The Role of Women in Lebanese Politics Eyal Zisser

The Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 1, Fall 2017 Print ISSN: 2252-347X Online ISSN: 2252-6959 https://doi.org/10.26351/1

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’: The Role of Women in Lebanese Politics Eyal Zisser

Abstract Throughout Lebanese history women have managed to reach the top of the political pyramid and fill leadership positions to a degree that does not exist in other Arab countries. While the phenomenon is most widespread in the Maronite Christian community, in the Druze, Shiite and Sunni communities it manifests itself mainly as women filling in for men or being the power behind the scenes. The political presence described above, however, does not represent a major breakthrough or the abandonment of the rather narrow framework that is generally available for women. In almost every case women who achieve political prominence are, at present or have been in the past, filling some position temporarily for their husbands or some other close relative, until the next male generation of the family can take over. This phenomenon is made possible mainly by the fragmented and family oriented character of Lebanese politics. The article examines the phenomenon of women leaders in Lebanon, through analyzing the case studies of such women after which it will discuss the importance and significance of this phenomenon.

Keywords Lebanon; Women in Lebanon; Maronites; Druze; Nazira Jumblatt; Shiites.

Author’s contact: Prof. Eyal Zisser, Tel Aviv University; [email protected]

5 6 Eyal Zisser

Introduction At the beginning of June 2017 the Lebanese public indulged itself during the usual “summer heat wave,” with something that was truly a “storm in a teapot.” It had to do with the question of whether the movie “Wonder Woman” should be screened in the country or not. The arose in Lebanon, had received a warm reception from both critics andfilm, audiences which had all been over released the world several and soon weeks became before a widely the controversy discussed hit. As a result, while movie theaters in Lebanon began preparations

Israel Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) Movement, and especially Hezbollahto show the supporters, film and even began began a campaign to sell tickets, to ban supporters the screening of the of anti- the was Israeli and had even served in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). Manyfilm in Lebanese Lebanese raised theaters their because voices Gal in Gadot,protest who at this played effort the to heroine, impose “political censorship” in their country, which claims to be an island of the Western lifestyle and democracy in the Arab world. It is indeed true that Lebanese society has often revealed openness and even a surprising willingness to put up with such extreme manifestations of

Particularly interesting is the fact that quite a few women in Western fashion such as the LGBT movement. empower women and arguing that the imposition of a ban on its screeningLebanon havewould spoken send a outnegative claiming message that to the the film country’s actually women. helps These voices of protest remained unheeded since the Ministry of the Interior in Beirut, on the grounds of protecting public security, result the Lebanese can only watch the movie by downloading it on theirdecided computers to prohibit or by the borrowing public screening it from the of country’s the film DVD anyway. libraries, As a something which they have done in massive numbers.1

empowermentOne can perhaps of women argue in about Lebanon whether and whether the film the“Wonder decision Woman” to ban itsstarring screening Gal will Gadot impact can negatively actually makeon the anyefforts contribution to empower to them. the

1 CNN, 1 June 2017, lebanon/index.html Zahraa Alkhalisi, “‘Wonder (accessed: Woman’ June 6, 2017).banned in Lebanon because lead actress is Israeli,” http://money.cnn.com/2017/06/01/media/wonder-woman-banned- 7

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ The very fact that these issues have been raised, however, draws the Arab world. Not only is Lebanon a country of many contradictory characteristicsattention to another which aspect projects of theopenness country and that moderation, makes it unique on the in one hand, and extremism and uncompromising radicalism, on the ofother women , it is alsoin the exceptional society, but in thehas, fact in thatmany it hascases, a significant succeeded female in its strugglepopulation to liberate that not women only fightsfrom the resolutely traditional to domestic improve and the family status “cage” imposed upon them and favored by their society. It is a fact that many Lebanese women, and certainly relatively many more than in the surrounding Arab world, have succeeded in acquiring a high status and much prestige in cultural life and the world of the media. Even more interesting, perhaps, is the fact that some Lebanese women have managed to reach the top of the admittedpolitical pyramid that the andway arewomen filling are leadership integrated positions into Lebanese that would politics, be thoughunthinkable unique in and other noteworthy Arab countries. in itself, Having is not said necessarily this, it mustproof beof their progress or of women’s liberation. Some women even claim that the opposite may be the case and that, perhaps, the existing situation is actually a perfect example of conservatism and a commitment to the traditional patterns of behavior in Lebanese society that aim at preserving the inferior status of women. Although the question of the particular role played by women in Lebanese public life and politics is of great interest, until now it has politics, and history and most studies of the country have focused on thenot strugglesreceived sufficientbetween theattention various from ethnic students and religious of Lebanese communities, society, and sometimes on the struggles between different notable families since the abovementioned struggles constitute the most prominent aspectwithin ofeach the community. country’s public This approach and political has life.a measure The studies of justification that have focused on women’s role have dealt mainly with the women’s struggle for survival as wives and mothers, especially during the period of the country’s bloody civil war. Others have focused on those exceptional women who have managed to break through the prevailing social 8 Eyal Zisser

2 barriers and attain status and influence, although this has almost exclusively been in the fields of culture and the media. Considering the severity of such conditions, it is difficult to imagine Inhow the any cases, woman however, could breakwhere her women way into have the actually center of succeeded the political in achievingarena and thefill above,a leadership not infrequently, role in her thefamily role or they in thehave community. been able

communitiesto fill has, unfortunately, although there been are only also a “behindwomen thewho scenes” have functioned role. This asis especiallyleaders, even true if infrom the behind Christian the scene, Maronite in the and Sunni, Greek Druze, Orthodox and even the Shiite communities. It is worth noting that the question of women leaders in Lebanon is part of the more complex question of the role of women in Arab countries as whole and Muslim countries more generally. This topic has recently been extensively studied not only as part of the interest aroused by gender studies but also because, for a while, it seemed that the revolutionary events of the “Arab Spring” were expressing, and even generating, a change in the status of women and perhaps even in the traditional attitude to women in the Arab world. One does have to roles in Muslim societies, even where it does exist, is still marginal.3 admit,In the however, Muslim that World, the phenomenonwe can name of women women who playing have key succeeded political in the political world such as Indonesian President Megawati

Sukarnoputri (2001-2004), Turkish Prime Minister Tansu Çiller (1993-1996), Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (1988-1990 and 1993-1996 - the daughter of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who served as2 See Pakistani for example PrimeLamia Rustum Minister Shehadeh from (ed.) 1973-1977), Women and War Bangladeshin Lebanon Prime University Press of Florida, 1999). 3 Nawal El Saadawi, The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World (Gainesville: A Century of Transformations from Within: Mapping Arab Women’s Movements (New York: Zed books, Press,2007); 2012); Pernille Valentine Arenfeldt M. and Moghadam, Nawar Al-Hassan Nabil F. Khoury, Golley Gender(eds.) and Development in the Arab World: Women’s Economic Participation: Patterns (Cairo, and PoliciesEgypt: American University of Cairo University Press, 1995); Adel S. Abadeer, Norms and Gender Discrimination in the Arab World (New York: United NationsArab Feminisms: Gender and Equality in the Middle East Lena(New Meari, York: Routledge, and Nicola 2015);Pratt (eds.), Jean Makdisi, Rethinking Noha Gender Bayoumi, in Revolutions and Rafif Ridaand Resistance: Sidawi (eds.) Lessons from the Arab World (London: I. B. Tauris, 2014); Maha El Said,

