The Yugoslav Tragedy
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Rural-Urban Differences and the Break-Up of Yugoslavia L’Opposition Ville-Campagne Et La Dissolution De La Yougoslavie
Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires Vol. VI, n° 1-2 | 2002 Volume VI Numéro 1-2 Rural-urban differences and the break-up of Yugoslavia L’opposition ville-campagne et la dissolution de la Yougoslavie John B. Allcock Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/447 DOI: 10.4000/balkanologie.447 ISSN: 1965-0582 Publisher Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk) Printed version Date of publication: 1 December 2002 Number of pages: 101-125 ISSN: 1279-7952 Electronic reference John B. Allcock, « Rural-urban differences and the break-up of Yugoslavia », Balkanologie [Online], Vol. VI, n° 1-2 | 2002, Online since 04 February 2009, connection on 17 December 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/447 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.447 © Tous droits réservés Balkanologie VI (1-2), décembre 2002, p. 101-125 \ 101 RURAL-URBAN DIFFERENCES AND THE BREAK-UP OF YUGOSLAVIA* John B. Allcock* INTRODUCTION There has been widespread debate over the possible causes of the break up of the former Yugoslav federation, encompassing a broad choice of political, economic and cultural factors within the country, as well as aspects of its in ternational setting, which might be considered to have undermined the in tegrity of the state. Relatively little attention has been paid, however, to the importance of rural-urban differences in the development of these social and political conflicts. I set it out in this paper to remind the reader of the impor tance of this dimension of the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, al though within the format of a brief article it is possible to do no more than il lustrate a hypothesis which will certainly require more rigorous empirical examination. -
Medical Management of Biologic Casualties Handbook
USAMRIID’s MEDICAL MANAGEMENT OF BIOLOGICAL CASUALTIES HANDBOOK Fourth Edition February 2001 U.S. ARMY MEDICAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF INFECTIOUS DISEASES ¨ FORT DETRICK FREDERICK, MARYLAND 1 Sources of information: National Response Center 1-800-424-8802 or (for chem/bio hazards & terrorist events) 1-202-267-2675 National Domestic Preparedness Office: 1-202-324-9025 (for civilian use) Domestic Preparedness Chem/Bio Help line: 1-410-436-4484 or (Edgewood Ops Center - for military use) DSN 584-4484 USAMRIID Emergency Response Line: 1-888-872-7443 CDC'S Bioterrorism Preparedness and Response Center: 1-770-488-7100 John's Hopkins Center for Civilian Biodefense: 1-410-223-1667 (Civilian Biodefense Studies) An Adobe Acrobat Reader (pdf file) version and a Palm OS Electronic version of this Handbook can both be downloaded from the Internet at: http://www.usamriid.army.mil/education/bluebook.html 2 USAMRIID’s MEDICAL MANAGEMENT OF BIOLOGICAL CASUALTIES HANDBOOK Fourth Edition February 2001 Editors: LTC Mark Kortepeter LTC George Christopher COL Ted Cieslak CDR Randall Culpepper CDR Robert Darling MAJ Julie Pavlin LTC John Rowe COL Kelly McKee, Jr. COL Edward Eitzen, Jr. Comments and suggestions are appreciated and should be addressed to: Operational Medicine Department Attn: MCMR-UIM-O U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases (USAMRIID) Fort Detrick, Maryland 21702-5011 3 PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION The Medical Management of Biological Casualties Handbook, which has become affectionately known as the "Blue Book," has been enormously successful - far beyond our expectations. Since the first edition in 1993, the awareness of biological weapons in the United States has increased dramatically. -
Memorial of the Republic of Croatia
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE CASE CONCERNING THE APPLICATION OF THE CONVENTION ON THE PREVENTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE (CROATIA v. YUGOSLAVIA) MEMORIAL OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA APPENDICES VOLUME 5 1 MARCH 2001 II III Contents Page Appendix 1 Chronology of Events, 1980-2000 1 Appendix 2 Video Tape Transcript 37 Appendix 3 Hate Speech: The Stimulation of Serbian Discontent and Eventual Incitement to Commit Genocide 45 Appendix 4 Testimonies of the Actors (Books and Memoirs) 73 4.1 Veljko Kadijević: “As I see the disintegration – An Army without a State” 4.2 Stipe Mesić: “How Yugoslavia was Brought Down” 4.3 Borisav Jović: “Last Days of the SFRY (Excerpts from a Diary)” Appendix 5a Serb Paramilitary Groups Active in Croatia (1991-95) 119 5b The “21st Volunteer Commando Task Force” of the “RSK Army” 129 Appendix 6 Prison Camps 141 Appendix 7 Damage to Cultural Monuments on Croatian Territory 163 Appendix 8 Personal Continuity, 1991-2001 363 IV APPENDIX 1 CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS1 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE CHRONOLOGY BH Bosnia and Herzegovina CSCE Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe CK SKJ Centralni komitet Saveza komunista Jugoslavije (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia) EC European Community EU European Union FRY Federal Republic of Yugoslavia HDZ Hrvatska demokratska zajednica (Croatian Democratic Union) HV Hrvatska vojska (Croatian Army) IMF International Monetary Fund JNA Jugoslavenska narodna armija (Yugoslav People’s Army) NAM Non-Aligned Movement NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation -
Americans and Russians Are Mostly Disinterested and Disengaged with Each Other
Americans and Russians Are Mostly Disinterested and Disengaged with Each Other Brendan Helm, Research Assistant, Public Opinion, Chicago Council on Global Affairs Arik Burakovsky, Assistant Director, Russia and Eurasia Program, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University Lily Wojtowicz, Research Associate, Public Opinion, Chicago Council on Global Affairs August 2019 The last few years have seen a substantial deterioration in relations between the United States and Russia. The international crisis over Ukraine, Russia’s interference in the 2016 US presidential election, and US sanctions against Russia have all contributed to the growing acrimony. Recent surveys conducted by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and the Levada Analytical Center reveal that large majorities of both Russians and Americans now view their countries as rivals. But in the midst of heightened tensions between Moscow and Washington, how do regular citizens of each country view one another? A joint project conducted by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, the Levada Analytical Center, and The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University shows that despite the perception of rivalry between their countries, Russians’ and Americans’ views on the people of the other country are more favorable. However, the survey results also show that Russians and Americans are not particularly curious about each other, they rarely follow news about one another, and the majority of each group has never met someone from the other. Nonetheless, self-reported interests from each side in arts and sciences suggest that there are non-political paths toward warmer relations. Key Findings • 68 percent of Americans view Russians either very or fairly positively, while 48 percent of Russians have those views of Americans. -
Yugoslav Destruction After the Cold War
STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR A dissertation presented by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj to The Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Political Science Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2015 STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2015 2 Abstract This research investigates the causes of Yugoslavia’s violent destruction in the 1990’s. It builds its argument on the interaction of international and domestic factors. In doing so, it details the origins of Yugoslav ideology as a fluid concept rooted in the early 19th century Croatian national movement. Tracing the evolving nationalist competition among Serbs and Croats, it demonstrates inherent contradictions of the Yugoslav project. These contradictions resulted in ethnic outbidding among Croatian nationalists and communists against the perceived Serbian hegemony. This dynamic drove the gradual erosion of Yugoslav state capacity during Cold War. The end of Cold War coincided with the height of internal Yugoslav conflict. Managing the collapse of Soviet Union and communism imposed both strategic and normative imperatives on the Western allies. These imperatives largely determined external policy toward Yugoslavia. They incentivized and inhibited domestic actors in pursuit of their goals. The result was the collapse of the country with varying degrees of violence. The findings support further research on international causes of civil wars. -
John Lewis' 'Good Trouble' Handbook
“THE RIGHT TO VOTE IS THE MOST POWERFUL NONVIOLENT TOOL WE HAVE IN A DEMOCRACY. I RISKED MY LIFE DEFENDING THAT RIGHT.” – Congressman John Lewis, John Lewis: Good Trouble Go to Map GOOD TROUBLE Congressman John Lewis’ life’s work has changed the very fabric of this country. Born in During the protest, John Lewis was hit on the head by a state trooper and suffered a the heart of the Jim Crow South, in the shadow of slavery, he saw the profound injustice fractured skull. On Bloody Sunday, Lewis risked his life for the right to vote and has since all around him and knew, from a young age, that he wanted to do something about it. By devoted his life to ensuring that every American has access to the ballot box. his late teens, he had joined the first Freedom Riders and later became the chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), one of the groups responsible Unfortunately, Congressman Lewis’ work did not end with the Civil Rights era. In 2013, for organizing the 1963 March on Washington. On August 28, 1963, on the steps of the Voting Rights Act, for which he shed his blood, was effectively gutted by a Supreme the Lincoln Memorial, John Lewis gave his own rousing speech alongside some of the Court decision, Shelby County v. Holder. In the years since, voter suppression targeting greatest leaders of the civil rights movement, including Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. communities of color has significantly increased. But it was March 7, 1965, that etched Congressman Lewis into the American psyche. -
Book Reviews ∵
