past extended into the private family sphere as well. To this day, many younger people are unsure of the participation and experiences of their own family members who were - or still are - reluctant to discuss their past.

One interviewee had only recently learned that her grandfather fought in the war;

others described avoidance of this unpleasant topic:

7 knew that it was such a hard time and, you know, many people they don’t want to - they lived the Francoism, they don't want to talk about that. They try to avoid because it was such a hard time..." - Patricia

"But one o f them [my grandfathers], he was a doctor so he just - he didn't fight. He was a doctor. And the other... he never, never, never want [sic] to talk, to tell us anything about the war. ANYTHING. We didn't know in what o f the bands he was [sic],..we didn't know anything about that." - Sonia

The leftist party PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers Party) was in power from

1982 - 1996, and it appeared (at least superficially) that Francoism was gone for

good as Spain rushed to modernize (Ferran 2007, 25). For years, this was cited as a

"model transition" from dictatorship to democracy, an example for other countries

to follow. The economy grew rapidly, and Spain entered what is known as the

movida era - an exuberant explosion of the arts, nightlife, youth culture, sexual

revolution, and freedom of expression, which had been suppressed under Franco. 38

The movida and continued through much of the 1980’s18 and many of the people I interviewed were young children or teens during this period.

However, by the late 1990's this younger generation of Spaniards who had been born near the end of the dictatorship or after it began asking questions about the past that their parents and grandparents had never discussed, and investigating their family histories in what has been called the "time of memory” (Gonzalez 2009).

As the older generational cohort that remembers the war begins to age and pass away there is a heightened interest and a rush to record stories of the past, and - for the first time - a legitimate space for their articulation. The paradox is that information about the Civil War and dictatorship years was so thoroughly suppressed that it has now become something of a national obsession. At the time of

11-M, Spain was in the middle of a growing memory movement that brought issues from the Civil War sharply into public discourse. When the bombing occurred, in the protests and elections, issues dating from the Civil War were being hotly debated.

18 Film director Pedro Almodovar has gone on to become one of the most famous artists from the movida era, and has directed several films showing the hedonism of the time. In 2010 he collaborated with ‘Cultura Contra la Impunidad’ (Culture Against Impunity) and various Spanish actors to produce a moving 15 minute documentary film narrating the stories of people assassinated without trial during the dictatorship, lending his talents in support of the memory movement. (Almodovar 2010) 39

Mass Graves and Exhumations

Through the branches of the laurel I saw two dark doves.

The one was the sun, the other the moon.

Little neighbors, I said to them,

Where is my tomb?

- Federico Garcia Lorca (1936)19

As a generation of young Spaniards worked to uncover and document the repressed stories of their elders, painful details about war crimes came to light, including the existence of mass graves located across Spain: "At the beginning of the twenty-first century, about 30,000 people were still believed to be interred in mass graves throughout the country. Some of these mass graves were created during the civil war, but many came into existence afterwards, being filled with victims of the

Nationalist repression in Franco's Spain up to the early 1950's.” (Ferran 2007,19).

While it is true that the Republican side also illegally executed and dumped war victims20, the corpses of Nationalist soldiers were mostly identified, exhumed, and given a proper (often even heroic) burial in the early years of the Franco

19 Written the same year he was murdered and buried in a mass grave by Falangists in Granada (Garcia Lorca and Allen 1961:179-180). In 2008 Judge Baltasar Garzon ordered the exhumation of the probable site, although members of Lorca’s family have opposed this (Anderson 2009; Jereez-Farran and Amago 2010: 214-215) 20 The term "terror rojo" or "” refers to the war crimes of the Republicans, especially anti-clerical violence. Historian Antony Beevor estimates the number of victims at approximately 38,000 (Beevor 2006, 87). The crimes of the Nationalists are sometimes called "white terror” or simply la Represion Franquista. 40

regime. Meanwhile, the corpses of the defeated (Republican soldiers and civilians alike) were intentionally left in their ditches, fields, and unmarked graves in what could only be an action meant to disgrace opponents and frighten the public

(Ferrandiz and Baer 2008).

The presence and location of gravesites was (is), for many survivors, more or less an open secret. Ofelia Ferran recounts the grim anecdote of an elderly man in a village who commented "En este pueblo hay mas muertos fuera del cementerio que dentro" (“In this town there are more dead outside the cemetery than inside”)

(Ferran 2007,19). Giles Tremlett tells a similar story from a villager:

"Everybody knew the bodies were here. Back then, even after they were killed and secretly buried, people from the village came across the bones after they were exposed by rain...The priest21 told them the rojos22, the reds, were so vile that even the earth did not want them. Even now people remember the fear. They don’t like to talk about it." (Tremlett, Ghosts of Spain: Travels Through Spain and Its Silent Past 2006, 6).

Spanish anthropologist Francisco Ferrandiz has written extensively on the

issue of mass graves, exhumation, and memory:

"Mass graves can be understood as a sophisticated technology of terror production...the deliberate piling together of unidentified corpses in unmarked graves, inscribing on them the perverse condition of "quasi-disappearance”,

21 The alignment of the Catholic Church with Franco contributed to a serious schism between the church and the public, even in a traditionally Catholic country. Approximately 80% of Spaniards identify as Catholics, 48% 'practicing' Catholics. (Tremlett 2006) 22 To this day, the derogatory terms "rojos" (reds) and "fachas" (fascists) are still commonly used to insult members of the political left and right. 41

encourages disorder, anxiety, and division in any given society...the disquiet can last for generations” (Ferrandiz 2008).

In 2000, journalist Emilio Silva set out to find the unmarked grave of his grandfather, who had been executed by the Nationalists in 1936 and buried along with twelve others near the small town of Priaranza del Bierzo. Silva's grandfather was located, exhumed, DNA tests were done by forensic scientists in order to positively identify him as well as the others, and he was reburied in the local cemetery, resting next to the bones of his wife, Silva's grandmother. Silva soon realized that thousands of other people across Spain were also searching for their desaparacidos - “disappeared"23 family members - and together with Santiago

Macias he co-founded the Asociacion Para la Recuperacion de Memoria Historical

(the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory, ARMH)24 in 2001 (Ferran

2007,19-21; Ferrandiz and Baer 2008; Tremlett 2006, 6-7).

ARMH's team of archaeologists, historians, and forensic experts soon began working to determine the locations of mass graves across Spain and to exhume and identify the victims. The meticulously documented scientific processes administered by professionals has done much to publicize and legitimize the stories of survivors and their demands for further exhumations. Physical forensic evidence - corpses,

23 Use of the term "desaparecido" is a conscious reference to Latin American conflicts, and is also a reference to Augusto Pinochet's 1998 arrest for on the orders of Judge Baltasar Garzon, which many see as an early inspiration for the memory movement (Ferran 2007, 20) 24 ARMH's logo uses exactly the same colors as the flag of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade - red, yellow, and purple, an explicit reference to the Civil War. 42

broken bones, bullets - and gravesites are the literal and symbolic embodiments of past suffering and have become the central focus of Spain’s historical memory.25

Aside from ARMH, several other associations and local groups with similar goals have formed, including Foro por la Memoria (Forum for Memory). As of 2016 more than 8,500 corpses had been recovered in over 60 exhumations (Camacho

2016) and both ARMH and Foro have been inundated with requests from family members of the disappeared for help in locating and identifying their relatives' remains (Ferrandiz 2006; Ferrandiz and Baer 2008).

Furthermore, the action of exhumation itself has become a complex, collective ritual performance. The digital recording, photographing, and cataloging of evidence as well as interviewing survivors and witnesses, and producing documentation in the form of photos, books26, and videos that detail the process of exhumation have become essential steps. These artifacts, both digital and physical, are sites of memory (//eux de memoire) for the modern age.27

Exhumations provide the context - indeed the expectation - for the telling of stories by survivors, often for the first time. Certain types of roles, discourses and

25 See Exhuming Loss by Layla Renshaw (2011) 26 See Francesc Torres’ aesthetically stylish yet haunting book of excavation photos "Oscura es la habitacion donde dormimos" (Dark is the Room Where We Sleep) (2007). 27 See ARMH's website. Video testimonials, photos, documents are available online as well as items for sale such as DVDs and t-shirts. 43

public performances have become "standardized;” Ferrandiz writes that the

"graveside testimony” has become a national subgenre, a stylized and nearly scripted performance, and a staple of news media reports. But, he notes that these narratives can also take place in "a social and symbolic vacuum” where there is a lack of rules for interaction, no available protocol for this type of bizarre situation, with the elderly often struggling to express themselves in "local idioms of memory and distress” (Ferrandiz 2008).

The efforts of this grassroots memory movement led to the creation of "The

Law For Historical Memory,"28 which was passed October 31, 2007 (coincidentally the same day that a Spanish court found 21 people guilty for their roles in the 11-M bombing) under the administration of Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez

Zapatero29. Among its provisions are official condemnation of the Franco regime, elimination of symbols of the dictatorship and monuments to Francoists, government aid in the identification and exhumation of mass graves, and the

creation of a "Documentary Center of Historical Memory" to be located in

Salamanca, Spain.

28 For full text see http://leymemoria.mjusticia.es/index_en.html 29 Much has been made in the Spanish press of the fact that Zapatero’s own grandfather was executed by Franco's army. In his inauguration speech, he used a quote from his grandfathers will. Many claim that the law is an act of personal memorial and political vendetta for Zapatero. Whether true or not, this anecdote demonstrates that Spaniards find it entirely plausible that one (even the Prime Minister) would seek commemoration and revenge for a grandparent who died over fifty years ago. 44

ETA

Euskadi TaAskatasuna in the (Euskara) means "Basque homeland and freedom.” ETA (active 1959 - 2011) is a Basque nationalist terrorist30 group that carried out assassinations, bombings, and kidnappings across Spain for more than fifty years in an attempt to gain independence, taking a total of 829 lives

(Funes 1998, 494; The Guardian n.d.). Although ETA agreed to a ceasefire and announced the end of armed activity in 2011, it is important to note that they have broken ceasefires in the past. Additionally, ETA has now denounced violence but not the goals of the separatist movement, which continues through diplomatic means

(TeleSur English 2011; Tremlett 2011). Although the history of Basque identity and nationalism is long and complex31, ETA as we know it was formed in direct response to Franco’s repression and attempts to eliminate Basque cultural life and language.

