Role of India in Non-Aligned Movement a Select Annotated Bibliography
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He True Aim of China in Setting up the AIIB Challenging the International Financial Tsystem Or Securing Multilateral Credibility? Author Jianmin Jin by Jianmin Jin
COVER STORY • Global Growth Strategy • 3-1 he True Aim of China in Setting up the AIIB Challenging the International Financial TSystem or Securing Multilateral Credibility? Author Jianmin Jin By Jianmin Jin The Chinese-initiative Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) has been generating many headlines on the economic front of late — not without justification given its impact, sizeable enough to blow a big hole in the international development financing order. There is a wide range of opinion regarding the true aim of China in taking the lead to establish the AIIB, such as challenging the international financial order, securing geopolitical influence, securing benefits for the national economy, and establishing a new facility to mediate between capital surplus countries and capital deficit countries. My conclusion after examining the economic relationship between China and the rest of the world and various information coming out of China is that the true aim of China is both economic and diplomatic/ political: the former to secure the multilateral creditworthiness that is unavailable to China on its own, the latter to “exercise cooperative influence” (neutralize the idea of “China as a threat” by providing other countries with economic benefits through economic channels). New Silk Road Vision: “Stepped-up” Version regions, infrastructure was slow to develop, and the open-door policy of the Open-Door Policy was limited in scope. Moreover, the neighboring countries there were largely developing countries, so expectations for attracting capital and The Chinese initiative to establish the AIIB is founded on a regional technology appeared slim. development strategy: the “New Silk Road” strategy, or the “One Belt But 30 years later, things have changed. -
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
From Poverty to Power, 2Nd Edition
PART FIVE THE inTERnaTIOnal SYSTEM WHO RULES THE WORLD? 241 THE INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL SYSTEm 244 THE INTERNATIONAL TRADING SYSTEm 260 THE INTERNATIONAL AID SYSTEm 289 HOW CHANGE HAppENS: THE 2005 GLENEAGLES AGREEMENTS 311 INTERNATIONAL RULES AND NORMS 313 THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM FOR HUMANITARIAN RELIEF AND PEACE 317 HOW CHANGE HAppENS: LANDMINES, AN ARMS CONTROL SUCCESS STORY 333 CLIMATE CHANGE 335 GLOBAL GOVERNANCE IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY 351 WHO RULES THE WORLD? Global institutions such as the World Bank, the IMF, and the United Nations, transnational corporations, rich country governments, (and even interna- tional non-government organisations such as Oxfam) are sometimes viewed as the most powerful and dynamic forces in the fight against poverty and inequality. This book has argued, on the contrary, that the main actors are poor men and women and their national governments – a combination we have called active citizens and effective states. This is not to deny the power of global institutions. In tackling global poverty and inequality they can, by both action and omission, be either part of the solution or part of the problem. They can foster efforts to build an effective, accountable state and an active citizenry, or they can under- mine or even crush them. This part of the book examines those aspects of the international system most relevant to the fight against poverty and inequality, and explores how global institutions can be placed at the service of development. The web of international institutions, laws, regulations, -
Special Report No
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 490 | FEBRUARY 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE w w w .usip.org North Korea in Africa: Historical Solidarity, China’s Role, and Sanctions Evasion By Benjamin R. Young Contents Introduction ...................................3 Historical Solidarity ......................4 The Role of China in North Korea’s Africa Policy .........7 Mutually Beneficial Relations and Shared Anti-Imperialism..... 10 Policy Recommendations .......... 13 The Unknown Soldier statue, constructed by North Korea, at the Heroes’ Acre memorial near Windhoek, Namibia. (Photo by Oliver Gerhard/Shutterstock) Summary • North Korea’s Africa policy is based African arms trade, construction of owing to African governments’ lax on historical linkages and mutually munitions factories, and illicit traf- sanctions enforcement and the beneficial relationships with African ficking of rhino horns and ivory. Kim family regime’s need for hard countries. Historical solidarity re- • China has been complicit in North currency. volving around anticolonialism and Korea’s illicit activities in Africa, es- • To curtail North Korea’s illicit activ- national self-reliance is an under- pecially in the construction and de- ity in Africa, Western governments emphasized facet of North Korea– velopment of Uganda’s largest arms should take into account the histor- Africa partnerships. manufacturer and in allowing the il- ical solidarity between North Korea • As a result, many African countries legal trade of ivory and rhino horns and Africa, work closely with the Af- continue to have close ties with to pass through Chinese networks. rican Union, seek cooperation with Pyongyang despite United Nations • For its part, North Korea looks to China, and undercut North Korean sanctions on North Korea. -
Review of Local and Global Impacts of Volcanic Eruptions and Disaster Management Practices: the Indonesian Example