southeastern europe 41 (2017) 231-245 brill.com/seeu Book Reviews ∵ Josip Manolić Politika i domovina: Moja borba za suverenu i socijalnu Hrvatsku (Zagreb, Croatia: Golden Marketing, 2015) 406 pp., isbn 978-953-212-454-5. The 1990s may be receding into history, but recent events in the Balkans sometimes make it seem like the dreadful decade never ended. Throughout the former Yugoslavia, new memoirs written by major actors in the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the wars of Yugoslav succession are being published regular- ly. One of these is Politics and Homeland: My Struggle for a Sovereign and Social Croatia by Josip Manolić, the second prime minister of Croatia from August 1990 to July 1991. Manolić’s short tenure in this post belies his influence. He belongs to the old guard of the Croatian political elite, with a career going back to the Partisan movement during the Second World War, and subsequent posts in the state se- curity service (ozna/udba) and the public security service. In the mid-1960s, Manolić shifted to politics but then subsequently fell from power as one of the many casualties of the purges that followed the Croatian Spring. At the end of the 1980s, Manolić became involved in the establishment of the Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, hdz). In the early 1990s, he also for a time supervised the work of the Croatian security services. Given his long and eventful life - Manolić was born in 1920 near Đurđevac – the reader of these memoirs may justifiably expect some interesting tales. There are indeed some noteworthy revelations to be found, but generally speaking this volume is a dry read that will discourage all but the keenest students of Croatian history and politics. -
Članci Republika Srpska Krajina and the Right of Peoples to Self-Determination*
ČLANCI PETER RADAN, PhD, Professor of Law Macquarie University, Sydney Sydney, New South Wels, 2109, Australia [email protected] UDK: 341.231 originalan naučni rad 323.1(497.5) primljeno: 17. maj 2017. prihvaćeno: 11. oktobar 2017. DOI: 10.29362/IST20VEKA.2018.1.RAD.9-34 REPUBLIKA SRPSKA KRAJINA AND THE RIGHT * OF PEOPLES TO SELF-DETERMINATION ABSTRACT: In Part I of this article author details the claims to inde- pendent statehood of Croatia and Krajina based upon the right of peoples to self-determination in the context of the emergence of nationalism as a powerful political force in Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. He also details the response of the international community to the crisis which these irreconcilable claims gave rise to. In Part II author explores the reasons why the secession of Croatia suc- ceeded and the secession of Krajina failed. Finally, the ramifications of Croa- tia’s and Krajina’s competing claims to statehood for the right of peoples to self-determination are discussed in the Conclusion. KEYWORDS: Republika Srpska Krajina, The break-up of Yugoslavia, War in Croatia 1991–1995, International Law, Self-determination, Secession, Inter-ethnic relations, National Minorities, Serbs in Croatia, Nationalism Introduction On 9 November 1989 the Berlin Wall came down. More than any other, this event of that tumultuous year symbolised the end of the Cold War and ush- ered in what Allen Buchanan has called ‘the age of secession’.1 The usual justi- fication for secessionist demands was the right of peoples to self-determination. One of the means by which this right is realised is by ‘the establishment of a sovereign and independent state’.2 The critical question for self-determination relates to the meaning of ‘peoples’. -
Same Soil, Different Roots: the Use of Ethno-Specific Narratives During the Homeland War in Croatia
Same Soil, Different Roots: The Use of Ethno-Specific Narratives During the Homeland War in Croatia Una Bobinac A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts in International Studies, Russian, Eastern European, Central Asian Studies University of Washington 2015 Committee: James Felak Daniel Chirot Bojan Belić Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Jackson School of International Studies 2 @Copyright 2015 Una Bobinac 3 University of Washington Abstract Same Soil, Different Roots: The Use of Ethno-Specific Narratives During the Homeland War in Croatia Una Bobinac Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor James Felak History This work looks at the way interpretations and misrepresentations of the history of World War II changed and evolved and their ultimate consequence on the Homeland War in Croatia from 1991 to 1995 between the resident Serb and Croat populations. Explored are the way official narratives were constructed by the communist regime, how and why this narrative was deconstructed, and by more ethno-specific narratives prevailed that fueled the nationalist tendencies of the war. This paper is organized chronologically, beginning with the historical background that puts the rest of the paper into context. The paper also discusses the nationalist resurfacing before the war by examining the Croatian Spring, nationalist re-writings of history, and other matters that influenced the war. The majority of the paper analyzes the way WWII was remembered and dismembered during the late 1980’s and early 1990’s by looking at rhetoric, publications, commemorations, and the role of the Catholic and Serbian Orthodox Churches. Operation Storm, which was the climax of the Homeland War and which expelled 200,000 Serbs serves as an end-point. -
“Diaspora” During the War in Yugoslavia Global Studies
