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Hallelujah, I'm A HALLELUJAH, I’M A BUM: INDUSTRIALISM, PROGRESSIVE REFORM, AND THE ROLE OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD AS A HOME FOR MIGRANT WORKERS A Report of a Senior Study By Randall Puckett Major: History Maryville College Fall, 2014 Date Approved _____________, by ________________________ Faculty Supervisor Date Approved _____________, by ________________________ Division Chair ABSTRACT In June of 1905 a group of over two hundred labor organizers and socialists met in Chicago for the founding convention of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Their aim was to establish a labor organization founded on the principle of class struggle and devoted to the emancipation of the working class from the “slave bondage” of capitalism. However, the IWW’s radicalism would later alienate the organization from many in the socialist movement as well as constrain its ability to organize semiskilled and skilled workers. Many unskilled workers, however, were drawn to the IWW precisely because of its radicalism. This study explores the factors that contributed to the IWW’s role as a home for those workers who were neglected by Progressive-era reforms and excluded by the mainstream labor movement. Chapter one therefore traces the origins of the industrial revolution in the United States, focusing on the sociopolitical implications of the transition from a handicraft to a factory-based system of production. Chapter two analyzes the Progressive Era, viewing reform as a particular set of responses to the social ills wrought by industrialism. Finally, chapter three examines the formation and development of the IWW, concentrating on its appeal for migrant workers. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Introduction 1 Chapter I A Brave New World: The Industrial Revolution in America 9 Chapter II The Progressive Era and the Rise of Corporate Liberalism 29 Chapter III No Worker Left Behind: The IWW and the Migrant Worker 55 Conclusion 78 Works Cited 81 iv INTRODUCTION On September 1, 1908, a short distance from the Portland, Oregon railroad yards, James Walsh warmed himself by a campfire, amid the grim surroundings of the city’s hobo “jungle.” Walsh, an organizer for the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), drank a cup of coffee as he waited for his train to arrive. Although the jungle served as a temporary respite from the menacing gaze of railroad security personnel, or “bulls” as they were known by the hoboes, Walsh and his eighteen companions eagerly awaited word from a friendly switchman that their “Special car” – that is to say, an empty cattle car – had arrived. With two piercing “blasts of the locomotive engine,” as Walsh himself remembered, the train was “starting on its journey, and simultaneously nineteen men, all dressed in black overalls and jumpers, black shirts and red ties, . [were] in a ‘cattle car’ and on our way.”1 The Overalls Brigade, as they called themselves, barnstormed their way across the Pacific Northwest, from Portland to Centralia, Spokane to Seattle, hopping the rails and taking refuge in hobo encampments along the way. Undeterred by a night spent in jail for trespassing, these hobo rebels soon shifted their focus toward the east and their ultimate destination: Chicago and the fourth annual convention of the Industrial Workers of the World. As an organizer for the Spokane local of the IWW, Walsh was determined to consolidate the migrant workers of the American West into the foot soldiers of a revolutionary working-class movement. 1 James H. Walsh, “IWW ‘Red Special’ Overalls Brigade,” Industrial Union Bulletin (September 19, 1908), included in Joyce L. Kornbluh, ed. Rebel Voices: An IWW Anthology (OaKland, CA: PM Press, 2011), 84; see also Tom DePastino, Citizen Hobo: How a Century of Homelessness Shaped America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 123-28. 1 As their journey east progressed, Walsh and his fellow Wobblies (a nickname given to members of the IWW) stopped periodically at union halls to spread their revolutionary message, while financing their trip through the sale and distribution of IWW literature – the most popular of which was the Little Red Songbook: Songs to Fan the Flames of Discontent. Its contents became popular standards among hoboes, even those who were otherwise unfamiliar with the IWW, its principles, ideology, goals, or tactics. When the Overalls Brigade found themselves bereft of a union hall, they would simply commandeer a street corner on which to sing from their secular book of hymns. This excerpt from a song written by folk singer Harry McClintock would come to be their unofficial anthem: “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum” (Tune: “Revive Us Again”) O, why don’t you work Like other men do? How in the hell can I work When there’s no work to do. (Chorus) Hallelujah, I’m a bum, Hallelujah, bum again, Hallelujah, give us a handout – To revive us again. O, why don’t you save All the money you earn? If I did not eat I’d have money to burn. (repeat Chorus) I can’t buy a job, For I ain’t got the dough, So I ride in a box-car, For I’m a hobo.2 2 Harry McClintocK, “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum,” in Rebel Voices, 133. 