In the beginning, they appeared to be primarily motivated by survival and self- defense rather than indiscriminate violence, and enjoyed a certain degree of tolerance and sympathy - if not direct support - for their efforts against Franco.32

30 After the September 11 attacks in the US, ETA was officially recognized by the European Union as a terrorist organization (McNeil Jr. 2001). 31 See: Joseba Zulaika Basque Violence: Metaphor and Sacrament (1988). 32 Indeed as the dictatorship stayed in power and hopes for international support against Franco faded, ETA was seen at times as the only group fighting back. Many cite the peak of their effectiveness as well as acceptance and even public popularity as the 1973 assassination of Admiral Luis Carrero-Blanco, hard-line Prime Minister and hand picked successor to Franco. It has been claimed that the assassination of Carrero-Blanco by ETA ultimately made the transition to democracy possible, as 45

However with the end of the dictatorship and transition to democracy, ETA violence was increasingly seen by the public as unwarranted. A series of tragic kidnappings and bombings that killed civilians further eroded any credibility they may have had, by and large turning popular opinion against them. As of 2004, they were still an active terrorist organization, although most Spaniards viewed them as pariahs on their last legs (Tremlett, 2011; TeleSur English 2011).

El GAL

The peak of ETA violence occurred in 1980, with 92 victims; it was beginning to appear that the government couldn’t effectively stop the terrorist organizaiton and protect the public. From 1983 -1987 the Socialist government of

Felipe Gonzalez secretly funded a dirty war against ETA, carried out by el GAL

[Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberation, Antiterrorist Liberation Group) - basically a right-wing mercenary operation. In the name of anti-terrorism, twenty-seven people were killed (a third of whom ultimately had nothing to do with ETA) as well as dozens of others illegally tortured, “roughed-up,” detained, threatened, and so on. El

GAL was eventually investigated and exposed, largely due to the work of Spanish judge Baltasar Garzon,33 along with some police officers and journalists. The public

there was no one in place to take over when Franco died (Tremlett 2006, 274; Hitchens 2004). 33 Garzon, also mentioned on pages 39 and 41, is nicknamed "super-juez" (super­ judge), due to his high profile involvement in some of Spain's biggest cases as well as investigations of international war crimes (Tremlett 2006,127-130). 46

was shocked and disgusted to discover that their very first freely elected government (of the so-called “model transition"34) had apparently already abandoned the rule of law and was continuing to use the same brutal tactics as the

Franco regime, and practiced the same kind of terrorism as ETA themselves

(Tremlett 2006,126-138; Woodworth 2001).

In their formative days under Franco, very real state terror provided ETA with a rationale for their violent tactics, and gave to their claims of oppression at the hands of the government. ETA members could claim to be independence martyrs standing up to a powerful and oppressive state apparatus. In much the same way, rather than stopping ETA, the conduct of el GAL only provided

ETA with more justification to continue.

The GAL case35, along with a series of financial scandals and corruption investigations, brought down the PSOE and they lost to PP in the 1996 elections.36

34 The transition period was sometimes quite violent: between approximately 1975- 1980, more than 100 activists and demonstrators were killed by police, or far right “ultras," and the riot police (“grises”) were known for brutality (Tremlett 2006, 77- 79). 35 Although GAL was active 1983-1987, many details were not known publicly until much later. 36 It is interesting to note that in the 1996 elections, an interior minister in charge of GAL and a (BNP) terrorist were both on the ballot. “ That both a socialist minister and Basque insurgents were imprisoned for their participation in "terrorism” neatly captures the kind of ironies inherent in such political discourse" (Zulaika 1998,102). 47

The loss was surprising given Spain's lingering fear of the right wing37, but it was also crucial to the new democracy: the eventual trial of those responsible for organizing and participating in el GAL demonstrated that - unlike the Franco era - even those in positions of power were now subject to the law (Tremlett 2006,137).

Perhaps more importantly, the GAL scandal and election results can be seen as a public referendum on state violence. If there was a general consensus that torture, kidnapping, and murder are not acceptable- not even to catch ETA

members or stop terrorists, and not even when done by the government or its agents - then what are the implications for the current 'war on terror'? I argue that

Spain, through its experience with ETA and GAL, has been forced to consider the

limits of state violence in response to terrorism, and has concluded as a society that

torture cannot be condoned. Even "villains" are within their moral community; and

as such must not be subjected to torture. The US has not had such an experience or

change in popular sentiment.

On the topic of moral community, it is also essential to consider the fact that

millions of Spaniards have been - if not themselves direct victims or perpetrators of

violence - quite close to someone who has. Basque anthropologist Joseba Zulaika

writes about his experience studying ETA terrorists from the same village he grew

up in:

37 Jose Maria Aznar was the first right wing prime minister to be elected since the 1930’s (Tremlett 2006, 7). 48

“I cannot posit a savagery in my informants against which I can raise the pretense of different values for my society and myself. The political killings...pertain to me in the profound sense that my village has produced them and that close friends and relatives of mine have directly participated in or supported them" (1988, xx).

Far from the impersonal "terrorist" often depicted in the media as a "social outcast or psychopath" or "the embodiment of evil," for many in Spain a terrorist could be their neighbor, acquaintance, or even family member (Aretxaga 2005, 280).

This "cultural intimacy,” the recognition that terrorists can also be members of one’s own social world, citizens of the same city or nation, puts a human face on the issue.

I believe that this likely increases empathy; in the case of el GAL the public rejected torture. I believe it also decreases the type of blind fear and hysteria that is sometimes provoked in other countries by the concept of terrorism, providing a large number of Spaniards with a more grounded and realistic view of terrorists as human beings.

Peace Movements

In the absence of acceptable governmental solutions to ETA, local anti­

violence groups and grassroots pacifist organizations began to appear in the Basque

country in the mid 1980’s. Groups such as Movimiento Contra la Intolerancia

(Movement Against Intolerance), Elkarri (Together) and Gesto Porla Paz (Peace

Gesture) began promoting non-violent strategies such as mass protests. Over the

next decade, a committed and persistent network of activists formed, carrying out a 49

number of highly effective campaigns and collective actions aimed at ending

political violence, earning hundreds of thousands of supporters across Spain.

Similar to the concept of‘cultural intimacy' described above, a key idea was that

"Basque society has some kind of responsibility for the existence and persistence of the violence, and therefore Basque society must become an instrument for its

resolution" (Funes 1998,495-496). These organizations are now credited with

bringing about a transformation of public consciousness as individuals first

developed clear-cut positions against ETA, whereas before they had been unsure,

and then became willing to voice their opinions, whereas before they had been

intimidated into keeping quiet.

Although the peace groups had slightly different audiences and philosophies,

they shared similar tactics. One key concept was the absolute rejection of violence,

for any reason. A significant strategy was to mobilize supporters and members of

the community to hold massive peaceful protests on the day after any ETA attack.

For example, Gesto por consisted of approximately 1,500 activists, but could

regularly draw 20,000 or more supporters to demonstrations, and as many as

40,000 in some cases (Funes 1998, 501-506). As ETA attacks were all too common,

protests happened frequently. These protests impacted not only the demonstrators,

but their audience as well; even if someone did not directly participate, many would

have seen these mobilizations occurring and become aware of their purpose. 50

The 1997 kidnapping and ransom by ETA of a promising young politician

named Miguel Angel Blanco38 was a tragic event that nearly all Spaniards remember.

ETA demanded the transfer of prisoners to the Basque country39 within 48 hours or

Blanco would be killed. Citizens mobilized, hoping to save Blanco's life, waiting in agonizing suspense for two days, but Prime Minister Aznar refused to negotiate with

ETA. When the deadline expired, Blanco was murdered and the nation was

devastated. As many as 3 million angry protestors filled the streets in a massive

demonstration of public opposition to ETA (Funes 1998, 508-509; Tremlett 2006,

279-279). The high level of solidarity felt by members of the public, and their vocal condemnation of ETA is referred to as the espiritu ofErmua, or "Ermua40 spirit."

Maria J. Funes writes: "...The overwhelming and surprising response was, in some way, the result of the gradual and persistent work of millions of Basques during all these years. After this event, the high level of mobilization after any terrorist murder persists. Now, a lot of people believe that their participation is necessary to

38 Just 30 years old at the time of his death, he was described as 'having a good character." He had studied economics and was starting a political career as a town councilor with Partido Popular. Blanco and other members of the conservative party were targeted by ETA as espanolistas: supporters of the Spanish nation who would be opposed to Basque independence (Tremlett 2006, 277-279). 39 ETA was specifically protesting the Spanish "dispersal policy" where political prisoners are sent to prisons in provinces far from their homes, so that friends and family have difficulty visiting them. This practice has been criticized as discriminatory by Human Rights Watch, the United Nations, and (Human Rights Watch 2005; MacDonald and Bernardo 2006). 40 Ermua is the name of the small town where Miguel Angel Blanco was working. It is located in the province of Biscay, which forms part of the autonomous Basque Country in northern Spain. 51

solve the conflict" (1998, 509). Several of the individuals I interviewed had participated in the demonstrations for Miguel Angel Blanco, and described them as a turning point in Spanish culture.

" I think that since the assassination o f Miguel Angel Blanco the people have decided to go out to the streets...now it’s not a question o f talking, o f negotiating. Now it's a demand that they leave us in peace!" - Pilar

In his work on collective memory, Paul Connerton distinguishes between

"practices of inscription,” such as writing or recording, which are intended to preserve memory by creating a lasting document, and "incorporating practices” which are "messages that a sender or senders impart by means of their own current bodily activity, the transmission occurring only during the time that their bodies are present to sustain that particular activity" (Connerton 1989, 72). The mass movement of Spaniards in protests is not so much a "commemorative” ritual

(especially because they don’t recur on the anniversary of the attack, or include formal, repeated movements) but rather can be seen as an "incorporating practice” intended to send a message and bring about a desired effect. During protests the physical presence of so many bodies in a group serves to communicate a commonly held goal. Connerton also describes "...the ways in which ritual functions to communicate shared social values within a group...they show us what a culture's ethos and the sensibility shaped by that ethos look like when spelled out externally, 52

articulated in the symbolism of something like a single collective text” (1989:49-50).

Protests can be understood as the external articulation of a shared, collective set of values and beliefs.

Aside from the physical expression of mass protests, a variety of signs, works of art, and images serve to communicate commonly held concepts and memories between members of the group by means of a shared, symbolic language. For example, handprints, or hands held up with palms facing out, were a symbol of the early anti-violence grassroots groups in the 1980's and were especially used in the protests against the killing of Miguel Angel Blanco. The handprints are generally white to signify peace and innocence as well as avoid political affiliation. The image of a handprint was also used by Spanish protestors in the 11-M demonstrations, and conveys a set of concepts: "no to terrorism,” "anti-violence,” "silent protest,” or

"social mobilization" - which the vast majority of Spaniards are familiar with. 53

FIGURE 3: Image of Miguel Angel Blanco which reads "nuestra memoria" - "our memory,” combined with white handprints. (El Ayto. de Murcia recuerda este lunes a Miguel Angel Blanco 2015)

FIGURE 4: White and black handprints, combined with train tracks in an image memorializing victims of the 11M bombing. - In the author’s possession.

