James Connolly's Years in America, 1902-1910

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

James Connolly's Years in America, 1902-1910 James Connolly’s Years in America, 1902-1910 Professor Peter H. Buckingham and Sydney Owen Linfield College Introduction Daniel De Leon and the SLP The Industrial Workers of the World The Role of Political Action and the IWW, Socialist Party of America James Connolly, born in Edinburgh, Scotland in 1868, Regrettably, it was not so much His welcome was much cooler in ideology but rather a personality With the IWW Connolly also gained experience organizing was an Irish socialist who would 1903, however, with Connolly denied workers, striking to achieve better wages, working hours, and go on to be a leading member clash and factional politics that employment in the SLP and struggling caused the final rupture of conditions. During his time in America, he refined his of the 1916 Easter Rebellion in to find work to support himself. His organization and strike methods, which he would employ upon Ireland. From an early age he relations between Connolly, De letters and papers from this period return to Ireland in 1910 through his work with the Irish Transport became involved in the socialist Leon and the SLP. As a result of alternate between admiration and his conflict with De Leon and and General Workers Union and other labor organization efforts. movement through groups such hatred for De Leon, whose political as the Scottish Socialist subsequent resignation from the ideology he initially admired. They SLP in 1908, Connolly became Federation and the agreed on a number of key stances even more involved with the Independent Labor Party. A self- and issues while differing on others, educated man well read in the IWW, where he wrote a regular but the toxic mix of De Leon’s column, “Notes from New York,” socialist and political literature dogmatism and intolerance, clashing in the Industrial Union Bulletin, the of his day, Connolly eventually with Connolly’s stubbornness and official publication of the IWW. made his way back to Ireland, similar need to be in control came to Formed in 1905, the IWW forming his own socialist group, dominate their relationship. These was a radical labor the Irish Socialist Republican clashes with De Leon, however, organization that Party. forced him to refine his own socialist emphasized using ideology, as he moved from member industrial unionism to of the SLP, to involvement with the form one big union, Connolly in America and the Socialist IWW, and later the Socialist Party of under which all workers Labor Party America as well. would be organized, While the IWW was strongly against Connolly felt strongly that controlling the means of any political involvement, Connolly socialism should be production. Connolly was not ready to give up on all Attracted to the work of American accessible and was attracted to the political, ballot box action. Here was understandable for the IWW’s focus on industrial socialists, particularly that of Daniel the attraction to the Socialist Party, people it was trying to reach, De Leon, he travelled to America for unionism and with the with its broad, political platform and as evidenced by work such the first time in 1902, at the behest of IWW, he worked, giving charismatic, if flawed, leader as his popular book Socialism De Leon’s Socialist Labor Party for a speeches, writing, and Eugene V. Debs. Connolly initially speaking tour. Made Easy. Connolly often organizing unions, rejected the SP for its cooperation worked to organize recent alongside other with the American Federation of immigrants, especially but notables of the socialist Upon return to Ireland, however, the Labor, which practiced “craft not limited to, the Irish. He clash of personalities and ensuing movement, including unionism,” a form of labor also made an effort to work fallout that would come to define figures such as Elizabeth organization that Connolly saw as already established labor much of Connolly’s career resulted in Gurley Flynn, his detrimental to the socialist and socialist organizations to his ejection from his own party. neighbor in NYC and movement. During his later years in Rejected by his comrades and bring them into the SLP and fellow socialist speaker America, however, he came to IWW. and activist. excluded from any position of value and support the role of the consequence within the socialist Connolly saw factionalism within the movement as harmful to Socialist Party. movement in Ireland, which had achieving the goals of socialism. His grassroots work reveals a stagnated anyway, Connolly true dedication to the needs of the worker and his belief in the Conclusion determined to move to America, importance of uniting the movement, however, he deviated In addition to the many articles with its more active socialist and he wrote for the Industrial Union from this when it came to working and cooperating with fellow labor movements, while bringing his Bulletin and the Harp during this Connolly’s years in America had a profound impact on his leadership. In order to reach the Italian Socialist Federation family over later. and try to bring it and other race federations into the fold of period, Connolly also managed political and socialist ideology, providing him real world the SLP, Connolly went so far as to teach himself Italian. to pen the book Labor in Irish experience navigating leadership politics, and refining his History, which retold Irish history, grassroots labor organization and strike methods. He wrote and Bibliography Unfortunately, it was his work with the ISF, and the question of reinserting the voice of everyday Greaves, Charles Desmond. The Life and Times of James Connolly. Lawrence and Wishart Ltd., the role of so called “race” federation’s inclusion within the SLP traveled extensively with the SLP, IWW, and SP, gaining valuable 1987. working men and women into experience he would bring back to Ireland and employ for the Nevin, Donal, ed. Between Comrades: James Connolly, Letters and Correspondence and IWW, which De Leon objected to, that became an 1889-1916. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2007. it’s story. causes of the Irish worker, and of Irish national independence. Reeve, Carl and Ann Barton Reeve. James Connolly and the United States: the road to the 1916 unexpected point of contention that led to Connolly’s exit Irish rebellion. Humanities Press, 1987. from the SLP. .