(New York: Zed Books, 2015). 9

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’

BangladeshMinister Sheikh state), Hasina and Wazedothers. (1996-2001We should note and 2009-that in the some present of the – casesthe elder just daughter mentioned of Sheikh the situation Mujibur was Rahman, similar founder to that of theLebanon modern in which the woman who rose to the top was continuing her family’s rule over an “inherited” or family controlled political estate. In Arab Muslim societies, however, even this rarely exists. who play a role in the essentially male dominated political and It is true that in many Arab countries one can find some women in the effort to put on a good face for the West. One example is governmental systems but these women serve as spokespersons

Ms. Buthayna Sha`ban who rose to the rank of political and media adviser to the President Hafiz al-Asad and then to his son and successor, Bashar al-Asad and who basically was a Syrian version of the Palestinians’ well-known spokesperson, Hanan Ashrawi. The husband’swives of many succumbing leaders alsoto old found age themselvesor illness. In taking regard over to leadingJordan, and influential positions, even if only behind the scenes, due to their Sharaf Talal, which slightly resembles the situation in Lebanon, and shouldhowever, also we be have mentioned. the somewhat Queen Zayn unusual was the case wife of of Queen King Talal Zayn and al- mother of King Husayn but, when her husband Talal was dethroned in 1951 due to mental problems, she became the strongest person in till 1958. One must also note that the “Arab Spring” of 2011 brought the kingdom and remained so during most of the 1950s, at least up in Egypt and Leila Trabulsi in Tunisia, into the spotlight. The roles the controversial roles of two other Arab women, Suzanne Mubarak Moslem, and even the Ottoman, past, although the phenomenon of they played marked a kind of return to a familiar model from the part of the world. These few examples of women playing active roles a ruler’s mother or wife taking over from him is not unique to this thein the public public arena sphere, so that however, they can by noplay means a role testifies that goes to abeyond general being rule but rather alludes to the difficulties women face when trying to enter reserved for women under the “glass ceiling”. merely symbolic, representative and confined to the “golden cage” 10 Eyal Zisser

This article will examine the phenomenon of those women in Lebanon who are playing or have played a political role. The article is based on the case studies of such women, on the basis of which it will

It will then proceed to survey the unique characteristics of the political systemseek to examinein Lebanon the and importance discuss paradigmatic and significance cases of ofthis women phenomenon. political

Lebanonleaders in –Lebanon background and the and significance roots of this phenomenon. of the tension between the country’s two main religious camps, A common mistake that is made is to analyze Lebanon in terms however, be remembered that these religious camps have never the Christians and the Moslems, who are indeed rivals. It should, been strongly unified entities that stand united behind an idea or experienced,a goal but have and often is still been experiencing, marked by rivalry internal between divisiveness the members based ofupon the communaldifferent religious affiliation. communities Each religious of which camp it is has composed. in the pastThe Moslem camp, for example, is made up of Sunnis, Shiites, and Druze,

whileThe the attempts Christian that camp have is been made made up of to Maronites, understand Greek the Orthodox,Lebanese Greek Catholics, and others. a failure mainly because the different communities within each religiousenigma through camp haveusing alwaysthe key been, of ethnic and communitystill are, less have united also beenand cohesive than they seem to be on the surface. Most of the time family community since, within each community its prominent and affiliations have been the main cause of division in the same religious thisinfluential are the families Jumblatt have and always Arslan quarreled families amongin the Druzethemselves community, and, in practice, have established a kind of balance of power. Examples of Hirawi, and Lahoud families in the Maronite community, the Sulh, the Khoury and Eddé families and, later, the Franjiyya, Chamoun, others in other communities. Sometimes things were relatively peacefulYafi, Salam, because Karami, there and otherwas a families balance in of the power Sunni butcommunity consequent and tensions and rivalries between the several branches of a single 11

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ family, and even within the narrow family unit between a father and his sons or between brothers, would arise. This system of a balance of forces, and even a balance of terror, which operated among all the factors that exercised power in the country – i.e. the religious camps, the religious communities in each thereligious Lebanese camp system and the for familiesmany years. in each This community was because – contributedthe system significantly to the preservation and consolidation of the stability of understandprevented any the one iron of the rule rivals that – prevailswhether inon Lebanonthe community, namely, religious, that in or family level – from being completely victorious. From this we can will be no absolute victor or absolute loser (la ghalib, la maghlub). any confrontation or struggle that takes place in the country there promotes coexistence, no matter how unstable and fragile this might be,Consequently, so that they each all cancommunity continue has to livehad theirto seek lives out in arelative formula peace that and security. The great importance of the religious community is clearly very

inprominent the country. in LebaneseAfter all, societyin Lebanon, but sono ismatter the familywhat one’s framework status which has always constituted the basic framework of identification of one’s family and its interests since the life of the individual in and position are, one acts first and foremost as the representative one’s present, and future one must depend completely upon one’s familyLebanon and, is as lived a rule, within most the families family in framework. turn need In to orderdepend to on secure one of the prominent families that exercise vast control over the lives of the entire community. In each community there are always several powerful families who control the members of the community because they are either landowners, or wealthy and economically in each community have struggled with each other for control of bothwell-established. the members It of goes the communitywithout saying and thatthe governmental the prominent positions families or because of similar agreements and understandings. The leaders ofallocated the Lebanese to each communities, community by from virtue their of point the National of view, Pacthave of usually 1943 12 Eyal Zisser acted wisely to preserve the social, economic, and political situation that prevailed on Mount Lebanon and along the Lebanese coast even

This has been the process which made Lebanon4 a state of all itsbefore communities the establishment or, to be ofmore Greater precise, Lebanon. a state of all its prominent and notable families, in which the institution of a national state is each family and community to continue to manage its affairs almost completelymerely treated autonomously. as a loose and This non-binding has ultimately framework resulted that in a enablestype of anarchy in governance that has occasionally degenerated into bloody at slightly more optimistically since the nature of Lebanese politics hascivil made warfare. it possible At the same for Lebanon time, however, and Lebanese the result society can also to enjoy be looked long periods of political pluralism as well as intellectual and economic pluralism which, in the Middle East, are unprecedented. It seems that most Lebanese willingly accepted the existing situation and are proud of their Lebanese identity which has, rather ironically, meant the absence of any commitment to the institution of the Lebanese state. In its place what exists is the recognition and acceptance of upon family and communal ties.5 a realityAs for in the which role theof womenstate is ina loose Lebanese framework politics for and a system social basedlife, it should be noted that, in the existing environment of divisiveness and fragmentation and a context in which one’s community and, in a vitally important instrument in the political and social status game. Familiesparticular, use one’s marriage family affiliations,as a means haveto strengthen great influence, their standingmarriage by is arranged with a family designated bride turn the women involved intomaking pawns alliances in the or game reducing and rivalriesthus preserve, with other and evenfamilies. reinforce, Marriages the