FIGURE 5: Image of a white hand superimposed over a photo of one of the trains blown up at Atocha station. The text reads: "I was also on that train.

Solidarity with the victims of terrorism" (7Q Aniversario 11-M Todos Ibamos En Ese

Tren 2011). 54

Grassroots organizations and civil groups have become major, influential actors both in mobilizations against ETA and in the exhumation of the mass graves from the Civil War and the new memory movement in Spain, discussed previously.

In each case, citizens have taken on responsibility for an issue that the government has consistently failed to address, attempting to promote social change and resolve conflict when the state cannot or will not. These groups critique authority and take action, often against official ideology, and often in the face of great resistance, and must be credited with popularizing the concept that the participation of everyone is necessary to resolve conflict.

In conclusion, I argue that as a result of experiences with ETA, Spain has developed a core of ideas, a set of ground rules if you will, of shared concepts about what terrorism means and how to respond to it. I do not claim that the protests or actions following 11-M were identical to anti-ETA protests, or that they were planned and coordinated by any particular group - by most accounts they were quite spontaneous (Fuster-Morell 2004); simply that when the attacks occurred the public already had extensive experience and ideas about what an effective reaction might look like. A well-developed, conscious discourse on terrorism informed their actions. 55

CHAPTER THREE: CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS OF VIOLENCE

Images and Meaning

"...painting is not done to decorate apartments. It is an instrument o f war."

-

Spanish painter Francisco is famous for his chilling depictions of warfare. His "Black” paintings (created between 1819 -1823) concern violence and internecine conflict: "Fight with Cudgels" is often interpreted as a depiction of two brothers fighting to the death (fratricide obviously being a major theme of civil war), and the famous "Saturn Devouring his Son" has been interpreted as the

"fatherland" (the nation) murdering it’s own children (citizens). Both are cited as allegories of war, reflecting the violent realities of the time as well as foreshadowing the Civil War to come. Reproductions of his series of etchings "Los Caprichos"

(Caprices) are displayed in a subway station named after him (Goya) in central

Madrid, where they are seen by thousands of citizens every day.

Coincidentally, the front cover of Susan Sontag’s "Regarding the Pain of

Others” features an etching from Goya's harrowing series "The Disasters of War"; in this book she examines representations of atrocity, and discussion of the Spanish

Civil War is a major theme. Sontag writes about how it was “the first war to be witnessed ("covered”) in the modern sense by a corps of professional photographers at the lines of military engagement and in the towns under 56

bombardment, whose work was immediately seen in newspapers and magazines in

Spain and abroad" (Sontag 2004, 21). Legendary photographers Robert Capa, Gerda

Taro, and “Chim" (David Seymour)41 brought images of the Spanish Civil War to the world, and many of their images are still famous today42, without people necessarily knowing the history behind them. They revolutionized journalism and the way in which the public sees and knows war.

The above are two examples among many of the power of art and visual representations of violence. Images like these, depicting conflict and suffering in

Spain, are worldwide icons although, as mentioned above, many today do not know the original context. But art, whether then or now, serves political, social, and moral purposes. The quote by Picasso at the beginning of this section conveys the artist’s awareness of the political and social power of his art. As Peter Zwart notes: "...the contemporary Spanish cultural and political milieu can hardly be understood without taking into account the politics of memory...” (Zwart 2012). Images conveyed messages to the community about their identity and history, which I contend were influential in determining social behavior in the protests and elections; symbols influenced actions.

41 David Seymour later co-founded Magnum Photos with Henri Cartier-Bresson. 42 See Robert Capa’s controversial “Falling Soldier” (1936), which has been described as “possibly the most famous of war photographs” (The Metropolitan Museum of Art n.d.). 57

In the days, weeks, and years following the bombing a multitude of images, slogans, and symbols circulated, expressing a variety of messages, viewpoints, and emotions about 11-M. These expressions began with the short term, local, and ephemeral; for example, quickly scrawled signs used in the initial protests, homemade makeshift banners hung from windows on the day of the bombing, and street graffiti which appeared overnight. It would be impossible to identify the creator of many of these images. They were made anonymously, but drew on a common symbolic language, expressed opinions held by many, and were re­ produced, copied, and shared in a collaborative process.

These images (including slogans and symbols) were at first urgent forms of communication and expressions of emotion, which over time were reproduced by the media as well as individuals and became incorporated into semi-permanent and farther-reaching formats, such as broadcasts, newspapers, websites, and photo blogs. Some images eventually became commodities; products such as T-shirts, stickers, and buttons were soon available for purchase. Finally, symbols found long term or permanent representation in books, paintings, gallery exhibits, public memorials and monuments, becoming lieux de memoir (places of memory), to use

Pierre Nora's term (Nora 1996). Some images are fairly direct and easy to “read” or decode even for the casual observer. Other images are more loaded with layers of meaning and complex messages that would not be readily apparent to those unfamiliar with Spanish culture, history, and politics. 58

Many images directly reflect the physical violence of the attack. For example, an image of red blood on black and white train tracks is easily understood as representing the carnage of the train bombing. Images of trains, train-tracks, bombs, and explosions, combined with corpses, injured bodies, body parts, blood, skulls, crying or tears were common. See Figures 4 and 5, for example.

Another category is images of mourning, condolence, peace, and hope. Common traditional images used include doves, black ribbons, wreaths, and hearts. The theme of absolute solidarity with the victims above all and regardless of anything else was commonly expressed. In fact, many commented that this was the only appropriate response, and felt that this should not be a time for political messages.

There were several variations of a slogan expressing solidarity with the victims: En esos trenes, ibamos todos /y o tambien iba en ese tren / todos ibamos en ese tren43 can be translated roughly as "we were all on those trains, I was also on that train, we were all on that train.” See Figure 14.

A third category is images based on the use of national and local symbols. The

Spanish flag, the flag of the city of Madrid, the popular 'bear and tree' statue in Plaza del Sol, the iconic Cybeles monument, bulls, the city skyline, and especially the distinctive facade of Atocha station were frequently depicted. These images affirm a

43 "Madrid 11-M: Todos ibamos en ese tren" is also the title of a 2004 documentary which consists of twenty short films profiling victims of the bombing (Barbadillo 2004). 59

linkage to a physical space (the train station, the city, the nation) as well as reinforce local and national identity and unity. One interviewee - a third generation

Madrileno, - used the metaphor of house and home to describe this attack on her beloved city:

"You know when this happens in your house, you come to this protest really fired up! I'll put it like this ...the fact is that a lot of people died, you know, and that is in our home, in our capital." - Ariadna

While all of the categories and images described above have their functions, I will contextualize and examine two specific symbols in greater detail: Guernica

(representative of the Civil War, Francoism, and trans-generational experience), and

Mickey Mouse (expressing political critique and attribution of blame). I am

interested in looking at shared beliefs and values, as well as cultural knowledge about past violence and how these concepts are transmitted and communicated through external means such as art, slogans, and symbols. Bartlett writes:

"When a number of people are organized in a social group...this group speedily develops certain characteristics peculiar to itself... we have to consider them, not merely descriptively, as they are expressed in institutions, symbols, catch words, codes and material culture, but also causally, as actual determining conditions of conduct and experience” (Bartlett 1950, 48).

I argue that the expressed "symbols, catch words, codes and material culture" which reflected Spanish memories of past violence actively determined conduct in

the days after the 11-M bombing. By using art to remind the current generation of

Spaniards of memories, lessons, and social values established in response to other 60

episodes of violence and by communicating certain messages relevant to Spanish history, action was influenced by memory.

Guernica

In 2004, with the memory movement gaining publicity and civil groups such as

Asociacion Para la Recuperation de la Memoria Historica (ARMH, Association for the

Recovery of Historical Memory) and Foro por la Memoria (Forum for Memory) actively working to exhume mass graves, questions and conflicts from the Civil War were very much in the news. The Spanish public was re-engaging (sometimes quite unwillingly) with a violent past; some were learning about it for the first time, as others fought to keep it repressed. Among many other horrors of the war, Spain had been the first European country where bombs were dropped on civilians in cities and towns; at the time it was an absolutely shocking act, beyond the limits of all previously known rules of conduct (Graham 2005).

In November 1936, the German Air Force bombed Madrid; although this action targeted civilians, the nations capital was certainly an important strategic target in the war. A few months later (April 26,1937) the destruction of the small Basque town of Guernica would become a far more significant event in popular memory, both internationally and in Spain, when the village was annihilated by German bombers at General Franco’s command. Three squadrons carpet bombed the village in fifteen minute relays for nearly three hours, dropping 250 kg bombs, smaller anti­ 61

personnel bombs, and incendiary devices. Approximately one third of the town's population was killed: 1,654 casualties and 889 wounded, although Franco's officials would later falsely claim that no more than 300 died in the attacks. (Beevor

2006, 232) The attack was quickly denounced in international media as an act of terror targeting a defenseless civilian population. During the Nuremburg trials,

Reichsmarschall Hermann Goring acknowledged Guernica as an important

"experiment" in perfecting the aerial warfare tactics the later used in

World War II. Writing about Guernica, anthropologist Joseba Zulaika states: "...its bombardment represents a genocidal moment, the first in the holocaust’s

‘architecture of atrocity’... (Zulaika 1998, 93).

Spanish painter Pablo Picasso had been previously commissioned by the exiled

Republican government to paint a piece for an upcoming art exposition to be held in

France and he found his inspiration with the . The enormous mural (11 feet x 23 feet) was completed in a matter of weeks and displayed in July

1937 to international acclaim. Guernica was shown in museums across Europe and eventually in the United States. The painting initially helped bring the Spanish Civil

War and the atrocities of the bombing of Guernica to the worlds attention, but it soon evolved into an enduring international symbol of human suffering and the horrors of warfare. 62

Picasso himself and the painting Guernica soon became sources of national pride, and Franco expressed an interest in having the work of art returned to Spain as an object of cultural patrimony and national heritage. However, Picasso explicitly refused to allow the painting to be shown in his homeland until the Republic was restored. Picasso died in 1973 and Franco in 1975. After Spain's transformation into a democracy, Guernica was finally brought 'home' to Madrid in 1978, becoming a symbol to Spaniards of the ousting of Franco, the victory of the Republic, and the restoration of peace and democracy. It currently hangs in the Reina Sofia Museum, located directly across the street from Atocha station, one of the sites of the 11-M bombing.

In Spain, the history of Guernica is well known, familiar to almost everyone. For this reason, art that referenced Guernica was a recurring theme in the protests against the Iraq war as well as after the 11-M bombing. Anthropologist Michael

Taussig has written about a culture of terror, with it's own vocabulary and structure, arising in communities plagued by long-term violence (Taussig 1987). I would argue that Guernica has clearly become a component of Spain's symbolic language, representing both violence and triumph over violence; its emotionally charged figures paradoxically embodying both warfare and the struggle for peace.