geosciences Review Review of Local and Global Impacts of Volcanic Eruptions and Disaster Management Practices: The Indonesian Example Mukhamad N. Malawani 1,2, Franck Lavigne 1,3,* , Christopher Gomez 2,4 , Bachtiar W. Mutaqin 2 and Danang S. Hadmoko 2 1 Laboratoire de Géographie Physique, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, UMR 8591, 92195 Meudon, France; [email protected] 2 Disaster and Risk Management Research Group, Faculty of Geography, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta 55281, Indonesia; [email protected] (C.G.); [email protected] (B.W.M.); [email protected] (D.S.H.) 3 Institut Universitaire de France, 75005 Paris, France 4 Laboratory of Sediment Hazards and Disaster Risk, Kobe University, Kobe City 658-0022, Japan * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: This paper discusses the relations between the impacts of volcanic eruptions at multiple- scales and the related-issues of disaster-risk reduction (DRR). The review is structured around local and global impacts of volcanic eruptions, which have not been widely discussed in the literature, in terms of DRR issues. We classify the impacts at local scale on four different geographical features: impacts on the drainage system, on the structural morphology, on the water bodies, and the impact Citation: Malawani, M.N.; on societies and the environment. It has been demonstrated that information on local impacts can Lavigne, F.; Gomez, C.; be integrated into four phases of the DRR, i.e., monitoring, mapping, emergency, and recovery. In Mutaqin, B.W.; Hadmoko, D.S. contrast, information on the global impacts (e.g., global disruption on climate and air traffic) only fits Review of Local and Global Impacts the first DRR phase. -
Outline Lecture Three: Decolonization Vs. Neocolonialism I) “A World Safe
Outline Lecture Three: Decolonization vs. Neocolonialism I) “A World Safe for Democracy”? a) Amritsar, India in 1919 i) Demonstrations against the Rowlatt Bills ii) General Reginald Dyer’s response and rationale on behalf of the British Raj (1) George Orwell’s “Shooting an Elephant” b) Versailles and China’s May Fourth Movement 1919 i) What were the catalysts behind the May Fourth Movement? ii) May Fourth’s Ambivalent relationship with the West (1) Western-inspired ideals of democracy and self-determination (2) E.g. Chen Duxiu’s New Youth c) Impetus for Social Reforms i) Many saw anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism as synonymous ii) Associated traditional China’s feudal society with gender inequality (1) Call for women’s entry into the public sphere II) Revolutionary Movements in China 1911-1949 a) Key Dates: i) 1911 Revolution–Sun Yat-sen’s overthrow of Qing (Manchu) Dynasty and founding of the Republic ii) 1919 Beginning of May Fourth Movement iii) 1926-1928 Chiang Kai-shek’s Northern Expedition and national unification iv) 1937-1945 Sino-Japanese War v) 1949 Communist take-over of the mainland under Mao Zedong; Nationalist Party under Chiang retreat to Taiwan b) Dr. Sun Yat-sen and the Founding of the Republic i) Experience and exposure of an expatriate and exile ii) Three Principles of the People (1923) (1) First Principle: Nationalism (2) Second Principle: Democracy (a) Egalitarian ideals since antiquity (i) Mencius’s justification for Gemin or “revoking the mandate” (b) Five-power Constitutional Republic (3) Third Principle: Livelihood -
Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Scholvin, Sören Working Paper Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization GIGA Working Papers, No. 128 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Scholvin, Sören (2010) : Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization, GIGA Working Papers, No. 128, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. -
Can the World Be Governed?
Can the World Be Governed? Studies in International Governance is a research and policy analysis series from the Centre for International Governance Innovation (cigi) and WLU Press. Titles in the series provide timely consideration of emerging trends and current challenges in the broad field of international governance. Representing diverse perspectives on important global issues, the series will be of interest to students and academics while serving also as a reference tool for policy-makers and experts engaged in policy discussion. To reach the greatest possible audience and ultimately shape the policy dialogue, each volume will be made available both in print through WLU Press and, twelve months after pub- lication, accessible for free online through the igloo Network under the Creative Com- mons License. Can theWorld Be Governed? Possibilities for Effective Multilateralism *** Alan S. Alexandroff, editor Wilfrid Laurier University Press acknowledges the financial support of the Government of Canada through its Book Publishing Industry Development Program for its publishing activities. Wilfrid Laurier University Press acknowledges the financial support of the Centre for International Gov- ernance Innovation. The Centre for International Governance Innovation gratefully acknowl- edges support for its work program from the Government of Canada and the Government of Ontario. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Can the world be governed? : possibilities for effective multilateralism / Alan S. Alexandroff, editor. (Studies in international governance series) Co-published by: Centre for International Governance Innovation. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-55458-041-5 1. International organization. 2. International cooperation. 3. International rela- tions. 4. International economic relations. 5. Security, International. -
Non-Alignment and the United States