Mithaq 1943 Arabic; Samir Khalaf, Lebanon’s Predicament Albert4 Basim Hourani, al-Jisr, Political Society (the in 1943 Lebanon, Charter) a Historical (Beirut: IntroductionDar al-Nahar lilNashr, 1978), in Lebanese Studies, 1988); Nadim Shehadi and (New Daana York: Haffar Columbia Mils (eds.) University Lebanon, Press, A History1987); of Conflict and Consensus (London: I. B Tauris, 1988); Eyal Zisser, Lebanon, (Oxford: The Challenge Centre for of Independence (London: I. B. Tauris, 2000). 5 Sami Hermez, War is Coming, between Past and Future Violence in Lebanon (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017). 13

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ woman’s subordinate place in the society. A glance at contemporary Lebanese politics as well as the history of the country, however, reveals that, despite this, some women have succeeded in reaching positions of leadership and influence even if, in most cases, they are themerely glass stand-ins ceiling, butor temporary who may replacementshave actually helpedfor their to husbands. preserve Theand strengthenstories of several it, are Lebanese instructive women in this who regard. seem to have broken through

The Druze community – the story of Nazira Jumblatt

Sa’id Jumblatt and a member of the Jumblatt family which was, perhapsNazira Jumblatt the most (1890-1951) prominent familywas the in daughterthe Druze of community Faris and Afridain the Shuf Mountain area of Mount Lebanon. As was customary in the Druze community of the early 20th century, Nazira received no formal education but was educated at home by her grandmother and private and French. At the age of 15 she married a Jumblatt family relative, tutors brought in especially for her taught her to be fluent in English

WorldFu’ad BekWar Jumblatt I that they who appointed became him so close governor to the (qaim French maqam) Mandatory of his authorities after the French took control of the Levant following which led to Nazira stepping into his shoes and becoming the leader ofhome her district.family and On 6her August whole 1921 community he was ambushed,for a quarter shot, of anda century. killed She continued her husband’s policy of cooperating with the French

Maroniteauthorities politician and, as part Emile of Eddé.this framework, When her sonshe Kamal,also cooperated who was bornwith the most prominent ally of the French in the 1930s and 1940s, the her position as leader of the Druze community. It is worth noting that Kamal,in 1917, as reached required maturity by the political in the mid-1940s, climate of the he period,began to adopted take over an orientation that was opposite to that of his mother.6

6 al-Anba’, December 16, 2015, http:// anbaaonline.com/?p=392353 al-Sit Nazira Junblat min Hudud al-`A’ila ila Rubu` Najib al-Watan Al-Bu’ayni, “al-Sit Nazira Junblat (1890-1951),” ; Shawkat Ashti, bridging between (Nazira two Junblathistorical between periods) the al-Nahar family and, March the homeland) 21, 2015, (Beirut: https://newspaper. Dar al-Nahar, 2015) (Arabic); Ghassan al-`Ayyash, (accessed: “Nazira June Junblat:6, 2017). Jisr bayn Tarikhayn” (Nazira Junblat, annahar.com/article/222944 Eyal Zisser

14 The fact that Nazira was a woman prevented her from appearing appearances, she used to wear the Hijab which, in turn, limited herin public ability as to a playleader a roleand inperson the halls of influence of government and, in inher Beirut. rare public Thus, despite the power she had gained, she could manage the affairs of her community only in closed rooms hidden from the public eye. Even operating from these rooms, however, she was able, with a high the Druze community and preserve the status of her family. handIt is and possible great thatsophistication, it was the limitationsto influence placed the internal upon Nazira politics as of a woman which enabled Majid Arslan, a scion of the Arslan family, the Jumblatts’ historical rival for control of the Druze community on Mount Lebanon, to become a leading force in the community at the same time as Nazira was active. The power Majid gained was due, among other things, to his alliance with the British during World War

II when the British were allies of General Charles de Gaulle’s anti- Arslan’sVichy French preferential forces, which status took with control the British of the andregion his in alliance the summer with of 1941 and became the de facto rulers of the area. Despite Majid was unable to bring about any change in the historical balance of powerLebanon’s between first post-independence the Jumblatt and Arslan president, families, Bishara which al-Khouri, had tended he to favor Jumblatts ever since the 18th century. The results of the parliamentary elections at the time testify to this as the Jumblatts succeeded in maintaining their status as the pivotal force in the Druze community on Mount Lebanon. It seems that, due to the limitations imposed on her as a woman, and perhaps because she belonged to a generation whose time had

Mandatepassed, Nazira authorities Jumblatt even found after theit difficult French hadto adapt lost their to the status winds in the of Levantchange. to In Britain the 1940s and also she continued to to cooperate cooperate with with Emile the French Eddé, he was a friend and ally of the French but he was also a Maronite whose power in the Maronite community was in decline. Like Nazira, separatist at a time when the power of his rival, Bishara al-Khouri, was rising, which was possibly due the fact that al-Khouri had 15

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ closer to the Arab world around them and showed a willingness to cooperateadopted an with approach the Arab that circles sought in Lebanon.to bring 7the Maronite Christians By the time she died Nazira’s son, Kamal, had reached maturity policies completely around and, by doing so, restored the family’s statusand he to quickly one of stepped unquestioned into his leadership mother’s shoes, in the turned Druze thecommunity family’s and in Lebanese politics. Kamal, we note, married a daughter of the rival Arslan family, Amira May, the daughter of Emir Shakib Arslan heand founded adopted the a National pan-Arabic Progressive identity, Party as required whose goal by was the politicalto serve asclimate a political of the body times that in wouldLebanon properly and the represent entire Middle the interests East. In of1949 the Druze community and the Jumblatt family in the turbulent waters of Lebanese politics of that period. Kamal, who from his early days stood out because of his charisma and who was clearly trying to achieve the virtually impossible role of becoming an all-Lebanese, politiciansand even pan-Arab, of the twentieth leader and century. not just8 a Druze leader, eventually had to beNazira satisfied Jumblatt’s with becomingstory calls one to mindof the the most story important of Na’ifa Lebanese Jumblatt

in(1810-1880), the middle of who the played19th century. an important Na’ifa, who role lost during her husband the civil when war shebetween was twenty the Druze and neverand the married Maronite again, Christians not only on led Mount her community Lebanon but also fought alongside other prominent Druze leaders such as her relative, Sa`id Jumblatt. While some have described her as showing to the pity and compassion she showed towards her opponents after sheno compassion had defeated for them. Christians9 who asked her for mercy others refer