Recommended publications
  • The Communist Party of Great Britain Since 1920 Also by David Renton
    The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 Also by David Renton RED SHIRTS AND BLACK: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Oxford in the ‘Thirties FASCISM: Theory and Practice FASCISM, ANTI-FASCISM AND BRITAIN IN THE 1940s THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: A Century of Wars and Revolutions? (with Keith Flett) SOCIALISM IN LIVERPOOL: Episodes in a History of Working-Class Struggle THIS ROUGH GAME: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in European History MARX ON GLOBALISATION CLASSICAL MARXISM: Socialist Theory and the Second International The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 James Eaden and David Renton © James Eaden and David Renton 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-94968-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of St.
    [Show full text]
  • James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party
    James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party Donal Mac Fhearraigh 100 years of celebration? to which White replied, `Put that furthest of all1' . White was joking but only just, 2012 marks the centenary of the founding and if Labour was regarded as conservative of the Irish Labour Party. Like most politi- at home it was it was even more so when cal parties in Ireland, Labour likes to trade compared with her sister parties. on its radical heritage by drawing a link to One historian described it as `the most Connolly. opportunistically conservative party in the On the history section of the Labour known world2.' It was not until the late Party's website it says, 1960s that the party professed an adher- ence to socialism, a word which had been `The Labour Party was completely taboo until that point. Ar- founded in 1912 in Clonmel, guably the least successful social demo- County Tipperary, by James cratic or Labour Party in Western Europe, Connolly, James Larkin and the Irish Labour Party has never held office William O'Brien as the polit- alone and has only been the minority party ical wing of the Irish Trade in coalition. Labour has continued this tra- Union Congress(ITUC). It dition in the current government with Fine is the oldest political party Gael. Far from being `the party of social- in Ireland and the only one ism' it has been the party of austerity. which pre-dates independence. The founders of the Labour The Labour Party got elected a year Party believed that for ordi- ago on promises of burning the bondhold- nary working people to shape ers and defending ordinary people against society they needed a political cutbacks.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
    Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture.
    [Show full text]
  • Belfast Anarchist Group and Belfast Libertarian Group
    A History of the Belfast Anarchist Group and Belfast Libertarian Group 1968–1974 Michael Hall ISLAND 117 PAMPHLETS 1 Published October 2019 by Island Publications © Michael Hall 2019 [email protected] http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/islandpublications In October 1968 a small group of mostly young people formed the Belfast Anarchist† Group [BAG], to give a voice to those who believed in radical social change and new forms of participatory democracy. Later, they would also declare themselves totally opposed to the inherent sectarianism and authoritarianism prevalent in both physical force Irish Republicanism and reactionary Ulster Loyalism. Sadly, both those forces were too deeply ingrained in the psyche of the population and the clash between them led inexorably to the appalling conflict we euphemistically call ‘The Troubles’. For a while the BAG struggled against the tide of events but was eventually subsumed. A remnant of the group then formed the Belfast Libertarian Group [BLG] and once again attempted to open up a challenging debate on the unfolding events. However, by 1974, it too had to admit defeat and was disbanded. Nevertheless, it was felt that this brief history was worthwhile recording, even if only to highlight one of the dissenting tendencies within the Left which was present right at the inception of The Troubles. † This is not the place to begin to dispel whatever stereotypical notions the reader might hold about a philosophy which has been so pejoratively presented in the media. Suffice to say that the Anarchism which I find appealing has nothing to do with either bomb-throwers or chaos, but is something highly creative and life-sustaining.