Picasso's Guernica, which immortalizes this initial 'urbanisation of genocide'

(Zulaika 1998), became an emblem for future resistance to facism. 63

Guernica can be read or interpreted in many different ways in the context of 11-

M. The most basic interpretation that perhaps any general viewer would intuitively grasp is a representation of violence and a wish for peace, as mentioned above. But in Spain, one would also be reminded of the historical context of the event: civilians have been bombed here before, innocent people killed by war. Guernica can be used to symbolically connect the tragedy ofll-M to the suffering of previous generations, demonstrating that 'terrorism' is not an entirely new phenomenon. For those citizens focusing on the memory movement, it might cause them to think about their own families’ personal experiences with the Civil War, creating an intergenerational link with past traumas and the suffering of parents and grandparents.

If you were thinking about ETA - as everyone was in the wake of 11-M -

Guernica carries several messages. Although Guernica was painted long before ETA was established, the Basque people were already suffering right wing repression, and had long been alienated and estranged both culturally and politically within

Spain. So Guernica depicts a right wing attack against an innocent Basque population - a metaphor for Aznar's misplaced accusations? In other words, the

Basque country, and by extension ETA, is not guilty this time. 64

Moreover, in the heated regional, separatist climate of modern day Spain44 linking the suffering of Basques in Guernica to the suffering of the victims of the terrorist attack in Madrid can be interpreted as a message of solidarity: a united

Spain, in support of the victims, saying in effect: We have all suffered from terrorism, we all share the national, cultural symbol of Guernica.

For the more politically minded, Guernica can certainly suggest the old conflict of the left (Republicans45 in the Civil War, PSOE in modern times) versus the right (Nacionales, Partido Popular), which - given the timing of the bombings just before elections - carries a loaded message about who to blame and who to vote for.

This is also mirrored in the more personal story of Picasso opposing Franco;

Guernica can be seen as an indictment of dictatorship, and by extension the right wing, as well as emphasizing the importance of democracy.

If you take the political concept further still, an analogy can be made: Franco is to Hitler as Aznar is to Bush. That is to say, Franco and Aznar are right wing leaders who are seen as puppets, lap dogs to an even worse foreign leader (Hitler,

Bush) who is starting wars and building an empire. These are disastrous foreign alliances, for which Spanish citizens ultimately pay the price.

44 Aside from ETA in the Basque country, there are several other regional separatist movements, notably in the provinces of Andalucia, Catalonia and Galicia. 45 In fact, in early sketches, Picasso had included figures of soldiers with their fists raised in the Republican salute (Brunner 2001,84). 65

I certainly do not claim that every single Spaniard who created or viewed an image of Guernica would have thought of all of these interpretations, especially in the turbulent, emotional atmosphere after 11-M, but these are the popular meanings available. On any level of interpretation, it is essentially an anti- war statement, and an anti-right statement. The use of powerful images in creating and maintaining group unity, especially in times of crisis, should not be underestimated. 66

FIGURE 6: The comic above shows a father and son looking at Guernica together.

The boy asks: "Papa, were all those people on the train too?” (In the author’s possession.)

The cartoon in figure 6 is a comment on the inter-generational nature of violence in Spain, as an interviewee put it:

"The extrapolations...How we lived in the civil war, and well, now we’re touched by another war, right? ...This is a very significant image for people on the left, no? I don't think that this would be published in a right wing publication." - Pau 67

FIGURE 7: Woman with arms raised, from top right corner of Guernica, appears to be screaming 'Madrid.' (In the author’s possession.)

Art critics have noted that Guernica does not depict literally the scene of the bombing; Picasso used more universal, symbolic images. It also does not depict any enemy - there are no airplanes, no bombs, no explicit symbols of either

Germany or Franco. John Corbin, who also discusses some of the interpretations above, has proposed an intriguing analysis of Guernica as depicting symbolically a breakdown of social order and a violation of cultural institutions inside of

Spain. Therefore, Corbin argues that the absence of an explicit enemy in the painting is intentional because the real 'enemy' is within Spain itself (1999). At the time of the 11-M bombing, many Spaniards placed a similar emphasis on internal issues, looking less to the immediate source of the physical attack and more to the failings of their own government. Catching the individuals who placed the bombs on the trains was essential, but Spaniards ultimately focused much of their outrage on Prime Minister Aznar for both getting them into the

Iraq war and then trying to lie about who was responsible for the bombing.

Mickey Mouse

Spain's involvement in the war in Iraq as (an ally of the United States) was opposed from the outset by approximately ninety percent of the Spanish 68

population, who viewed the war as "a dangerous, destabilizing, and unnecessary

intervention that was likely to result in more ill than good” (Daalder 2004).

Despite popular pressure and social mobilization in the form of massive anti-war

protests46 that had occurred long before the 11-M bombing, in April 2003 Prime

Minister Jose Maria Aznar sent 1,300 troops to Iraq, mostly involved in policing

duties (not combat).

As discussed previously, at the time of the 11-M bombing, blaming ETA was a

reasonable first guess, but evidence almost immediately indicated the likely

involvement of radical Islamists. In the days that followed (March 12-13),

protesters filled cities across Spain, urgently trying to ascertain the truth about

who was responsible for the attacks before voting in the national election.

During the demonstrations, signs, slogans, images and symbols communicated

the general belief among Spanish citizens that regardless of which terrorists had

actually detonated the bombs, Partido Popular, Aznar, his alliance with former

President George Bush and the participation of Spain in the Iraq war were the

root cause of the attacks. This imagery has perhaps the least relation to the past,

historical violence, or traditional symbolism, but is most direct in attributing

blame for the bombing. With the proximity to the elections, the political

messages of the demonstrations functioned as critique of foreign policy and an

46 Especially large anti-war protests were held in Spain on March 15, 2003, a worldwide day of protest against the Iraq war. 69

urgent call to action. Voters were motivated to reject incumbent Prime Minister

Aznar, depicted as a puppet of the Bush administration of the U.S., and also to vote against Partido Popular's candidate in the elections, Mariano Rajoy.

Protestors carried homemade signs and chanted "Asesinos" (Murderers), and to be clear that they were referring to the government and not whoever had planted the bombs: "Aznar asesino" (Aznar - murderer) or "PP asesinos" (PP - murderers). There were several variations of the slogan "Vuestra guerra, nuestros muertos" which can be translated as "your war, our dead” (Fuster-

Morell 2004) (Tremlett 2006, 238). One interviewee made a similar statement:

"This was very clear. The war was not ours and we did not want to go to the war, and they have brought the war to us. But the fucking dead are all o f ours." - Patricia.

In their study of the Cultural Revolution in China, Arthur and Joan Kleinman write: "The stories of suffering they told to us and to others were meant in large measure to articulate pain and despair as a moral commentary on the sources of their tragedy...ruinous social policies ultimately ruin personal lives..." (1995,

290) Signs reading "Aznar- nos has condenado" (Aznar - you have condemned us) and "Aznar - por tu culpa pagamos todos" (Aznar - it's your fault, we all pay) fulfilled the same function: a moral commentary on the source of the tragedy, emphasizing the disastrous results of the government’s decision on individual lives. 70

Aside from blaming Aznar personally, Spain’s involvement with the Iraq war and the parallels with the September 11 attacks in the U.S. were made explicit in a number of ways. Even in the earliest newspaper headlines, the bombing was referred to as "Spain's 9/11" or "Our 9/11." One sign depicted New York's Twin

Towers, formed by two Spanish trains. The airplane flying to hit them was replaced with a bomb reading "11-M," visually combining symbols of the two separate terror attacks. Another sign read "Madrid - Bagdad" surrounded by a dark pool of what might be blood or oil, linking the war in Iraq with the deaths in

Spain. An interviewee made the pointed statement:"I believe this was the consequence o f a foreign policy that was really unjust with a lot o f countries. So I think that it was easy for some of us to see that in the attack in Atocha - to see the result o f a very erroneous decision in a world full o f bad decisions." - Javier 71

FIGURE 8: (No Azwar. Photo of Graffitti n.d.)

The photo of graffiti (above) shows Aznar, wearing Mickey Mouse ears, with the caption "NO AZWAR" - a play on words, against the war. Others have added text to the image: he appears to be saying "ETA” and above his head someone has written "Adios! Aznar." To the left, the words "No Rajoy” can be seen. The political messages here regarding the war, ETA, and the elections are clear. But what do the Mickey Mouse ears symbolize in this public conversation? They represent a sarcastic critique of American empire and express a sentiment of disgust with Aznar’s ties to the Bush administration:

"...And the next day you read the news, the news is always the same every day...our fucking president with fucking Bush in his ranch in Texas with his feet up on the table.... And we don't conform with this...Spaniards don't like anything 72

about the foreign policies o f the U.S...and I think that this had a lot to do with the disappointment a lot o f people felt, right? That is to say, this shitty president is deceiving us." - Ariadna

It is interesting to note that in the context of 11-M and the popular expressions of the demonstrations, I did not see racist or anti-Muslim images. While there was clearly anger, a desire to know the truth about the perpetrators, and to see them punished, there was a notable absence of stereotypical, degrading, or violent images directed at the alleged bombers. Terrorism across the board was strongly condemned, but the imagery I have seen tended to focus more anger on the governments of Spain and the United States than on Islam, Muslims, or the Middle

East47.

The implications of 11-M and the elections for the Bush administration were clear. Writing on March 17, 2004, just days after the bombing, one analyst declared the elections "...were terrible news for the Bush administration in every way...it is a decisive blow to the notion that America has broad coalition support in Iraq, and it sends a message to governments across Europe that they had better think twice before aligning themselves with the United States.... It is difficult to exaggerate the degree to which the defeat of Spain's Popular Party was also a defeat for Bush"

(Gordon, Spanish Lessons for the United States 2004).

471 have seen racist, anti-Muslim cartoons regarding 11-M in international press. Spain has a long and complicated relationship with the Muslim world; current immigration issues place a further strain on relations. 73

CHAPTER FOUR: MEMORIALS AND MONUMENTS

Impromptu Memorials

Almost immediately, spontaneous memorials went up all over Madrid. I can specifically remember walking through Puerta del Sol (a large central square) in the

evening of March 11, and the sidewalk was covered by thousands of candles, flowers, stuffed toys, photos and messages48 left by well-wishers and mourners. The scene was similar at Atocha and the other two stations, El Pozo and Santa Eugenia.