7 Yusri Hazran, The Druze Community and the Lebanese State. Between Confrontation and Reconciliation 8 Middle Eastern Studies (New York: Routledge, 2014), pp. 15-47. I Speak for Lebanon (London: Zed Farid Press, al-Khazen, 1982); Khalil “Kamal Ahmad Jumblatt, Khalil, The Kamal Uncrowded Junblat, Thawrat Druze Prince al-Amir of al-Hadiththe Left,” (Kamal Junblat, , Vol. Vol. 24, No. 2 (April 1988), pp. 178-205; Kamal Jumblatt, 9 Salibi, The Modern History of Lebanon Na’ifathe Revolution Junblat,” of theal-‘Amama Modern ,Amir) No. (Lebanon:1, Dar al-Taqaddumiyya, 1984) (in Arabic). (accessed: June, p. 7, 98; 2017). see also Muzid Hasan Salih, “al-Sayyida http://www.al-amama.com/index.php?option=com_ content&task=view&id=2071 16 Eyal Zisser

There is also evidence of other women from Naifa’s time who served as guardians and protectors of their family’s interests such as Habusha Arslan to whom Bashir II, the last emir of Mount Lebanon, the home region of the Arslan family as well as the Shuwayfat and gave control over several Druze-dominated regions that included

‘Armon, Bashmon, and `Ayn Jisr regions. In a similar move Bashir10 II gave Umma Mansur, the daughter of a Maronite Christian family, didcontrol not overdie a the natural al-Khazin death family but was lands murdered after her in husband’s March 1977, death. to all appearances,We note parenthetically by the Syrians, that and Kamal was Jumblatt, succeeded like by his his father son Walid.Fu’ad, Kamal’s death came less than a year after the murder of his sister Linda in May 1976 in her East Beirut apartment possibly by men of

beenthe Maronite a free spirited militias woman who were who fighting chose the Kamal modern Jumblatt’s lifestyle faction of East at the time – but this has not been proven. Linda was known to have regions populated by the Druze.11 Beirut, the Christian area of the city, over life in the Mount Lebanon

KamalAt the had age disapproved of twenty Walid of the Jumblatt marriage. married Although Jirfit, Walid’s a Jordanian second woman wife of Circassian origin and, at that time, it was rumored that his father towas whom Nura al-Sharabati,Walid handed the over daughter the leadership of the former of the Sunni Druze Syrian community Defense inMinister March Ahmad 2017, on al-Sharabat, the fortieth it was anniversary Jirfit who ofbore Kamal Walid Junbalt’s his son, Taymur,murder (1977). Taymur, who was born in 1982, is married to Diana Zu`ytar, a Shiite woman from the Zu`ytar family in the Biqa’ Valley.12

The Maronite Christian community – Solange Gemayel, Sethrida Tawk Geagea, and Na’ila Mu’awad made their way into the political arena or were perhaps forced There were also women in the Maronite Christian community who against10 Salibi, The their Modern will History into takingof Lebanon on a political role. In contrast to Nazira 11 Eyal Zisser, The Bleeding Cedar, From the Civil War to the Second Lebanon War Hameuchad, 2009), p. 75 (in Hebrew). , pp. 18-39. 12 Al-Sharq al-Awsat, June 10, 2008, http://archive. (Hakibutz (accessed: June 10, 2017). “Zawjat al-Rajul al-Tha’ir” (the wife of the rebel) aawsat.com/details.asp?issueno=10626&article=473572#.WTxGTGjytnI 17

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ Jumblatt, they were actually able to obtain formal positions even

Mu’awadif only for serve short as periods examples or ofas thistemporary phenomenon. fill-ins for someone else. The stories of Solange al-Gemayel, Sethrida Tawk Geagea, and Na’ila Solange Louis al-Gemayel Solange, the daughter of Dr. Louis Tutanji, a surgeon who is numbered among the founders of the Lebanese Phalangist Party,

Lebanesewas born inPhalangists), 1949. In 1977 and she who married commanded Bashir theGemayel, “Lebanese who Forces,”was the whichson of Pierrewere the Gemayel military (the wing main of founderthe Phalangist and legendary movement, leader and of was the looked upon as the great promise of the Maronite community. Bashir Gemayel was also among the leading advocates of civil war by means membersof which heof thehoped Palestine to decisively Liberation defeat Organization the Maronites’ (PLO) age-oldin Lebanon. and Maya,contemporary the daughter adversaries of Bashir – the and Druze, Solange the and Sunnis a victim and, of especially, the civil war the

September 1982, Bashir was also assassinated by Syrian agents in raging in Lebanon, was murdered in 1980 and, two years later, on 14

Lebanon just two weeks after he was elected President of Lebanon 1980)(23 August) and Nadim and (born a short 1982, time shortly before before he was his tofather’s enter murder). this office13 officially. Solange was left with their two children, Yumna (born in leader of the Phalangists and the “Lebanese Forces” and as President of Lebanon.Bashir’s brother,Amine was Amine married al-Gemayel, to Joyce succeeded Tyan, the daughter him as both of Jozef the Tyan, who was one of Lebanon’s richest men. As it turned out, Amine control of both the “Lebanese Forces” and the Phalangists but, in the was not a charismatic or effective leader and not only quickly lost mid-1990s,13 when the Syrians were exercising control over Lebanon Mawaqifuha” (the women who lost her husband and her daughter and did not change her positions), Rima Nazih, Al-Sharq Saydani, al-Awsat “Al-Sayyida, September alati Khasarat 30, 2002, Zawjaha http://archive.aawsat.com/details. wIbnatiha waLam Tughayyiru al-Hayatasp?article=127254&issueno=8707#.WcVdZmgjRnI, August 12, 1996, (accessed: June 13, 2017); Ghassan magazine/1996/8/12/Sharbil, “Fi Hiwar ma`a (accessed: Sulanj al-Jumayyil”June 17, 2017). (an interview with Solange al-Jumayyil), http://daharchives.alhayat.com/issue_archive/Wasat%20 18 Eyal Zisser with a high hand, Amine was even expelled from the Phalangist movement. Even before this, after his term as president of Lebanon ended in August 1988, Amine had gone into exile in Paris and had only

After his return, and once he had regained control of the Phalangists, returned to Lebanon near the time of the Cedar Revolution of 2005. Pierre, who was murdered in 2006, and then to his second son, Sami. he began to transfer control of the movement to his sons - first to It was, however, Solange who sought the leadership of the14 Phalangists for her son, Nadim, as the one who should carry on the rather young and just beginning his way, Solange decided that she legacy of Bashir al-Gemayel. Since Nadim (born in 1982) was still herself would enter the stormy waters of Lebanese politics and did so by using her husband’s memory and vociferous opposition to the Syrian presence in the country as a means to gain support. In the