    [Show full text]
  • The Formation of the Communist Party, 1912–21
    chapter 1 The Formation of the Communist Party, 1912–21 The Bolsheviks envisioned the October Revolution as the first in a series of pro- letarian revolutions. The Communist or Third International was to be a new, revolutionary international born from the wreckage of the social-democratic Second International. They sought to forge this international with what they saw as the best elements of the international working-class movement, those that had not betrayed socialism by supporting the war. The Comintern was to be a complete and definite break with the social-democratic politics of the Second International. In the face of the support of World War I by many labour and social-democratic leaders, significant sections of the workers’ movement rallied to the Bolsheviks.1 This was most pronounced in Italy and France, but in the United States as well the first Bolshevik supporters came from the left wing of the labour movement. In much of Europe, the social-democratic leaders either openly supported the militarism and imperialism of their ‘own’ ruling classes (such as when the German Social Democratic representatives voted for war credits on 4 August 1914) or (in the case of Karl Kautsky) provided ‘left’ cover to open social-chauvinists. In the United States, which entered the war late in the day, the party leadership as a whole opposed the war. However, the American socialist movement was still infected with electoral reformism, and a signifi- cant number of influential Socialists downplayed the party’s official opposi- tion to the war. This chapter examines how the American Communist movement devel- oped out of these antecedents.
    [Show full text]
  • For All the People
    Praise for For All the People John Curl has been around the block when it comes to knowing work- ers’ cooperatives. He has been a worker owner. He has argued theory and practice, inside the firms where his labor counts for something more than token control and within the determined, but still small uni- verse where labor rents capital, using it as it sees fit and profitable. So his book, For All the People: The Hidden History of Cooperation, Cooperative Movements, and Communalism in America, reached expectant hands, and an open mind when it arrived in Asheville, NC. Am I disappointed? No, not in the least. Curl blends the three strands of his historical narrative with aplomb, he has, after all, been researching, writing, revising, and editing the text for a spell. Further, I am certain he has been responding to editors and publishers asking this or that. He may have tired, but he did not give up, much inspired, I am certain, by the determination of the women and men he brings to life. Each of his subtitles could have been a book, and has been written about by authors with as many points of ideological view as their titles. Curl sticks pretty close to the narrative line written by worker own- ers, no matter if they came to work every day with a socialist, laborist, anti-Marxist grudge or not. Often in the past, as with today’s worker owners, their firm fails, a dream to manage capital kaput. Yet today, as yesterday, the democratic ideals of hundreds of worker owners support vibrantly profitable businesses.
    [Show full text]
  • Kreisverwaltung Neuwied, Spurensuche. Johanna Loewenherz
    1 Johanna Loewenherz(1857-1937) Source: Kreisverwaltung Neuwied, Spurensuche. Johanna Loewenherz: Versuch einer Biografie; Copyright: Johanna- Loewenherz-Stiftung 2 Prostitution or Production, Property or Marriage? A Study on the Women´s Movement by Johanna Loewenherz Neuwied. Published by the author, 1895. [Öffentl. Bibliothek zu Wiesbaden, Sig. Hg. 5606] Translated by Isabel Busch M. A., Bonn, 2018 Translator´s Note: Johanna Loewenherz employs a complicated style of writing. The translator of this work tried to stay true to Loewenherz´ style as much as possible. Wherever it was convenient, an attempt was made to make her sentences easier to understand. However, sometimes the translator couldn´t make out Loewenherz´ sense even in the original German text, for instance because of mistakes made by Loewenherz herself. Loewenherz herself is not always consistent in her text; for example when using both the singular and plural forms of a noun or pronoun in the same sentence. The translator of this work further took the liberty of using the singular and plural forms of “man” and “woman” rather randomly, whenever Loewenherz makes generalising remarks on both sexes. Seeing that Loewenherz uses a lot of puns in the original text, the translator of this work explains these in the footnotes. It is to be noted that whenever Loewenherz quotes a person or from another text, the translator of this work either uses already existing translations (e.g. from Goethe´s Faust) or translated them herself. In the former case the sources of these quotes are named in footnotes. The other translations are not specifically marked. 3 A Visit to the Night Caféi What is it that drives a man to the harlot?—How can he bring himself to touch such a woman?— Allow me, Gentlemen, the wholehearted sincerity which convenience usually does not forgive a woman.