An interviewee described the scene at Alcala de Henares, which was the suburban

station where the bombs were originally loaded onto the trains:

"They'd made like this constant kind of vigil thing, where people were leaving letters and love notes, and it was sad. It was just so sad. And pictures, and candles, and flowers. I remember that when we went to that memorial the next day, it was silent the whole time, remember? Like nobody was talking, everybody was just standing there. It was totally eerie." - Javier

48 I thought that I was a pretty cool observer until one piece of printer paper with a photo of a middle aged man and the word 'papa' in a child's handwriting caught my attention. I felt suddenly nauseous, tears came, and I walked quickly in the other direction so that my friends wouldn't see that I was crying. 74

FIGURE 9: Example of memorials at Atocha station. (Lejarcegi 2005)

In fact, these impromptu memorials were so large and continued for so long that after several months, employees at Atocha station requested that the shrines be removed. Their open letter read: “Day after day, hour after hour, with the scent of the candles which penetrates our lungs like a malevolent fluid, we try, often in vain, to avoid...this permanent reminder that is fraying our nerves...” (Expatica.com

2004). One can only imagine the difficulty of trying to go back to work and carry on normally amid such grim and haunting reminders. As a result, in June 2004 a 'virtual tribute' was installed at Atocha (replacing the physical mementos) consisting of a video screen that plays two five-minute videos on two large screens around the clock. According to the station director, the installation will allow “feelings to be 75

expressed without interfering with the use of the station or the work of the employees.” (Expatica.com 2004) This goes to show that while memorials can be cathartic for some, they are not always welcomed or helpful - especially for those who have to somehow endure working in such a tragic location, and may just want to return to any sense of "normalcy” they can manage. After a certain amount of time - depending on the type, the place, the event - memorials may come to be seen as inappropriate, and even morbid or disturbing.

Spanish philosopher Reyes Mate has described these impromptu memorials as the people of Madrid trying to "remove [a space] from normalcy and convert [it] into a place of memory to the victims of 11-M...a popular gesture that has transformed a piece of hallway into a symbolic place" (Mate 2004). The victims have been memorialized by the public in many other ways, by means of accessible formats such as YouTube videos, songs, blogs, and street graffiti. Art exhibits, books,

T-shirts and other items were produced "unofficially." Within a year, the government had produced an officially sanctioned, public memorial, a monument known as El Bosque de Recuerdo, followed in 2007 by the construction of a second monument, El Monumento a las Victimas de 11-M.

El Bosgue de Recugrdo - The Forest of Remembrance

The first memorial to the victims of 11-M officially completed is known as El

Bosque de Recuerdo (The Forest of Remembrance) and is located in Madrid's 76

Park, not far from Atocha station. El Bosque was publicly inaugurated by the

Spanish monarchs and government officials just one year after the bombing, on

March 11, 2005. At the time, it was known as El Bosque de los Ausentes (Forest of the Departed), but the official name was later changed at the request of the victims’ families. (The families argued that the deceased were “not gone, but always with us.")

FIGURE 10: (El Bosque de los Ausentes 2005)

El Bosque is a "living" monument consisting of 192 trees (170 Cypress and 22

Olive), planted on a man-made hillside, which is encircled by a small stream. There is a pathway for visitors to walk along and a plaque dedicating the site to victims of the bombing. The 192 trees planted represent the 191 victims of the bombing, plus 77

one police officer who was later killed attempting to arrest several of the suspected bombers. Throughout the Mediterranean, Cypress trees are associated with funerals and graveyards and evergreen trees in general symbolize immortality and resurrection. Olive trees, and their branches, symbolize peace in Jewish and

Christian traditions. Water (especially running water) is nearly universally associated with life, as well as cleansing and regeneration. Taken together, the trees and stream represent mourning of death, hopes for peace, and life itself in a memorial that blurs the traditional line between "nature” and "culture."

Furthermore, the creation of a living garden implies the intent and the obligation of future generations to nurture and care for this memorial, thereby literally and symbolically keeping the memory of the victims alive.

Aside from the symbolic aspects, El Bosque memorial was built to be explored and experienced by people on foot. Difficult to convey on paper or in photos, there will be shifting vistas and sightlines, which will continue to evolve and grow as seasons change, years pass and the trees mature. The sound of birds, the running water, and the smell of the trees will add other dimensions to the experience. Retiro Park is a much-loved green space in Madrid; many Madrilenos go there for a walk like clockwork every Sunday. It is easy to imagine the El Bosque memorial becoming a place that people visit regularly, perhaps becoming intimately familiar with the subtleties of the landscape over a long period of time. 78

In the case of El Bosque memorial, the materials (earth, grass, trees, water) seem simple at first but take on extra significance in the context of Madrid. A city of more than 3 million people, Madrid often feels hot, crowded, and chaotic. Nearly everyone lives in large apartment buildings and very few people have yards. Retiro

Park is so well loved simply because it provides a chance to see grass, trees, and flowers and to relax. A grassy hill planted with trees, as common as that sounds, is actually a refreshing oasis in the intensely urban chaos of Madrid.

El Mvrmmento a l_as Victimas d eL L L M - Monument to the Victims of 11-M

El Monumento a las Victimas del 11-M (Monument to the Victims of 11-M) was dedicated on March 11, 2007, three years to the day after the bombing, in a ceremony attended by the Spanish royal family, government officials, and mourning relatives of the deceased. The monument was designed by a team of architects from the Madrid firm FAM Arquitectos, led by chief designer Mauro Gil-Forunier

Esquerra. 79

FIGURE 11: Monument to the Victims of 11-M, street view (Zacks 2007).

The choice of physical location for the Monument to the Victims of 11-M seems quite obvious: it is adjacent to Atocha train station49, the location of the bombing it commemorates. Atocha station- notable for its distinctive architecture and massive gardens - is an iconic landmark in its own right. Furthermore it is one of Madrid's main transportation hubs, including intersecting train, subway, and bus lines; thousands of commuters pass through Atocha each day.

49 Atocha was the first train station build in Madrid (1851), and is the largest, currently serving approximately 16 million passengers per year (Atocha Train Station n.d.). 80

The Monument to the Victims of 11-M is actually located in the center of a busy traffic roundabout. It is a transparent tube of sparkling glass on a large field of black concrete. The Monument is 11 meters in height, a symbolic reference to the date of the bombing. Its modern, minimal appearance is architecturally distinct from the older-style buildings and fountains of the streets nearby. During the day, when the sun shines on the monument a shimmering, shifting effect is produced as light moves across the glass. A magazine article written at the time of the opening ceremony praises the monument: "After dark, the volume radiates softly in the sky from lights in the opening at its base; during the day, sunlight produces an ethereal glow as it filters through the glass tower and reflects off the deep blue surfaces in the underground chamber” (Zacks 2007).

One significant drawback to the location of the monument - the external landscape - is that it is in the middle of traffic, in a space that is not very approachable or comfortable. Pedestrians can cross the street and walk up to the monument, however they will be surrounded by honking cars and speeding busses just a few feet away. Many memorials - because they commemorate tragic or distressing events - seek to create a particular atmosphere of solemnity, dignity, or solace. However, the location of the Monument to the Victims of 11-M could hardly be less conducive to peaceful meditation, reflection, or deep emotional connections.

Also, structurally and visually, the street level view of the monument is really quite ambiguous; there are no explicit indications that explain its meaning. A passerby 81

could take it for an especially sparkly piece of modern art and nothing more; some tourists have commented that they had trouble finding it.

The answers to these challenges can be found in the unique, multi-level design of the monument (see Figure 12, below). There is an underground chamber, which is accessed through the train station, where visitors view the monument from below street level, looking up. This underground room provides the peaceful space for contemplation that is lacking in the above ground monument; in fact the architects designed the room with specific features in order to create a carefully controlled environment and ensure that a specific atmosphere prevails. Atocha is nearly always a chaotic, crowded station, full of noisy people hurrying to and from work. However the lower level of the monument must be entered through security doors and only a small number of people are allowed inside at any given time, ensuring that the inner space remains quiet. 82

FIGURE 12: Monument to the Victims of 11-M, interior view (J. 2007).

After passing through the security doors, visitors enter a foyer where the names of the 191 casualties of the bombing are printed on a frosted glass wall. This is the single space where the individual human victims that the monument is charged with commemorating are clearly represented. This is actually the result of a compromise by FAM Architects; their original design would have placed the victims’ names inside the glass tube, but some family members objected to that plan.

From the information available to me it is not clear why, in the eyes of the victims family members, the wall would be a more appropriate place for the victims’ names, but it is a positive note that the architects have respectfully accommodated their wishes. This simple list of names engraved on a wall is reminiscent of Maya Lin’s 83

widely acclaimed Vietnam War memorial. FAM architects have publicly acknowledged her work as an inspiration in this statement: "Often it is the simplest memorials that are the most effective, for instance Maya Lin's black granite monument...this has a similarly inspiring clarity of purpose and execution... (AR

Architectural Awards, 2007)." The Vietnam Memorial is celebrated for the strong impact it has on viewers. However, 1 have to wonder if the list of names in the

Spanish monument, placed in what frankly appears to be a hallway on the way to the "main attraction," achieves the same impact? It's impossible to evaluate based on photos alone how visitors interact with this part of the monument, and I have not had the opportunity to visit since the monument was constructed. Do they simply stroll by, casually glancing at the names of the deceased? Or do people stop to spend time reading the names and contemplate, cry, or pray? How big is the wall and how is it situated? Is this a design flaw or a successful representation of lost lives?

Passing the wall, visitors proceed into the main underground room, known as "El Vacio Azul" which translates as "The Empty Blue Space” or "The Blue Void."

The chamber is painted a deep blue color and is furnished only with simple black benches. El Vacio Azul is a controlled, quiet space for contemplation and provides a completely different experience of the monument than the street level view.

Architect Mauro Gil-Fournier Esquerra says of the room: "It's a silent space, and people cry inside... It’s very emotional" (Zacks 2007). While the external glass tube is more immediately noticeable, in many ways El Vacio Azul is the aspect of the 84

monument that is made for a human audience and personal interaction. Here, visitors are directly below the glass monument, looking up into the tube, which is illuminated by sunlight.

More than 20,000 messages of condolences, sympathy, peace, and solidarity are printed inside the tube in various languages (Hartman 2008). The messages inscribed in the monument were selected from among the millions of cards and letters left at Atocha station as well as the digital memorial forums installed later.

The engraved tube at the emotional and physical center of the monument reflects the words, messages, and wishes of the public, creating an interesting dynamic whereby visitors can possibly see something of their own voices represented in a symbolic sense. Lead architect Esquerra explains his concept: "This is the moment of the memorial... We want to speak to the light and the future: the spirit of the monument is to take all of the messages of these days, the feelings of the people, and create an eternal meaning for them” (Zacks 2007). The concept of taking the words of unknown citizens to inscribe on the monument seems uniquely modern - like a dialogue with public.

Many famous modern memorials are visually striking or provide impressive views. However, none come to mind that employ two fully different perspectives of the same object, and engage the viewer in actually looking inside the monument itself. As one reviewer describes it, "Esquerra's winning entry proposed extending 85

the monument below street level to form a chapel-like memorial space inside the underground train station” (Zacks 2007). The expression “chapel-like” suggests a variety of religious metaphors and associations. The effect from inside the monument could be read, architecturally, as some version of a modern cathedral.