Solange was elected to the Parliament with the support of the March 2005th elections that were held in the shadow of the Cedar Revolution, Sunni Moslems, and the support of Walid Jumblatt, the leader of 14 Camp headed by Sa’ad al-Din al-Hariri, the leader of Lebanon’s Lebanon’s Druze community. She was not elected as representative of family, but as representative of the Beirut 1 electoral district where the Mount Lebanon district, which was the stronghold of the Gemayel quite a few Moslems voted for her along with Maronites. In the 2009 elections Solange did not submit her candidacy in order to clear the way for her son, Nadim who won the parliamentary seat and began

15 taking over the leadership of the Bashir al-Gemayel faction in the SethridaMaronite ChristianTawk Geagea camp from his mother. Sethrida, who was born in May 1967, was the daughter of former

Member “The minister of the of industry Lebanese was assassinated”, Parliament Al-Jazeera Jubran, November Tawk 21,and 2006, was http://www. born in aljazeera.net/news/arabic/2006/11/21 14 al-Akhbar, July 30, 2015, http:// . (accessed: June 17, 2017); see also Ghassan Saùd, 15“al-Siyasiyyun wal-Aghniyya” (the politicians and the rich), www.al-akhbar.com/node/75110 “Qataàt al-Tariq àn Amin al-Jumayyil waFaja’at al-Qabas Strida Jaàja`,, February Sulanj 2, 2005, al-Jumayyil http:// Tatarashshah fi Beirut” (accessed: (closing theJune door 17, 2017). in front of Amin al-Jumayyil, surprising Strida Ja`ja`, Sulanj al-Jumayyil is running for a seat in Beirut), alqabas.com/111748/ 19

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ completed a Bachelor degree in Political Science at the Lebanese Kumasi, Ghana. She married Samir Geagea in 1990 after which she commander and later Maronite leader even though he did not comeAmerican from Universitya prominent in family 1994. but Samir gained Geagea his status was by aadvancing military the “Lebanese Forces” which had begun as the military wing of theup throughPhalangist the movement ranks to eventuallybut later became becoming a political the Commander party. Samir of became the head of the party after the assassination of Bashir al- Gemayel in 1982, which had created a vacuum in the ranks of the leadership. At first Bashir was followed as leader of the “Lebanese theForces” Maronite by Elie community Hobeika, butopposed. Samir InGeagea the late replaced 1980s HobeikaSamir became when he was ousted in a coup because of his pro-Syrian positions, which 1990, carried on the struggle for the leadership of the community an important power factor in the Maronite camp and, during 1989- brought his career to a temporary end when he was arrested by thewith Lebanese General Michelgovernment Aoun. Thethat signinghad been of theestablished Ta’if Accord, under however, Syrian auspices, and was accused of involvement in political murder and sentenced to a long prison term. The “Lebanese Forces” Party was subsequently disbanded and its supporters were scattered in all directions. In the face of all this, Samir’s wife, Sethrida Tawk Geagea, regions,hastened where to take support his place for and him kept and thehis commitmentway remained to strong. the man16 and his teachings alive, at least in his birthplace - the Jubayl and `Akkar “Lebanese Forces” Party were banned and Sethrida’s husband was in prison,As previously it was shenoted, who from ran 1994-2005the family’s when affairs. the In activities 2005, after of the prison, she was elected to the Lebanese parliament as representative Cedar Revolution of Spring 2005 and her husband’s release from “Lebanese Forces” party strongholds of Batrun and Jubayl. In 2009 Sethridaof the Northern was then 1 electedelection as district, an MP from which the includes Bishari electionthe Geagea district, and

16 See parliament (accessed: June 17, 2017). http://whoisshe.lau.edu.lb/expert-profile/sethrida-tawk-geagea-member- 20 Eyal Zisser which is also a stronghold of the “Lebanese Forces” Party. In other

17 The couple haswords, no Samirchildren, Geagea and preferredit is interesting to remain to notebehind that the Sethrida scenes and appears leave the work of parliamentary representation to his wife. to describe her as the most beautiful politician in Lebanese political lifefrequently18 in the gossip columns of the Lebanese press, which like

and emphasize the fact that Solange Gemayel’s mother is the Na‘ilacousin Mu‘awadof Sethrida Tawk Geagea’s mother. Na’ila is yet another example of a woman who entered the center of Lebanese political life following the murder of her husband, Rene Mu’awad in November 1989, just a few days after he was elected President of Lebanon following the signing of the Taif Accord. To this and it is speculated that it may have been the Syrians, who were worriedday it is notabout clear his who extreme was behind independence, Rene Mu‘awad’s or the assassination Hezbollah the implementation of the Ta’if Accord?19 organization, which thought that killing Mu’awad would sabotage

Khouri.Born Shein 1940, studied Nayla French Mu‘awad literature is the atdaughter Saint Joseph Najib al-Khouri,University who and was a Lebanese MP at one time, and the niece of MP Kablan Ìsa al- later also studied at Cambridge University. She worked as a journalist for the L’Orient newspaper until her marriage to Rene Mu‘awad but, after Rene’s assassination, Na‘ila was appointed to take his place in politician.parliament A and conspicuous thus she factbecame in this one connection of the first is thatLebanese she joined women the to serve in Lebanon’s legislature where she proved to be a skilled Maronite community whose aim was to oppose the Lebanese regime Qurnat Shahwan Gathering which was a coalition of forces from the 17 (accessed: June 17, 2017). 18 See Sethrida’s profile in the Lebanese Forces website https://www.lebanese-forces.com/ Stridaperson/politicians-sethrida-geagea Ja`ja`, beauty and elegance), / Al-Nahar, June 1, 2017, https://www.annahar.com/ “Fi al-Suwar, fi Ìidiha al-Hamsin… Strida Ja`ja`, Anaqa waJamal” (in her fifty anniversary, Gololy website, April 8, 2012, http://gololy. article/593954 (accessed: June (accessed: 17, 2017); June “Strida 17, 2017). Ja`ja`, al-Hadith a`n Jamali Yuzìjuni” (I am 19disturbed Zisser, Theby people Bleeding who Cedar speak about my look), website,com/2012/04/08/10570/ http://www.rmf.org.lb/ar (accessed: June 17, 2017). , pp. 106-108, 143-167. See also René Moawad Foundation 21

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ maintainedheaded by Emile close Lahoudcontact (fromwith the 1998-2007) Syrians via and, her to sister, a certain Daniel, extent, who Syria’s hegemony in Lebanon as well. During all this Na‘ila Mu‘awad