Robert B. Rakove. Kennedy, Johnson, and the Nonaligned World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. 315 pp. $31.99, paper, ISBN 978-1-107-44938-1. Reviewed by Simon Stevens Published on H-1960s (August, 2014) Commissioned by Zachary J. Lechner (Centenary College of Louisiana) The central historical problem that Robert B. of a policy of “engagement” of the “nonaligned Rakove sets out to solve in Kennedy, Johnson, and world.” The subsequent souring of relations was a the Nonaligned World is how to explain the re‐ consequence of the abandonment of that ap‐ markable transformation in the relationship be‐ proach under Lyndon Johnson. Central to tween the United States and much of the postcolo‐ Rakove’s argument is the distinction between nial world over the course of the 1960s. The assas‐ Kennedy’s approach to states in the Third World sination of John F. Kennedy in 1963 was met with that were “aligned” in the Cold War and those that genuine grief in many postcolonial states, reflect‐ were “non-aligned.” Common historiographic ing the positive and hopeful light in which the characterizations of Kennedy’s policy toward the United States under Kennedy had been widely Third World as aggressive and interventionist viewed. And yet by the second half of the decade, have failed to appreciate the significance of this the United States “had come to be seen not as an distinction, Rakove suggests. In the cases of states ally to Third World aspirations but as a malevo‐ that the U.S. government perceived to be already lent foe. Polarizing accusatory rhetoric unusual in aligned with the West, especially in Latin America the early 1960s became unremarkable by the and Southeast Asia, the Kennedy administration decade’s end, emerging as a lasting feature of was intolerant of changes that might endanger world politics, a recognizable precursor to con‐ that alignment, and pursued forceful interven‐ temporary denunciations of the United States” (p. -
Biography-Sam-Nujoma-332D79.Pdf
BIOGRAPHY Name: Sam Nujoma Date of Birth: 12 May 1929 Place of Birth: Etunda-village, Ongandjera district, North- Western Namibia – (Present Omusati Region) Parents: Father: Daniel Uutoni Nujoma - (subsistence farmer) Mother: Helvi Mpingana Kondombolo- (subsistence farmer) Children: 6 boys and 4 girls. From Childhood: Like all boys of those days, looked after his parents’ cattle, as well as assisting them at home in general work, including in the cultivation of land. Qualifications: Attended Primary School at Okahao Finnish Mission School 1937-1945; In the year 1946, Dr. Nujoma moved to the coastal town of Walvisbay to live with his aunt Gebhart Nandjule, where in 1947 at the age of 17 he began his first employment at a general store for a monthly salary of 10 Shillings. It was in Walvis Bay that he got exposed to modern world politics by meeting soldiers from Argentina, Norway and other parts of Europe who had been brought there during World War II. Soon after, at the beginning of 1949 Dr. Nujoma went to live in Windhoek with his uncle Hiskia Kondombolo. In Windhoek he started working for the South African Railways and attended adult night school at St. Barnabas in the Windhoek Old Location. He further studied for his Junior Certificate through correspondence at the Trans-Africa Correspondence College in South Africa. Marital Status: On 6 May 1956, Dr Nujoma got married to Kovambo Theopoldine Katjimune. They were blessed with 4 children: Utoni Daniel (1952), John Ndeshipanda (1955), Sakaria Nefungo (1957) and Nelago (1959), who sadly passed away at the age of 18 months, while Dr. -
Great Power Politics and the Structure of Foreign Relations Law
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2009 Great Power Politics and the Structure of Foreign Relations Law Daniel Abebe Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Daniel Abebe, "Great Power Politics and the Structure of Foreign Relations Law," 10 Chicago Journal of International Law 125 (2009). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Great Power Politics and the Structure of Foreign Relations Law Daniel Abebe* I. INTRODUCTION Foreign relations law serves as an internal constraint on the unilateral exercise of foreign relations powers through the distribution of authority within the national government. Given the predominance of the executive branch in foreign affairs, courts routinely resolve questions regarding the breadth of the executive's authority by reference to the Constitution, legal precedent, historical practice, and functional considerations. Though courts generally focus on these domestic factors, they have been historically quite sensitive to the international political implications of their decisions. But we don't have a clear understanding of how or when courts consider international politics in resolving foreign relations law questions. We lack a framework to begin thinking about the relationship between international politics and the allocation of decisionmaking authority. This short Article frames foreign relations law as a function of international politics to explore the relationship between the strength of external international political constraints on a state and the levels of judicial deference to the executive in that state. -
The Disharmony of the Spheres the U.S
The Disharmony of the Spheres The U.S. will endanger itself if it accedes to Russian and Chinese efforts to change the international system to their liking By Hal Brands and Charles Edel AKING THE STAGE at Westmin- A “sphere of influence” is traditionally under- ster College in March 1946, Win- stood as a geographical zone within which the most ston Churchill told his audience he powerful actor can impose its will. And nearly three “felt bound to portray the shadow decades after the close of the superpower struggle which…falls upon the world.” The that Churchill’s speech heralded, spheres of influence former British prime minister fa- are back. At both ends of the Eurasian landmass, the mously declared that “from Stettin authoritarian regimes in China and Russia are carv- in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain ing out areas of privileged influence—geographic hasT descended across the Continent.” He went on to ex- buffer zones in which they exercise diplomatic, eco- plain that “Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, nomic, and military primacy. China and Russia are Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia all…lie in what I must seeking to coerce and overawe their neighbors. They call the Soviet sphere.” Though the Westminster ad- are endeavoring to weaken the international rules dress is best remembered for the phrase “iron curtain,” and norms—and the influence of opposing powers— the way it called attention to an emerging Soviet sphere that stand athwart their ambitions in their respective of influence is far more relevant to today’s world.