CENTER FOR Global Studies Project on Global Migration and Transnational Politics ISSN 1941-7586 The Invention of the Croatian Diaspora: Unpacking the Politics of “Diaspora” During the War in Yugoslavia Francesco Ragazzi Ph.D. candidate Institut d’Etudes Politiques (Paris) and Northwestern University (Chicago) Global Migration and Transnational Politics Working Paper no. 10 November 2009 The Center for Global Studies at George Mason University was founded to promote multidisciplinary research on globalization. The Center comprises more than 100 associated faculty members whose collective expertise spans the full range of disciplines. The Center sponsors CGS Working Groups, publishes the Global Studies Review, and conducts research on a broad range of themes. The Project on Global Migration and Transnational Politics, a partnership between CGS and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, investigates how political dynamics around the globe have been transformed by new patterns of human mobility and the development of innovative transnational social networks. The project sponsors research workshops, working papers, and conferences that all focus on developing a new research agenda for understanding how global migration has transformed politics. WEB: cgs.gmu.edu ISSN 1941-7586 Francesco Ragazzi The Invention of the Croatian Diaspora: Unpacking the Politics of “Diaspora” During the War in Yugoslavia Francesco Ragazzi Ph.D. candidate, Institut d’Etudes Politiques (Paris) and Northwestern University (Chicago) Abstract: The Croatian “diaspora” is an invention of the 1990’s. Over the course of the 20th- century, Croats living abroad were traditionally divided into three socio-political categories: “old emigrants,” “political émigrés” and “guest workers.” At the turn of the 1990’s, rising ethnic tensions in Yugoslavia pushed these groups towards a short-lived unity when diasporic organizations provided a vast humanitarian, military and lobbying support for the newly founded state of Croatia. -
The Croatian Spring
South-East European Studies Seminar Series TheThe Croatian Croatian Spring Spring 1966-71 with Dr. Ante Batovic, hosted by Dr. Bojan Aleksov Tuesday 10 October 2017 18:00-20:00 Masaryk Room, 4th Floor, UCL School of Slavonic and East European Studies 16 Taviton Street, Bloomsbury, London, WC1H 0BW The ‘Croatian Spring’ is the national liberal movement of de-centralisation and democratisation that began in the mid-sixties after the fall of the vice president and head of the Yugoslav secret police Aleksandar Ranković. The author chronicles these developments in communist Yugoslavia, placing them in the wider context of the Cold War and Yugoslav relations with the Soviet Union and the United States. Tito balanced national stability and his relations with East and West, until he felt that the national-liberal movements challenged his authority, and thus threaten the very foundations of the Yugoslav state. From late 1971, the liberal political and cultural classes of Croatia and other republics were abruptly purged, impoverishing Yugoslav leadership for subsequent decades. Praise for The Croatian Spring: “Ante Batović’s book, based on extensive research in American, British, NATO, Croatian and Serbian archives, provides not just an authoritative account of an important, though relatively little known, episode in Cold War history. It shines a spotlight more generally on how the West viewed Yugoslavia as a pivotal state in the Cold War.” - Robin Harris, Historian Ante Batović is a Cold War historian, with a special interest in Eastern Europe and the Balkans. He published on the Croatian post-war history and Yugoslav foreign policy. Bojan Aleksov is a Senior Lecturer in the UCL SSEES, specialising in the nexus between religion and nationalism in modern Balkan history. -
None of the Above*
None Of The Above Gergely Ujhelyi, Somdeep Chatterjee, and Andrea Szabóy March 12, 2019 Abstract Who are “protest voters” and do they affect elections? We study this question using the introduction of a pure protest option (“None Of The Above”) on Indian ballots. To infer individual behavior from administrative data, we borrow a model from the consumer demand literature in Industrial Organization. We find that in elections without NOTA, most protest voters simply abstain. Protest voters who turn out scatter their votes among many candidates and consequently have little impact on election results. From a policy perspective, NOTA may be an effective tool to increase political participation, and can attenuate the electoral impact of compulsory voting. We thank Sourav Bhattacharya, Francisco Cantú, Alessandra Casella, Aimee Chin, Julien Labonne, Arvind Magesan, Eric Mbakop, Suresh Naidu, Mike Ting, and especially Thomas Fujiwara for useful com- ments and suggestions. We also thank seminar participants at Oxford, Columbia, WUSTL, Calgary, the 2016 Wallis Institute Conference, the 2016 Banff Workshop in Empirical Microeconomics, NEUDC 2016, and the 2016 STATA Texas Empirical Microeconomics conference for comments. Thanks to seminar participants at the Indian Statistical Institute Kolkata, Indian Institute of Technology Kanpur, and Public Choice Society 2015 for feedback on an earlier version. We gratefully acknowledge use of the Maxwell/Opuntia Cluster and support from the Center for Advanced Computing and Data Systems at the University of Houston. A previous version of the paper circulated under “‘None Of The Above’Votes in India and the Consumption Utility of Voting”(first version: November 1, 2015). yAuthor affi liations and contact: Department of Economics, University of Houston, [email protected]; Business Environment (Economics) Group, Indian Institute of Management Lucknow, [email protected]; Department of Economics, University of Houston, [email protected].