    [Show full text]
  • Ireland and the Russian Revolution
    Ireland and the Russian Revolution Colm Bryce22 In February 1918, an estimated 10,000 ‘workers’ parliament’. That is people packed into the Mansion House in the language of the Bolshevists Dublin to ‘hail with delight the advent of and Sinn Féiners and it should the Russian Bolshevik revolution’.1 The open the eyes of the authorities, speakers included some of the most promi- and also of the vast majority of nent figures in the Irish revolutionary move- the men, who are loyal and law ment such as Maud Gonne and Constance abiding, to the real objectives of Markievicz, Tom Johnston of the Labour the strike committee. These ob- Party, a representative of the Soviet gov- jectives are not industrial, but ernment and the meeting was chaired by revolutionary, and if they were William O’Brien, one of the leaders of the attained they would bring disas- 1913 Dublin Lockout. The Red Flag was ter to the city.2 sung and thousands marched through the streets of Dublin afterwards. On May Day 1920, a few months after A few weeks later The Irish Times the general strike, 100,000 workers marched warned against the danger of Bolshevism: in Belfast, under red flags. On the same day, tens of thousands marched in towns and vil- They have invaded Ireland, and lages across the whole of Ireland. The Irish if the democracies do not keep Transport and General Workers Union (IT- their heads, they may extend to GWU) which had called for the marches, de- other countries in Europe. The clared itself in favour of the ‘soviet system’.3 infection of Ireland by the an- In 1918, the British Prime Minister archy of Bolshevism is one of Lloyd George wrote to his counterpart those phenomena which, though Clemenceau in France: almost incredible to reason and experience, are made intelligible The whole of Europe is filled by the accidents of fortune or hu- with the spirit of revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • 0902308475 / Paperback / 1972 Althusser / Essays in Self-Cr
    Abendroth / A Short History of the European Working-Class / ISBN-10: 0902308475 / Paperback / 1972 Althusser / Essays in Self-Criticism / ISBN-10: 0902308874 / Hardcover / 1976 Arlacchi / Mafia Business / ISBN-10: 0860918920 / Paperback / 1987 Aronson / Jean Paul Sartre : Philosophy in the World / ISBN-10: 0860910326 / Paperback / 1987 Aronson / Dialectics of Disaster / ISBN-10: 0860917754 / Paperback / 1983 Bahro / From Red to Green / ISBN-10: 0860917606 / Paperback / 1984 Benn / Parliament, People And Power / ISBN-10: 0860917584 / Paperback / 1982 Bentley / Between Marx And Christ / ISBN-10: 0860917487 / Paperback / 1982 Bew & Patterson / British State and the Ulster Crisis / ISBN-10: 0860918157 / Paperback / 1985 Bowles et al / Beyond the Wasteland / ISBN-10: 0860918238 / Paperback / 1984 Burchett / Shadows of Hiroshima / ISBN-10: 0860917835 / Paperback / 1983 Chen / China : Crossroads Socialism / ISBN-10: 0860917622 / Paperback / 1984 Claudin / Eurocommunism and Socialism / ISBN-10: 080527068X / Paperback / 1979 Colletti / From Rousseau to Lenin / ISBN-10: 0902308971 / Paperback / 1976 Dabat & Lorenzano / Argentina / ISBN-10: 0860917908 / Paperback / 1984 Davis (ed) / Year Left 1 / ISBN-10: 0860911144 / Paperback / 1985 Day / The Crisis and the Crash / ISBN-10: 0860910385 / Hardcover / 1981 Debray / Conversations with Allende / ISBN-10: 0902308432 / Paperback / 1971 Dunkerley / Long War / ISBN-10: 0860918319 / Paperback / 1985 Eudes / Kapetanios / ISBN-10: 0902308823 / Paperback / 1972 Evans & Rowley / Red Brotherhood at War / ISBN-10:
    [Show full text]
  • The SLP and the USSR Alist Tendency” in the World Socialist Movement in the Wake of the Col- Lapse of the Second International