Both effectively employ high, vaulting architecture that draws the eyes of the viewer upward (to heaven?). The physical, human form is somewhat dwarfed in comparison to the great vertical height of the structure. In ancient cathedrals, stained glass windows would have been used to illuminate the interior space; here the architects have used thousands of high-tech, clear, engraved glass tiles to create the same effect. I do not know whether or not the use of these cathedral-like motifs

(architectural height, looking skyward, light, heaven, glass and illumination) was an intentional religious reference on the part of the architects, or whether it is seen as such (either explicitly or subconsciously) by Spanish viewers. However, the visual language employed certainly “makes sense” at least superficially in the context of a traditionally Catholic country such as Spain.

Furthermore, the absence of any overtly religious iconography, such as winged angels or a crucifix, is in line with progressive secular values that are characteristic of modern Spanish culture. To make a very broad generalization, mainstream Spanish rhetoric (like much liberal, Western thought) embraces freedom of religion, diversity and multiculturalism. Many Spaniards, regardless of their personal religious beliefs, would most likely see a highly Christianized 86

monument as exclusionary or offensive, especially since the victims themselves came from a multitude of religious and ethnic backgrounds. This begs the question, exactly what messages and values should a memorial portray? The following statement by FAM Architects shows clearly their awareness of this dilemma, their intentions in designing the memorial, and the ideals that they sought to convey:

"Physically commemorating such dreadful events can often be fraught with difficulties, but the city now has a dignified public memorial which provides a place of calmness and serenity outside Atocha Station, where the commuter trains were due to terminate... Powerfully emblematic of the rejection of violence, the ethereally transparent glass tube penetrates down into a subterranean chamber, literally and symbolically bringing light into a dark place. The inside of the cylinder is printed with messages of condolence and solidarity in many languages, which were originally left by the public at the scene of the bombings. Below is a womblike blue chamber furnished only with a simple black steel bench for quiet contemplation. The names of the dead are inscribed on a frosted glass panel at the chamber’s entrance." [emphasis added] (Slessor 2007)

Given the values and images that the architects wanted to create, how would such a thing be constructed? As one critic put it: "The concept was clever, but the renderings - featuring an amorphous blob floating in the night sky and a translucent chasm riddled with text - gave little indication of how it would be realized" (Zacks

2007). The choice of materials and the construction process itself was painstaking.

Keeping in mind that light was to be a major component of the memorial, FAM eventually chose to work with a special kind of glass known as borosilicate which is 87

normally used in camera lenses. The 150,000 fragile, curved glass blocks had to be individually checked for cracks and fractures, glued together with a special liquid- acrylic adhesive, and hardened by an ultraviolet light (Hartman 2008). The interior messages could not be etched directly onto the borosilicate glass blocks. As an alternative, the messages were printed on a film made of ethylene tetrafluoroethylene (ETFE) and then inflated within the glass structure. The ETFE lining actually floats within the outer glass cylinder. It is held in place by a 60mm steel tube attached to the base of the wall and by the difference in pressure between the space inside the membrane and the space between the ETFE and the glass cylinder (Hartman 2008).

The message of the memorials is ultimately a reflection of a particular cultural rhetoric, a Spanish narrative that determines what values and emotions are appropriate and acceptable in the aftermath of a tragedy. What exactly do these physical forms and images convey to viewers who do not know the specific history of the place? And perhaps more importantly, what will they convey to future generations? Michel-Rolph Trouillot wrote that "the past” does not exist without the present moment (1995). I would argue that "the future” also does not exist without the present moment. Memorials, built with the idea of posterity in mind, perhaps say more about our vision of the future than our concept of the past. 88

As Reyes Mate points out, there are different points of view about the same history (Mate 2004). These two monuments are in some ways ambiguous, probably intentionally so, in the sense that they avoid attributing blame for the attacks or demonstrating any political affiliation. The focus in both seems to be on commemorating the victims, which may be the only thing that everyone can agree on. 89

CHAPTER FIVE: MEDICAL & PSYCHOLOGICAL OUTCOMES

Several studies were conducted by Spanish researchers measuring medical and psychological distress among citizens as a result of the bombing and the

implications of such trauma for the general population. In at least two studies, it was found that there were potentially positive outcomes of this tragedy, largely due to collective actions and strategies which increased social healing and resilience, helping citizens to cope in the aftermath of the 11-M bombing (Paez, et al. 2007)

(Val and Linley 2006). Understanding strategies for coping can help make sense of

“trauma" and hopefully guide its aftermath in a productive way.

The third edition of the psychiatric Diagnostic and Statistical Manual defined a traumatic event as a "psychologically distressing event that is outside the normal range of experience" (Suedfeld 1997,850). The concept of "trauma” is borrowed from medicine and psychiatry and introduced to social and cultural theory. "Cultural

Trauma" describes a "culturally defined and interpreted shock to the cultural fabric of a society" (Sztompka 2000, 449). Trauma may have any number of causes: natural disaster, economic collapse or reform, migration or exodus, war, assassination, revolution, or in this case acts of terrorism or violence. These events cause individual suffering, but also affect larger groups of people - local communities, inhabitants of specific geographic areas, demographic groups, ethnic 90

groups, nations. On a macro level, cultural trauma is "more than the sum of many personal ones" (Suedfeld 1997, 849).

Studies of terrorism and violence can be difficult to carry out because of the unpredictable nature and chaotic circumstances surrounding such events (Munoz, et al. 2005, 918). Depending on the scale of the attack, in the first hours and days available resources may be diverted to more urgent needs and research put off until later. Also, researchers must bear in mind the extremely delicate matter of being sensitive to the potential subjects of such a study. The ethics and strategies of questioning individuals who may be severely traumatized or who have lost a loved one is no small concern. Anthropologists who have addressed these issues include

Carolyn Nordstrom (Nordstrom and Antonius 1995) and Jeffrey Sluka (Sluka 2000), among others. Depending on the goals of the researcher, studies may focus on the direct victims (those injured or involved in a terror attack) or on the general population - who is the intended audience of such an attack after all. The purpose of "terrorism" as a strategy is to send a message, to shock and frighten a large group by means of random violence aimed at a few; the extent of terrorism's effectiveness is largely tied to the effect that it has on the public audience.

As described by Munoz et al. (2005), examples of other recent violent incidents which have been studied in regards to terrorism and trauma include the

Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 (North, et al. 1999), the Paris subway bombing in 91

1996 (Jehel, et al. 2003), Northern Ireland's ongoing IRA violence (Gillespie, et al.

2002), and the September 11 attacks in New York and Washington (Galea, et al.

2002, Silver, et al. 2002). Researchers may use similar methods in their studies; however, comparison between or across events is problematic because circumstances and cultures vary so widely.

A further problem is how to scientifically measure grief or quantify terror.

Here we rely on medically recognized idioms of distress and clinically diagnosable disorders to provide an "objective” measure of the impact of terror. At the individual level, typical responses to attacks such as those listed above usually include Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), depression, panic disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, and increased use of drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism, among others (Miguel-Tobal, et al. 2005, 2). Statistics have become the modern technical tool for describing social realities “scientifically” and bio-statistics become the basis for a form of "political arithmetic" (Briggs and Mantini-Briggs

2003). Trauma - or one’s medically recognized status as a victim of trauma - becomes in many cases a "tool used in a demand for justice" and the medical and legal basis for "claiming one's rights" (Fassin and Rechtman 2009, 279).

In Madrid, a major study was conducted a month after the 11-M attack by researchers from the Complutense University of Madrid and the Center for Urban

Epidemiologic Studies, New York Academy of Medicine with the stated objective "to 92

assess the prevalence and evolution of psychopathology and to establish predictors of vulnerability and protection/ resistance to trauma” (Miguel-Tobal, et al. 2005,1).

They later followed up with studies conducted six months and one year after the bombing, interviewing a total of 1,589 members of the general population over the age of 18. Among those interviewed, 324 lived very close to an affected station, 117 were direct victims or relatives of victims, and 165 were emergency services personnel. The survey gathered background and demographic information in order to identify pre-existing conditions and other sources of stress and separate their effects from the following results, which are considered directly attributable to the bombing.

To summarize, the researchers found that "a substantial portion of Madrid's citizens reacted in a clinically significant manner” (Miguel-Tobal, et al. 2005).

Among the general population, 10.9 % experienced symptoms meeting the diagnostic criteria of panic attack. This figure rose to 16.3 % among people who were in the areas nearest to the bombing. Similarly, 8.4% of the general population presented symptoms of major depression; 9.8% in areas directly affected. In other words, "proximity of residence to the scenes of the bombings considerably increased their impact.” The rate of PTSD attributed to the bombing was estimated to be 2.3% of the city's population (Miguel-Tobal, et al. 2005, 5). 93

Among individuals who were direct victims of the bombings or who lost a close friend or family member, rates of psychopathology rose dramatically: 45.3% suffered panic attacks, 31.3% experienced depression, and 35.9% had PTSD.

Researchers found that "comorbidity between depression and post-traumatic stress is much higher than in the general population, with 18.8% of this group presenting the two disorders concurrently” (Miguel-Tobal, et al. 2005, 6).

Among emergency services personnel who were involved in rescue and support operations, the rate for panic attacks was 13.9% higher than among the general population, yet just 2% were affected by depression and 1.2% by PTSD. Miguel-

Tobal et.al state: "These data suggest that emergency service personnel (the majority of whom are trained professionals with experience in these tasks), even if they cannot avoid adverse peritraumatic psychological reactions due to the high degree of exposure to the stressor, are indeed capable of managing their emotions so as to avoid the chronification of those reactions that gives rise to disorders such as depression or post-traumatic stress” (Miguel-Tobal, et al. 2005, 6).

A separate team of researchers from Madrid's Complutense University conducted a study that consisted of a questionnaire given to 1,179 participants aged

18 and older from the affected area two weeks after the bombing (March 18 - 24).

Their research aim was to "advance knowledge of the symptoms related to acute stress disorder, depressive symptomatology, and general functioning of the population in an area of high intensity terrorist attack during the first post impact 94

weeks" and also to examine the "severity of interference in psychosocial functioning" (Munoz, et al. 2005, 907-909). Here, we can bridge the gap between individual traumas and their effect on the general population or wider social functioning. Questions of "functional impairment”50 are certainly important in considering the actions of the public in the days after a terror attack. In light of the large number of people who were suffering from one or more symptoms of acute stress, the effective mobilization of so many to demonstrate and vote is remarkable.