20 was known to be close to the wife of Syria’s vice president at the time, ‘Abd al-Halim Khaddam. Following the Cedar Revolution and the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon, Na‘ila joined the March 14th Camp headed by Sa‘ad al-Din alsoal-Hariri from and Zghorta, Walid whoseJumblatt. leader, This Suleimanwas a natural Tony move Frangieh, since thewas most and remainedprominent a opponent close ally ofof thethe Syrians.Mu‘awad In family any case, was in the the Frangieh 2005 elections family,

Na‘ila was elected by her home district to represent it in parliament, electionsand from she 2005-2008 refrained she from served running as Ministerfor a seat for in Socialparliament Affairs and in the government put together by Sa‘ad al-Din al-Hariri. In the 2009

21 thus cleared the way for her son, Michel, to take her place as the theleader Lebanese of the Mu‘awad Parliament family. was Myrna Bustani, the daughter of We note in passing that the very first woman to be elected to wealthy businessman, had also served as an MP from 1951 until the Maronite Christian Emile Bustani who, in addition to being a parliamentary seat and his wife, Mirna, succeeded in winning it. In thehis suddenfollowing death general in 1963 election, after however,which a by-election she failed to was win held again for and his so her parliamentary career ended.22

In recent years, people in Lebanon have begun to talk a great deal theabout chairman the three of thedaughters Board of of Directors Lebanon’s of thePresident, OTV television General channel Michel ofAoun, the Freewho Patrioticis a Maronite movement Christian. headed Mireille, by Aoun, who is married perceived Roy as beingHash, able to exert influence over her father. Claudine Aoun is married to Shamal20 Zisser, The Rukz, Bleeding a Lebanese Cedar army officer, while President Aoun’s third 21 , pp. 267-268. al-Akhbar http://www. Mirwan Tahtah, “Michael Mu`awad, (accessed: Ana June al-Awal 17, 2017). wFaranjiyya al-Thani” (Michel Mu`awad: 22I am the first and Faranjiyya is the second), http://boustanicongress.com/fr/, August 23, 2014, al-akhbar.com/node/214068 (accessed: June 17, 2017). Myrna Bustani profile in the Bustani’s family website, node/154 22 Eyal Zisser

daughter, Chantal, is married to Jubran Basil, who is considered to be his father-in-law’s successor since he was chosen to head the Free President of Lebanon in October 2016.23 Patriotic Movement (FPM) party after General Aoun was elected daughters draws our attention to the abovementioned phenomenon The story of General Aoun’s of the politically motivated marriages that are common in the Middle East and elsewhere. These marriage arrangements are basically political tools for enabling families to gain power, form political alliances or, sometimes, even to reduce tensions and rivalries. In certain cases, however such marriages represent an attempt to preserve the cohesion of a social stratum, and perhaps the practice of members of a particular social group marrying among themselves, especially when they are on the same social and economic level, and this is to be expected.

At this point I would like to return to the aforementioned Jumblatt family. An example of such a marriage that was intended to marriages that took place within the family, such as is the case in the reduce tensions is that of Kamal Jumblatt and Amira May, daughter

Arslan families had always been traditional rivals. The phenomenon of Emir Shakib Arslan, which was notable because the Jumblatt and of marriages between members of different religious communities who are, however, of the same economic and social class is also widespread in Lebanon and the earlier mentioned marriage of Taymur Jumblatt, the son of Walid Jumblatt, to Diana Zu’aytar is one such example since Taymur came from the Druze community and Diana from the Shiite Moslem community. Below we will discuss other examples of mixed marriages involving Christians, Sunni Moslems, and Shiite Moslems but this phenomenon – which in any case is not whose members generally feel free to marry outside the community very widespread – is limited to the upper social and economic classes framework23 if they wish. When they do participate in the events Saidaand online, October 31, 2016, http://www.saidaonline.com/news.php?go=fullnews&newsid=85093 Joel Tamer, “Banat al-General, ‘Aqlihi waDhiraìhi waQlabihi,” (the General’s daughters), (Michel Àwn’s angels), Now Lebanon https://now.mmedia.me/lb/ ar/reportsfeaturesar(accessed: June 17, 2017); (accessed: Claire JuneShukayr, 17, 2017). “Mala’ikat Michel Àwn Miray, waClorine waShantal” website, October 24, 2016, 23

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ functions held in their social class, members of these classes, as a rule, do not behave as members of a particular ethnic community. 24 The Shiite community conservative in Lebanon and, in recent years, the Shiites have undergoneThe Shiite a communityprocess of increased is ostensibly Islamization the most and, backwardor so it seems, and have become subject to the steadily increasing hegemony of the Hezbollah organization. Despite this, however, even in this community it is possible to point out several women who have played a significant political role. in LibyaRabab in al-Sadr, 1978 through the sister her of attempts Musa al-Sadr, to preserve can be the mentioned cohesion in of this the Shiiteregard community since she tried and to the fill commitment the vacuum leftto her by brother’sMusa’s disappearance political and religious heritage. During the Israeli incursion into Lebanon in 1982 cooperation between Israel and the Shiites and, to this day, she is she met with Israeli figures in an effort to explore the possibility of his legacy and memory.25 active in a foundation named after her brother and works to promote andIn head recent of decades the Shiite there Amal has Movementbeen a lot 26of talk about Randa Berri, tothe Layla. second It wifeis, however, of Nabih Randa Berri, Speakerwho heads of the a number Lebanese of Parliament charitable societies, by means of which she has gained who status was for first herself married and been pushed into his wife’s shadow due to the energy and enterprise her family. Nabih Berri (born in 1938) is often looked upon as having tothat do have with made the Amal her theMovement. strong and We decisivenote that figure Nabih in Berri’s family wealth matters, is estimatedcertainly in at the about family’s eighty financial million affairsdollars, and and even he is in considered matters having to be

al-Akhbar, July 30, 2015, (accessed: June 7, 2017). 2524 See also Ghassan Sa‘ud, “al-Siyasiyyun wal-Aghniyya” (the politicians and the rich), http://www.al-akhbar.com/node/75110al-Akhbar, March 11, 2009, node/86988 Minhal al-Amin, (accessed: “Rabab June al-Sadr:7, 2017). al-Taqqawi wal-’Iman… wKhidmat al-Insan” (Rabab 26al-Sadr, Omri faithNir, Nabih and the Berri human and Lebanese welfare), Politics http://al-akhbar.com/

(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). Eyal Zisser

24 one of the richest politicians in Lebanon.27 It is possible that his great wealth is due to his being the head of the Southern Development Authority through which government funds and donations from foreign countries are transmitted to southern Lebanon.28 One should note that even Hezbollah allots a place to women in its 29 It seems, however, that, in general, Hezbollah views women in the more traditionalranks and maintains manner and, a women’s as a traditional, organization male under dominated its auspices. collective, there is no room for women as individualists.