    TheThe SLPSLP andand TheThe USSRUSSR From the Bolshevik Revolution To the Nazi-Soviet Pact Socialist Labor Party of America P.O. Box 218 Mountain View, CA 94042-0218 www.slp.org • [email protected] Contents Introduction . 3 1. Response to the October Revolution . 12 2. The SLP and the Third International . 19 3. Stalin, the Purges and World War II . 28 Appendix: De Leon and the 1905 Revolution . 36 2 Introduction The publication of this pamphlet fills a long-felt gap in Socialist Labor Party literature. Drawing on the Party’s internal organizational history as well as its public record, the pamphlet traces the evolution of the SLP’s attitude toward the U.S.S.R. from its first response to the October Revolution in 1917 through its refusal to join the Third Inter- national to its final break with the Soviet Union on the eve of World War II. For the first time, it sets down in one place the SLP’s history on one of the key questions of the 20th century. Since the pamphlet does this quite well, there is no need to restate its contents here. Instead, by way of introduction, the opportunity presents itself to shed some light on one of the secondary themes of the pamphlet, namely the relationship between Lenin, Daniel De Leon and the SLP. Specifically, what did Lenin know of De Leon and the party associated with his name, and in what light should Lenin’s statements on De Leon (statements well known to those familiar with SLP history) be viewed? Although the current pamphlet touches on this topic insofar as it affect- ed the SLP’s early attitude toward Russia, more complete information helps to fill out the picture.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political and Social Thought of Lewis Corey
    70-13,988 BROWN, David Evan, 19 33- THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT OF LEWIS COREY. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1969 Political Science, general University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT OF LEWIS COREY DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By David Evan Brown, B.A, ******* The Ohio State University 1969 Approved by Adviser Department of Political Science PREFACE On December 2 3 , 1952, Lewis Corey was served with a warrant for his arrest by officers of the U, S, Department of Justice. He was, so the warrant read, subject to deportation under the "Act of October 16 , 1 9 1 8 , as amended, for the reason that you have been prior to entry a member of the following class: an alien who is a member of an organi­ zation which was the direct predecessor of the Communist Party of the United States, to wit The Communist Party of America."^ A hearing, originally arranged for April 7» 1953» but delayed until July 27 because of Corey's poor health, was held; but a ruling was not handed down at that time. The Special Inquiry Officer in charge of the case adjourned the hearing pending the receipt of a full report of Corey's activities o during the previous ten years. [The testimony during the hearing had focused primarily on Corey's early writings and political activities.] The hearing was not reconvened, and the question of the defendant's guilt or innocence, as charged, was never formally settled.
    [Show full text]
  • Kropotkin in America
    PAULAVRICH KROPOTKIN IN AMERICA It is a well-established fact that foreign immigrants and visitors played a major role in the emergence of American anarchism. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, European-born artisans and peasants — Germans and Czechs, Italians and Spaniards, Russians and Jews — constituted the mass base of the movement, while its intellectual leadership included well-known speakers and writers from diverse countries, who came either as permanent settlers or on extended lecture tours. Among the Russians, Michael Bakunin spent nearly two months in the United States after his flight from Siberia in 1861.1 Stepniak (S. M. Kravchinsky) went there to lecture in 1891, N. V. Chaikovsky to join a Utopian community and again to raise funds for the Russian revolutionary movement. The flood of Russian immigrants before and during the First World War included V. M. Eikhenbaum ("Volin"), Efim Yarchuk, Aaron and Fanny Baron, Boris Yelensky and William Shatoff, not to mention Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman, who had arrived in the 188O's. After the Bolshevik consolidation of power came such figures as Gregory Maximoff, Abba Gordin and Mark Mratchny, who recently died in New York, the last of the Russian anarchists with an international reputation. (Maximoff died in Chicago in 1950 and Alexander Schapiro in New York in 1946, a refugee from Hitler's invasion of France.) Of all the Russian visitors, however, it was Peter Kropotkin who made the greatest impression. The leading figure in the international anarchist movement since Bakunin's death in 1876, Kropotkin was a founder of both the British and Russian anarchist movements, and exerted a strong in- fluence on anarchists throughout the world.
    [Show full text]