2 Such songs were included in many Wobbly publications and serve to powerfully, sometimes irreverently, illustrate the plight of migrant workers during this period. Indeed, by 1910, at the height of the Progressive Era, the United States was home to 10,400,000 unskilled male workers. More than 3,500,000 of them worked as lumberjacks, construction workers, ice cutters, railroad section hands, seasonal harvesters, and numerous other jobs that could be classified as migratory.3 Unstable employment compelled these workers to move across the country from town to town, state to state, in search of work. The majority of itinerants were concentrated in the American West, typically single, young men working in labor camps and company towns owned by logging and mining firms. Many migrant workers travelled along the rails in empty cattle cars, for the railroads served as the arteries of an emerging hobo subculture. Yet they were effectively disfranchised by virtue of their itinerancy, lacking permanent addresses and thereby the ability to vote. They existed instead on the fringes of American life, a wandering class of industrial refugees.4 This study aims to explore how it came to be that the IWW’s role in the Progressive Era was to serve as a home for those workers who were neglected by progressive reform and excluded by the mainstream labor movement. The IWW had been, since its founding in 1905, committed to the principle of revolutionary industrial unionism. In other words, they objected to the exclusive nature of craft unionism, practiced by the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which privileged skilled workers, 3 Carleton H. ParKer, Introduction to The Casual Laborer: And Other Essays (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Howe, 1920), 17. 4 MarK Wyman, Hoboes, Bindlestiffs, Fruit Tramps, and the Harvesting of the West (New YorK: Hill and Wang, 2010), ch. 3. 3 most of whom were white, male, and native-born. Craft unionism, they argued, kept the working class divided in its revolutionary struggle against capitalism. Industrial unionism, by contrast, was meant to embrace all workers, including the most marginalized and alienated elements within the American working class: immigrants, racial minorities, women, and unskilled workers in general. The inimitable William “Big Bill” Haywood, perhaps the most famous Wobbly, would say at the founding convention, it “did not make a bit of difference if he is a negro or a white man . an American or a foreigner,” the IWW intended to organize the entire working class. The IWW leadership was, moreover, composed of radicals from the labor and socialist movements. They were united in their support of industrial unionism; united in their aim of achieving socialism. Again, Haywood at the founding convention: When the corporations and the capitalists understand that you are organized for the express purpose of placing the supervision of industry in the hands of those who do the work, you are going to be harassed and you are going to be subjected to every indignity and cruelty that their minds can invent.5 By the time of the 1908 convention, however, an ideological rift had developed between anti-political anarchists and political socialists in the IWW on precisely how to bring about the Wobbly’s revolutionary aims.6 The arrival of the Overalls Brigade in Chicago for the fourth annual convention was therefore no exercise in fancy, but rather a planned maneuver by which the hoboes were to tilt the balance of power within the IWW 5 William D. Haywood, “Opening Speech,” Minutes of the Founding Convention of Industrial Workers of the World, June 27, 1905, accessed at http://www.iww.org/about/founding/part1, n.p.; hereafter referred to as Minutes of the Founding Convention. 6 Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, Vol. IV: The Industrial Workers of the World, 1905-1917 (New York: International Publishers, 1965), 81-113; Melvyn DubofsKy, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World, 2nd ed. (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 67-83. 4 leadership and decidedly change the trajectory of this revolutionary industrial union. In what was a veritable coup d’état, the western migrants, serving as an official delegation to the convention, threw their spirited and militant support behind the so-called “direct actionists.”7 Led by William Trautmann and Vincent St. John, the direct actionists opposed parliamentary tactics and political action in favor of direct action, initiated by the workers themselves without the intervention of politicians, political parties, or other mediators.
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