The Sunni community – from ‘Alya al-Sulh to Bahiya al-Hariri There are also women who have made their way into the political the sponsorship of their families. These include, for example, the sphere in the Sunni community in Lebanon even if only thanks to daughters of Riyad al-Sulh, who was an important Sunni Moslem leader and Lebanese prime minister during the first years of the bycountry’s an assailant independence, in July1951 who during was marrieda visit to to Jordan. Fa’iza al-Jabiri,The Sulh’s of hadthe prominent Jabiri family from Aleppo in Syria, and who was killed five daughters, three of whom are of interest in the present context: had‘Aliya, a Muna, strong and temperament Layla. and, in October 1951, was even suspended‘Aliya (1929-2007) from her studies was already at the American known in University her youth of for Beirut having for participating in a demonstration against the policies of the United

theStates Sulh in familythe Middle after East.Riyad ‘Aliya, was murderedwho almost in marriedJuly 1951 Prince but did Sultan not bin Abdel-Aziz of the Saudi royal family when he was sent to console 27 “Top 10 Richest Politician of Lebanon 2017,” (accessed: June 7, 2017). 28 https://toprichests.com/top-10-richest- Barri),politician-of-lebanon/ al-Diyyar “Ma la Tarifun’hu an al-Sayyida Randa Barri” (What youAl-Janubiyya do not know, August about 26, Randa2012, http://janoubia.com/2012/08/26/, January 1, 2016; Claire (accessed: Shukar, June“Sharikat 7, 2017);Nabi Barri “Fadihat wa’A’ilatihi Randa lil-Siyasa barri, al-Lubnaniyya” (The Barri family and Lebanese politics), money for the South and the Waqf were used), al-Ankabout http://www. Hakadha Tusadaru Amwal al-Khayran wal-Waqf (accessed: fi al-Janub” June (Randa 7, 2017). Barri scandal – how the 29 The, December Washington 4, 2013, institute for Near Eastalankabout.com/lebanon_news/44116.html Policy, October 12, 2016, Hanin Ghaddar, “Hezbollah’s (accessed:Women Aren’t June Happy,”7, 2017). http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/ hezbollahs-women-arent-happy 25

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ journalist with a sharp pen.30 because of a clash in temperaments, later became a well-known

‘Aliya’s sister, Muna (born in 1936) married the Saudi Prince Talal asbin Lebanon’s ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, ambassador the brother to aof number Sultan, butof countries divorced and, him inin 2000, 1968 wasand electedtoday Muna MP as is themarried representative to a Shiite ofphysician the Biqa’ Sa’ad Valley. al-As‘ad, Muna’s who son, served Walid estimated at many billions of dollars. Walid invested much of his capitalbin Talal, in becameLebanon a well-knownand, in the late businessman 1990s, his whose name wealthwas mentioned has been repeatedly as a candidate for the post of prime minister.

Hamada, a son of the prominent Hamada Shiite family from the The third sister, Layla (born in 1946), married Majid Sabri

Biqa’ Valley. Majid’s father, Sabri Hamada, served as Speaker of the Lebanese Parliament from the 1940s-1970s, until he passed away in 1976. Layla became a well-known businesswoman and even became integrated into the enterprises of her nephew, Walid bin al-Talal, in

Lebanon. In October 2004, she was appointed Minister of Industry31 in theAlso short-lived of interest governmentin connection of with `Umar the Karami, role of Sunni and thus Moslem became women the infirst public Lebanese life is womanthe Hariri to familybe appointed which became to the position important of minister.in Lebanon position. He was the eldest son of a lower middle class Sunni family following the rise of Rafiq al-Hariri (born in 1944) to a leadership himselffrom Sidon, made whose his fortune father, in Baha’ Saudi al-Din, Arabia, had where started he establishedout as a farmer and managedbut left his a villagesuccessful for thecontracting big city andcompany began but,dealing more in importantly,trade. Rafiq

30 al-Hayat, April 27, 2007, “Rahil ‘Aliya’a al-Sulh al-Katiba waSayyidat al-Salun al-Siyasi” (the passing of ‘Alya’; al-Sulh, the writer and the women behind the political Salons), http://daharchives.alhayat.com/issue_archive/Hayat%20INT/2007/4/27/al-Bayan Faysal Khartush, “Sit al-Sitat, Àliya’a Riyad al-Sulh” (the lady of all ladies – ‘Aliya al-Sulh), , Decemberal-Mustaqbal 12, 2014,, April http://www.albayan.ae/books/from-arab- 27, 2007, http://www.almustaqbal.com/ library/2014-12-12-1.2264324 (accessed: June (accessed: 7, 2017); YaqzanJune 7, 2017).al-Taqqi, “Rahil Àliya al-Sulh” 31(the passing of ‘Alyaa’ al-Sulh), Hamada,v4/Article.aspx?Type=np&Articleid=229507 one of the strongest women on earth), Majla Hayatek, March 25, 2013 http:// Ashraf Mohamad, “Layla al-Sulh Hamada, (accessed: min Aqwa June Nisaa’7, 2017); al-Àlim” See also (Leila Zisser, al-Sulh The Bleeding Cedar hayatouki.com/portraits/content/1827538 , pp. 127-129. 26 Eyal Zisser

with the royal family he became very wealthy amassing an estimated fortunebecame ofa close about associate six billion of thedollars. Saudi During royal family.his stay Thanks in Saudi to hisArabia ties he had met during their university studies and with whom he had Rafiq divorced his first wife, Nida Bustani, of Iraqi origin, whom origin, in 1976.32 three sons and married his second wife, Nazik `Uda, of Palestinian Nazik became the “big mother” of the family, which was testified to by Nida Bustani’s son Sa’ad al-Din al-Hariri when he revealed that he often consulted33 with “the mother” (“al-walida”) after his father’s death and, in reply to a question, confirmed that he bymeant members Nazik ‘Uda,of the his Hezbollah stepmother. organization and was succeeded by Rafiq Hariri was assassinated in February 2005, apparently ofhis the son, biggest Sa’ad contractors al-Din al-Hariri, operating who in married Saudi Arabia. Lara Bashir al-‘Azm, daughter of Bashir al-’Azm, a businessman of Syrian34 origin and one andRafiq became al-Hariri’s important sister, in Bahiyyaprotecting al-Hariri the family’s (born property. in 1952), Bahiyya should also be mentioned since she rose to the task of helping her brother graduated from a ‘teachers college’ in 1970 and, in 1979, not only took over running the Hariri Foundation in Sidon that her brother positionsRafiq had gave established her political earlier power that year among but alsothe Sunni became community president inof theSidon, administrative which was the council stronghold of the Hariri-Saidaof the family. foundation. In 1992 Bahiyya These was elected to the Lebanese Parliament from the Sidon district as