Broadly, the second study suggests (as expected) that large-scale terrorist attacks do affect a significant part of the population, not just the people directly involved, especially in the first few days. 47.6% of the sample showed symptoms of acute stress; among those symptoms the most frequent were re-experiencing

(72.5%) and dissociation (71.8%). Other symptoms of acute stress (see Figure 13 below) include physical reactions such as “sleeping problems" and "sweating, trembling, or feeling one’s heart beat faster...” (Munoz, et al. 2005,912). Depressive symptoms were found in 49.6% of the sample. Similar to the first report (Miguel-

Tobal, et al. 2005), researchers noted significant differences by sex, age, and frequency of train use (Munoz, et al. 2005, 913). The researchers concluded:

"specific depression symptoms participants presented were feelings of sadness,

50 Symptomatology that was sufficiently intense to cause “moderate, severe, or extreme interference in their daily lives given difficulties after the attack.” 18.1% of the survey reported some level of impairment such as feeling unable to complete daily tasks, or canceling activities due to their health (Munoz, et al. 2005, 914). 95

pessimism, and some incapacity to enjoy life. However, as with acute stress, the symptoms do not seem sufficiently incapacitating if one takes into account that they did not cause difficulties in performing tasks or involve excessive effort in carrying out daily activities" (Munoz, et al. 2005, 916).

Further, they found that "while psychological and emotional phenomena such as re-experiencing and dissociation were high, feelings of lack of support and perception of hostility were scarce, which is understandable if one considers the massive social support and solidarity extended to victims” (Munoz, et al. 2005, 917).

TABLE 2 Presknce op Acute Stress Symptoms in General Population o f Madrid After Attacks of M arch 11, 2004 Symptom Percent* M l SD Symptoms of Dissociation Paralyzed or distanced from emotions during or after event 59,4 2.9 1.3 Confused during or after event 60.9 2.9 1.3 Feelings of unreality 52.7 2.7 1.4 Feeling far away from oneself during or after event 27.4 1.9 12 Incapable of remembering important aspects of event 15.8 1.5 1.0 Symptoms of Re-experiencing Constant memories of the event popping into one's head 57.7 2.9 1.2 Unpleasant dreams or nightmares about event 13,7 1.5 1.0 Feeling as if event were happening all over again 11.9 1.4 0.9 Feeling bad when recalling event 84,2 3,8 1.1 Avoidance Symptoms Trying not to think about event 48.1 2.5 13 .Trying not to talk about event 27.9 1.9 • 1.2 Trying to avoid situations or persons that remind one of event 16.6 1.6 1.0 Trying not to feel distressed or anxious about event 34.9 2.1 1.2 Arousal Symptoms Sleeping problems since event 18.3 1.7 1.0 B6ing more irritable since event 25.3 1.9 1.1 • , Difficulty conccntrating since event 15.0 1.9 1.1 Feeling more vigilant or on guard since event 46.6 2.5 1.3 Feeling more nervous or fearful since event 28.3 2.3 1.3 Sweating, trembling, or feeling one’s heart beat faster when recalling event 24.6 1.8 1.1 ''Moderate* pretty much, very much. +1-5, 96

FIGURE 13: “Presence of Acute Stress Symptoms in General Population of Madrid

After Attacks on March 11, 2004" (Munoz, et al. 2005, 512).

Community Health. Social Healing. Resilience

When large numbers of people51 simultaneously experience some level of distress, psychological problem, or trauma the potential arises for widespread social disruption. For some individuals, temporary problems become chronic, raising the possibility of more long-term damages, such as trauma that becomes inter- generational. According to Miguel-Tobal, et al.: "At the psychosocial or community level, among the most notable effects of terrorist attacks are feelings of lack of security, fear of future attacks and their unpredictability, feelings of generalized fear, feelings of loss and mourning at a national level, lack of confidence in institutions and sensations o f a disturbance o f order in the community" [emphasis added] (Miguel-Tobal, et al. 2005, 3). Institutions and social orders may be undermined or called into question - often rightly so - in response to cultural trauma.

In discussions of cultural trauma, social scientists generally examine the impact of "traumatic” events in a light that emphasizes the vulnerability of a

51 For example, consider the findings of Miguel Tobal, et al. (discussed on page 90) that 10.9% of the population experienced symptoms of a panic attack. Based on Madrid’s population of 3.1 million inhabitants in 2004, that would amount to approximately 337,900 people experiencing panic attacks. 97

population, and the need for professional medical or psychological intervention to help affected individuals. Not to deny the serious repercussions of violence, but there is also a growing argument that communities (and individuals) can be

"resilient and hardy." "They cope with danger and disaster, maintain rational and adaptive problem-solving behaviors, and even use the experience as a source of renewed strength" (Suedfeld 1997, 849). In this view, individual survivors may be well adjusted and their communities can emerge from the trauma with a sense of greater collective strength. Instead of examining acute stress as a pathological condition and a threat to health, it can be seen as eustress: a health-enhancing challenge.

This phenomena has received relatively little attention in medical and social literature, however among those who do report positive changes or personal growth in the wake of a disaster or trauma, three broad themes have been reported.

First, survivors often changed their self-perception in some way, for example feeling increased personal strength and self-reliance, or conversely reporting a greater acceptance of their personal weaknesses and vulnerability. Second, many survivors report positive changes in their interpersonal relationships, noting such phenomena as increased compassion for others, altruism, greater openness, self-disclosure, and becoming more comfortable with intimacy. Third, survivors often experience a deep sense of spiritual development, profoundly re-evaluating their worldview and life's priorities after confronting the inevitability of their own death. In the long run, 98

an experience with trauma can, for some, lead to a more meaningful and fulfilling life (Val and Linley 2006,409-410). In Madrid, a questionnaire completed by 167 participants revealed 30.57% experienced some degree of positive growth as a result of being indirectly exposed (as residents of Madrid) to the 11-M bombing.

This figure tended to be higher among women, and those directly exposed to the bombing (Val and Linley 2006, 416).

In a paper entitled "Social Sharing, Participation in Demonstrations,

Emotional Climate, and Coping with Collective Violence After the March 11 Madrid

Bombings” the authors examine the ways that social sharing and "participating in secular political rituals" (specifically the protests of March 12-13) helped people to cope with the trauma of the bombing and created a "positive emotional climate”

(Paez, et al. 2007, 323-324). They write that participation in demonstrations can provide "psychosocial functions that are similar to those fulfilled by rituals” such as reinforcing social cohesion and increasing “perceptions of solidarity, trust, and hope in the social milieu.” Many of the individuals I interviewed reported that after the bombing, they felt a strong need to do something and that the protests provided an opportunity to take action. Several also said that they experienced a positive communal atmosphere during the protests, and that they felt satisfied with the results of the elections. An interviewee described the atmosphere:

7 was very amazed the time after the attack...when I went out on the street the people were different...! remember that people looked at you. Like knowing that we 99

were sharing something. Like 7 know that you know what is happening and we are together.' That kind o f collective feeling. It was a special time...everybody was affected." - Sonia

The studies discussed here examine some of the medical and psychological results of the 11-M bombings, both on the individual and social or collective level.

However Munoz et al. urge caution in the interpretation of data that indicates high levels of stress and depression, stating that "...rather than being evidence of psychiatric disorders perse, such symptoms may represent a normal response to an exceptional situation" (2005, 918). In other words, given the shocking and tragic nature of the event, it is to be expected that people will be upset. However, it is interesting to note the ways that collective action (and results) helped people to cope with the trauma. The sense of agency and purpose which Spanish citizens experience by way of participating in such protests (and voting in the subsequent election of March 13) may have helped them to emerge from the trauma of 11-M relatively well.

On an individual level, studying the effects of terror may provide individuals with more effective options for coping with trauma. An awareness of how a situation and one’s reactions are similar to or different from other terror attacks could provide some much needed perspective and / or guidance in difficult times.

Further, work could be done to make doctors, social workers, and community leaders better prepared to help people through individual and cultural trauma. 100

Conclusion

In order to analyze public reactions to the 11-M bombing, including the protests and elections that followed, it is necessary to understand the collective memories shared by several generations of Spaniards. To a greater or lesser degree, nearly every Spanish citizen has been affected by the political violence of the last century.

As discussed, the trauma of the Civil War left a generation of both perpetrators and victims scarred by atrocities so severe that even today they can barely be spoken about. The long years of the Franco dictatorship effectively silenced all opposition and taught the public to fear the government and its abuses of power: censorship, repression, and violence. Following the transition to democracy, the 'pact of silence' and the official Amnesty Law continued to suppress any public examination of past crimes, until the beginning of the memory movement in 2000 finally brought to light the stories of Franco's victims and exposed deeply entrenched political divisions.

Furthermore, fifty years of tragic ETA violence gave rise to a deep understanding of the nature of "terrorism" and the social development of a variety of responses and coping mechanisms: chiefly the rejection of violence and torture, and the mass mobilization of citizens in protest.

I suggest that this shared history had some unexpected, positive results in the sense that when 11-M occurred, Spaniards already had a foundation of experiences 101

and concepts of how to respond to violence. Stunning as the bombing was, the public was not entirely unprepared. Lessons from the past were remembered and communicated largely through visual means; symbols such as handprints, Guernica, and Mickey Mouse served to express cultural and political messages among the protestors in the streets, creating cohesiveness and solidarity in action.

After the bombing, the memorials that were built commemorated the victims and symbolically emphasized a desire for peace. Among those affected by the attack as well as the general public, there was certainly widespread trauma, yet for many in Madrid, the collective actions of demonstrating and voting may have functioned similarly to a community ritual, providing a sense of social support and helping individuals to heal, offsetting some of the negative effects of the bombing.

Since 2004, there have been hundreds of terrorist attacks worldwide. 1 find value in examining 11-M as an example of a pubic response that was helpful, rather than harmful. I also believe that there is also a meaningful connection between the demonstrations of 11-M and later mass mobilizations such as Los Indignados - "the outraged,” a grass-roots anti-austerity movement in Spain which began in 2012 - as well as the international Occupy Movement and the Arab Spring. 11-M can be seen as an early example of citizens successfully using new technology (SMS, texts, e- mail) as well as social media networks (Twitter, Facebook, You Tube) to communicate, organize, mobilize, and share information rapidly. This is an 102

especially useful strategy in situations like those mentioned above where the public is acting against the wishes of government and needs to share information which the media may be reluctant to provide. I would expect to see more mobilizations of this type in the future, deserving further examination.