Lebaneserepresentative Minister of theof Education. Sunni community,35 and has been re-elected in every election held since then. In 2008-2009 Bahiyya served as 32 Rafiq Hariri and the Fate of Lebanon (London: Saqi, 2006); see also the Hariri’s family websites http://www.rhariri.com; (accessed: June Marwan 7, 2017). Iskandar, 33 http://hariri-foundation.org/al-Hayat, April 22, 2005 http:// (accessed: June 7, 2017). “Saya`tamiduSee Nicholas Blanford, `ala al-walida” Killing (He Mr. relies Lebanon: of the the great Assassination mother), of Rafik Hariri and its Impact ondaharchives.alhayat.com/issue_archive/Hayat%20INT/2005/4/22/ the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 2006). 3534 Sidon-net, July 11, 2008, http://www.saidacity.net/ news/28528 “Al-Sira al-Dhatiyya (accessed: liwazira June 7, al-Tarbiyya 2017). al-Sayyida Bahiyya al-Din al-Hariri” (the personal biography of Bahiyya al-Hariri), 27

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ The Greek Orthodox community – Mirna al-Murr and Na’ila Tueni

In the Greek Orthodox Christian community Mirna el-Murr and Na’ila Tueni stand out as prominent women in public life. Mirna al-Murr Murr served as Lebanon’s Minister of the Interior, a position he later and her family come from Mount Lebanon and her father Michel al- the owner of the MTV television station but Mirna’s father and her passed on to his son Elias al-Murr. Mirna’s uncle, Gabriel al-Murr, is uncle are involved in a long-term rivalry. Mirna married and eventually divorced, Jubran Ghassan Tueni, (in 2005) in connection with his harsh criticism of Syria, but later editor-in-chief of the al-Nahar newspaper, who was later murdered married Jozef abu Sharaf, the son of MP Louis Abu Sharaf. In the June

Matn district of Mount Lebanon due to the death of MP Albert 2002 by-election for the parliamentary seat vacated in the northern Muhaybar, Mirna decided to test the extent of her power against two other candidates who were also competing for this seat. One was

Gabriel el-Murr and the other was attorney Ghassan Muhaybar, the brother of the late MP who was seeking to retain the family’s hold on the parliamentary seat. Although Mirna el-Murr received the from the race when she realized that her chances of winning were support of the central government in Beirut she quickly withdrew slim. Today she serves as the mayor of Batgharin and the head of the Federation of Municipalities of the Matn district.36 Na’ila Tueni (born in August 1982), who is the daughter of Jubran and Mirna al-Murrca and graduated from the Lebanese University in 2005, had already begun to work as a journalist in her father’s newspaper al-Nahar in 2003 but, after her father’s assassination, Orthodox seat that had previously been held by her father in the became al-Nahar’s editor. In the 2009 elections she won the Greek

36 al-Akhbar Mirna al-Murr, “Sir Abiha, Ra’isat Nuwab al-Matan waBaladiyatihi” (accessed: (Mirna June 7, al-Murr, 2017); Seefollowing also Zisser, her father, The Bleeding Mirna becomes Cedar the head of the al-Matan deputies and municipalities), , December 5, 2014, http://al-akhbar.com/node/221259 , pp. 225-226. 28 Eyal Zisser

Beirut 1 electoral zone. In 2009 she married the Shiite TV broadcaster 37

ConclusionMalik Maktabi in a civil ceremony in Cyprus. Throughout Lebanese history women have played active and leading roles in the public life of their country, in politics, society and the economy. This phenomenon indicates the relative vitality and dynamism of the Lebanese political system in a manner that is not characteristic of neighboring states. It must, however, be admitted that this does not represent a major breakthrough for gender is generally in place for women in Lebanon. First of all, in almost equality or the abandonment of the rather narrow framework that temporarily for her husband or some other close relative, until the every case of a politically prominent woman she was, or is, filling in this phenomenon has mainly been made possible by the fragmented next male generation of the family could, or can, take over. Second, the phenomenon of Lebanese women being involved in politics, has, and family-based character of Lebanese politics which means that, perhaps ironically, been made possible just because the system is so conservative and family connections are so decisive in every area of life. Third, even in the Lebanese context the number of women playing important roles in public life is not at all large, they are looked upon as exceptions and they are limited in their influence by The phenomenon of women playing a leading role in public affairs the fact that they are women filling a vacancy temporarily. is most widespread and generally more possible in the Maronite on the other hand, the phenomenon manifests itself mainly as the Christian community. In the Druze, Shiite, and Sunni communities, is exceptional and interesting, this does not necessarily indicate that woman filling in for a man behind the scenes. Thus, while the situation Lebanon is very different from its neighbors. The women discussed here37 did not really pave their way to an influential and high status

Mansur al-Muzhim, “Ra’isat Tahrir al-Nahar: Ightiyal Abi Dakhakhalani (accessed: lli-Siyasa”June 7, 2017);(al-Nahar’s “Na’ila editor: Tuwayni the assassination marriage,” al-‘Arabiyya of my father TV forced, July me20, to 2007, enter https://www.alarabiya. politics), July 29, 2009, net/articles/2009/07/29/80206.htmlhttp://alwatan.com.sa/Culture/News_Detail.aspx?ArticleID=144205 (accessed: June 7, 2017). 29

Under the Glass Ceiling and in the Family ‘Cage’ position. Rather, they inherited the positions of power to which they and still is, to preserve family and tribal power. roseNevertheless, assisted by their the women family frameworks,in some of the whose communities main objective in Lebanon was, have gone one step further than previously and that is also a phenomenon that deserves to be noted, as one of the features that characterize Lebanese society. After all, Lebanon is a state full of and state whose story is one of sharp ups and downs, as is the story ofcontrasts each of andthe contradictions,ethnic communities a many-faceted living there. state While and there a society have been periods of stability, growth, and prosperity during which the several ethnic communities have learned to live together in relative harmony, these often alternated with periods of violent and bloody clashes. At the same time as Lebanon’s story is one of relative also powerful conservatism that turns its gaze to the past as a source ofopenness, inspiration. flexibility, We leave pragmatism, our topic with and aneven open westernization, question, or perhapsthere is the answer lies in the eyes of the beholder. Are the roles played in Lebanese public and political life by the women discussed above harbingers of a breakthrough and a reduction in or removal of the age-old boundaries, or do they, ironically perhaps, serve merely as a means of keeping women locked in their traditional social roles?

About the author Prof. Eyal Zisser is the Vice Rector of Tel Aviv University

(2015-present), past Dean of the Faculty of Humanities at the pastuniversity Head (2010-2015),of the Department Director of ofMiddle the MosheEastern Dayan and African Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies (2007-2010) and the history and the modern politics of Syria and Lebanon and the History (2004-2008). Prof. Zisser has written extensively on the

Arab-Israeli conflict.