Furthermore, there are several issues connected to 11-M that I was not able to examine in this thesis, which require further study. Most obviously, Spain has an exceedingly long and complex historical interconnection with the Muslim world, with cultural and political repercussions that are still relevant today. Both Franco and Aznar - among many others - have promoted and exploited variations of a

“Crusader" ideology, portraying themselves as Catholic saviors against a Muslim enemy. It was certainly no accident that when Aznar sent Spanish troops to Iraq, the soldiers wore a badge in the image of Santiago Matamoros, or St. James "the Moor-

Killer," a symbolic action that was widely criticized as offensive and inappropriate

(Aidi 2006). However at the same time, Spain has a rich tradition of conviviencia - a mutual tolerance of various religions living together (Menocal 2002). Some of the greatest treasures of Spanish culture - architecture, food, music, even the language - can be traced back to Islamic influence (Hirschkind 2016). Much like the concept of

"cultural intimacy" discussed previously in regards to ETA, Spain has the kind of close relationship with Islam that makes it difficult to reduce Muslims to stereotypes and caricatures; in spite of existing racism from some quarters, the public generally has a more nuanced view. 103

Another question for deeper examination is the legal repercussions of the bombing. Giorgio Agamben (2005), Veena Das (2005) and others have written about "the state of exception” - a sort of legal grey-area where laws are suspended or not applied; this has been observed especially in the wake of terrorist acts when the public becomes complicit in the erosion of their rights in the pursuit of security.

Surprisingly in Spain, immediately after the bombing, some immigration laws were actually eased, granting large numbers of immigrants the right to legally work in the country. However the government also moved to implement a measure in the Law on Foreigners which allowed them to expel individuals suspected of terrorist activities or "participating in acts against national security” and the government committed to increased cooperation with in fighting international terrorism

(Human Rights Watch 2005,10). While Spain's recent approach to terrorism has been described as "mature and effective,” there are also concerns about the practice of keeping terrorism suspects incommunicado - detained in isolation, sometimes in poor conditions with few legal rights (Human Rights Watch 2005,1-10).

Furthermore, organizations representing various groups of victims have become politically polarized, their goals and demands often conflicting (MacDonald and Bernardo 2006). It remains to be seen if the steps set out in The Law of

Historical Memory in 2007 will be fully implemented. And perhaps the most significant, overarching question: will anyone ever be brought to trial for crimes committed under the Franco dictatorship? Spaniards are publicly examining many 104

of these issues through legal and political actions, as well as through a rich and ever­ growing body of literature, movies, and art reflective of the recent past. In all of these cases the functioning of collective memory has a significant impact.

Analyzing collective memory is key to seeing how a group understands itself, and how it relates its past to its future. There is power in the maintenance, transformation, and communication of collective memories: who 'controls’ these memories? How? And to what ends? Spain gives us one example of the way that collective memory forms a major part of the foundation for present actions and decisions.

tows imm en ese tren...

FIGURE 14: Cartoon reading "We were all on that train...Ten years later, we will not forget." (Madrid 2014) 105

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APPENDIX A: GLOSSARY OF TERMS AND ABBREVIATIONS

ARMH: Asociacion Para la Recuperation de la Memoria Historica (Association for the

Recovery of Historical Memory) Group working to coordinate and document exhumations of mass graves in Spain, [http://memoriahistorica.org.es]

El GAL: Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberation (Antiterrorist Liberation Group) Illegal paramilitary group established by Spanish government to fight ETA. Active 1983 -

1987

ETA: Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (Basque Country and Freedom) Basque separatist, terrorist group. Active 1959 - 2011.

Elkarri: (Together) “Association for Peace, Dialogue and Agreement." Social movement for dialogue in the Basque country.

Foro porla Memoria: (Forum for Memory) [http://www.foroporlamemoria.info]

Gesto Por La Paz: (Peace Gesture, Association for Peace in the Basque Country)

Basque peace movement founded in 1986. [http://www.gesto.org/es/]

Movimiento Contra la Intolerancia: (Movement Against Intolerance) Anti-racist organization. Activities include mobilizing citizens against violence and terrorism, as well as educating youths, [http://www.movimientocontralaintolerancia.com] 115

PP: Partido Popular (People’s Party) Conservative, Christian democratic party.

[http://www.pp.es]

PSOE: Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party) Center- left socialist democratic party, [http://www.psoe.es] APPENDIX B: SPANISH PRIME MINISTERS

Rajoy, Mariano: 2011- current (PP)

Zapatero, Jose Luis Rodriguez: 2004 - 2011 (PSOE)

Aznar, Jose Maria: 1996-2004 (PP)

Gonzalez, Felipe: 1982 - 1996 (PSOE)

Calvo-Sotelo, Leopoldo: 1981-1982

Suarez, Adolfo: 1976-1981

Navarro, Carlos Arias: 1973-1976

Franco, Francisco: Dictator 1936-1975 117

APPENDIX C: MAP OF SPAIN

SPAIN Hey tif Itiway FRANCE <0 La Coruna San Sebastian p. Asturias ■ ■ ■ ■ Galicia Cantabria y ailco ANDORRA La Rioja Navarra U& "■ - *' u Catalunya y. i.««f»||^|adoll '*;Zirigoza Araf##i 0 * Barcelona Salamanca, Sitges £ ■» Las Hurdes O Madrid oleruel Menorca £ Maiorca f* Toledo fc'l Casfllta La Mancha Merida I h i/41 ©Lisbon * Extramaiitora 9 Alicante

Cbrdoba Murcia Seville ■Medihrmm'tift %m ^ . o Cranada Sierra Nevada o Malaga ALGERIA To Canary « Gibraltar -200 km Islands* MOROCCO >120 miles

(Lonely Planet n.d.) 118

APPENDIX D: MAP OF BOMBING SITES

Alcala de H@nar#s ,

MADRID Bombs loaded on trains Atocha TRAIN 2 Station

TRAIN 4 Santa El Pozo Station Eugenia Station TRAIN 3 2 0 Km

(BBC News 2004) 119

APPENDIX E: NUMBER OF PROTESTORS, LISTED BY CITY

Madrid 2,000,000

Barcelona 1,500,000

Valencia 700,000

Sevilla 650,000

Malaga 400,000

Vigo 400,000

Zaragoza 400,000

Murcia 300,000

Oviedo 300,000

Cadiz 300,000

Bilbao 300,000

Granada 250,000

Alicante 250,000

Santa Cruz de Tenerife 250,000

Valladolid 250,000

Las Palmas de Gran Canaria 225,000

Cordoba 200,000

A Coruna 200,000

Palma de Mallorca 140,000

Pamplona 125,000 120

Guadalajara 120,000?

Huelva 120,000

Jaen 120,000?

Almerfa 120,000

Salamanca 100,000

Santiago de Compostela 100,000

Castellon 100,000

Albacete 100,000

Logrono 100,000

Leon 100,000

Burgos 100,000

Vitoria 90,000

Santander 85,000

Badajoz 80,000

Ferrol 80,000

Ourense 80,000

Pontevedra 75,000

Ciudad Real 70,000

Girona 58,000

Caceres 50,000

Cartagena 50,000

Lugo 50,000

Alcala de Henares 45,000

Ibiza 42,000 121

Tarragona 40,000

Lleida 40,000

Segovia 40,000

Zamora 40,000

Ceuta 35,000

Melilla 30,000

Cuenca 30,000

Lorca 25,000

Toledo 25,000

Talavera de la Reina 25,000

Palencia 25,000

Merida 20,000

Medina del Campo 15,000

(Wikipedia n.d.) APPENDIX F: SAMPLE INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

Interview Guide / E-mail Questionnaire - ENGLISH

1.) Basic information: a. Age? b. Occupation? c. What city in Spain are you from? 2.) How did you find out about the March 11, 2004 train bombing in Madrid? (ie, radio, TV news, call from friend, etc.) 3.) How did you react? What did you do? What were your first thoughts and emotions? 4.) Did you participate in the protests of March 12, 2004? Why or why not? What is your opinion of the protests? How did you find out about the protests? 5.) Did you vote in the elections of March 14, 2004? Do your feel that the bombing and / or protests influenced your vote? What is your opinion of Zapatero’s re- election in 2008? 6.) As a child, what did you learn about the Civil War in school? What did you learn from your family? Was it discussed in your home? With your friends? 7.) What is your opinion about ETA? Have you or a family member or friend participated in protests or organizations against ETA? 8.) Would you like to add any other comments?

Guia de Entrevista / Cuestionario de E-mail - ESPANOL

1.) Informacion basica: a. ^Cu&ntos anos tiene? b. i,Que es su occupaci6n o trabajo? c.

Ana R. 40 Teacher Barcelona Naples, Italy Y Y N N/A Javier 30 Engineer Valencia Madrid Y N YYN Erin 29 Attorney Castilla la Mancha Madrid N/A YYN Carla 27 Teacher Santander Madrid Y Y N Y N Pau 35 IT Manager Barcelona Barcelona YYY YY David ? Musician Madrid Madrid Y Y N N Y Sonia 38 Student La Coruna Madrid Y NYYY Pilar 40 Graphic Designer Madrid Madrid Y Y Y Y Y Patricia 28 Secretary Barcelona Barcelona N Y 7 YY Ariadna ? Student Madrid Madrid ? YN YY Javier Lawyer Cartagena (Spain) Madrid Y ? 7 NY David 34 Consulting Madrid ?? YN Y

NJ GO 124

1.) What city is the interviewee originally from?

2.) What city was the interviewee in at the time of the attack?

3.) Did the interviewee have a family member involved in the civil war?

4.) Did the interviewee describe a memory or experience involving ETA?

5.) Did the interviewee personally know anyone injured in the 11M bombing?

6.) Did the interviewee attend demonstrations on March 11,12, or 13?

7.) Did the interviewee vote in the March 2004 national elections? APPENDIX H: IRB APPROVAL DOCUMENT

Administration 254 1600 Holloway Avenue San Francisco, CA 94132

Offic e fo r th e Protection of Hum an and A n im al Su bje ct s Tel: 415/338-1093 Fax: 415/405-2474 C om m ittee for th e Protection of E-mail: [email protected] Hum an Su bject s Web: www.sfsu.edu/ ~protocol

Date: February 26, 2010

To: Emma Fuentes

Re: Collective Memory and the 11M Bombing in Madrid, Spain

The Office of Research and Sponsored Programs at San Francisco State University has reviewed and approved the use of human subjects in the above protocol. You may proceed with your research as described in your protocol and as modified in any subsequent correspondence. Please be aware of and follow your own discipline’s professional code of conduct.

Approval Date: February 25,2010 Exempt

Expiration Date: This approval expires on February 25,2011. If the project is to be continued, it must be renewed by the expiration date. Please allow at least six weeks for processing a renewal application. Data cannot be used in the research if collected after the expiration date, before the protocol has been renewed.

Adverse Event Reporting: All unanticipated or serious adverse events must be reported to the CPHS within ten working days.

Modifications: Prior CPHS approval is required before implementing any changes in any of the approved documents. Data cannot be used if collected before any changes in the research are approved.

Recordkeeping: You must retain all signed consent forms for at least 3 years after all research activity is completed.

Questions: Please contact the Committee for the Protection of Human Subjects at 415:338- 1093, or at [email protected]

Sincerely.

Office for the Protection of Human Subjects