Severus of Antioch As Theologian, Dogmatician, Pastor, and Hymnographer
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QL 92 (2011) 361-375 doi: 10.2143/QL.92.4.2164152 © 2011, all rights reserved SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH AS THEOLOGIAN, DOGMATICIAN, PASTOR, AND HYMNOGRAPHER A Consideration of His Work on the Feast of the Ascension1 The homilies and hymns of Severus, patriarch of Syrian Antioch from 512-518, are a precious source for the history of the liturgy in Antioch and for the church in late antiquity in general.2 A dedicated opponent of the Council of Chalcedon, Severus was a monk, lobbyist, preacher, hymnographer, letter-writer, theologian, and pastor.3 Even during the 1. This paper grew out of a contribution to the International Workshop on Ascension and Pentecost Sermons in Late Antique Christianity, organized by Professor Johan Leemans and Dr Richard Bishop on 28 and 29 November 2011 at KU Leuven. I am grateful to the organizers and to participants in the workshop for a generous and fruitful exchange of ideas. 2. See Anton Baumstark, “Das Kirchenjahr in Antiocheia zwischen 512 und 518,” Römische Quartalschrift 11 (1897) 31-66; Maurice Brière, Introduction à toutes les homélies, PO 29/1, 50-62; Geoffrey J. Cuming, “The Liturgy of Antioch in the Time of Severus (513-518),” in Time and Community. In Honor of Thomas Julian Talley, ed. J. Neil Alexander (Washington, DC: Pastoral Press, 1990) 83-103; Frédéric Alpi, La route royale: Sévère d’Antioche et les Églises d’Orient (512-518). Vol. 1: Texts. Vol. 2: Sources et Documents, Bibliothèque archéologique et historique, 188 (Beirut: Ifpo, 2009) esp. vol. 1, 63-194; Wendy Mayer and Pauline Allen, The Churches of Syrian Antioch 300-638 CE, Late Antique History and Religion, 5 (Leuven: Peeters, 2012). 3. On Severus see the foundational work by Joseph Lebon, Le Monophysisme sévérien: Étude historique, littéraire et théologique sur la résistance monophysite au Concile de Chalcédoine jusqu’à la constitution de l’Église jacobite (Louvain: Josephus Van Linthout, 1909); revised in idem, “La Christologie du monophysisme syrien,” in Das Konzil von Chalkedon: Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 2, ed. Alois Grillmeier and Heinrich Bacht (Würzburg: Echter, 1951) 425-580; Roberta C. Chesnut, Three Monophysite Christologies: Severus of Antioch, Philoxenus of Mabbug and Jacob of Sarug (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976) 9-56; Alois Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition. Vol. 2: From the Council of Chalcedon (451) to Gregory the Great (590-604). Part Two: The Church of Constantinople in the Sixth Century (London/Louisville, KY: Mowbray and Westminster John Knox Press, 1995), with Theresia Hainthaler, trans. John Cawte and Pauline Allen, 17-173; Ian R. Torrance, Christology after Chalcedon: Severus of Antioch and Sergius the Monophysite (Norwich: The Canterbury Press, 1998), repr. as The Correspondence of Severus and Sergius, Texts 362 Pauline Allen twenty-year exile that followed his banishment from the patriarchate of Antioch in 518, Severus was active. From his time in office we have 125 homilies, surviving for the most part only in Syriac translations from the Greek, that illustrate liturgical life in sixth-century Antioch and its vicinity. In addition, hymns for various feast-days and events like natural disasters, wars, and funerals have come down to us, again in Syriac translations. From Severus we have three homilies4 and five hymns5 on the Ascension, making this the only corpus of liturgical pieces on the feast from the Greek East from the sixth to the eighth centuries.6 In addition, there is one homily and one hymn on the Feast of Mid-Pentecost,7 a somewhat curious, regionally restricted, and, in many locations, short- lived celebration that was meant to bridge the liturgical gap half-way between Easter and Pentecost.8 It is my intention in this paper to situate all these works as far as possible in their Greek-speaking liturgical and theological contexts, bearing in mind that we have to rely on Syriac translations.9 from Christian Late Antiquity, 11 (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2011); Pauline Allen and C. T. Robert Hayward, Severus of Antioch, The Early Church Fathers (London/New York: Routledge, 2004). 4. Homilies 24 and 47, ed. Maurice Brière and François Graffin, PO 37/1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1975) 134-145, and PO 35/3 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1969) 304-315, respectively; and Homily 71, ed. Maurice Brière, PO 12/1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1985) 52-70. 5. These are Hymns 103-i-IV, 104-ii-III, 105-iii-VI, 106-iv-IV, and 107-v-VII, all edited with English translation by Ernest W. Brooks, PO 6/1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1971) 141-146. 6. There is no recent comprehensive treatment of the Ascension feast and its place in the post-paschal liturgical cycle. See, however, Georg Kretschmar, “Himmelfahrt und Pfingsten,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte Vierte Folge, 66 (1954-1955) 209-253; Robert Cabié, La Pentecôte: L’évolution de la Cinquantaine pascale au cours des cinq premiers siècles, Bibliothèque de Liturgie (Tournai: Desclée, 1965); Alfons Weiser and Horst Georg Pöhlmann, “Himmelfahrt Christi. I: Neues Testament. II: Kirchengeschichtlich/Systematisch-theologisch,” Theologische Realenzyklopädie 15 (1986) 330-341; Harald Buchinger, “Pfingsten,” Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, forthcoming. 7. Homily 46, ed. Maurice Brière and François Graffin, PO 35/3 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1969) 288-303; Hymn 102-i-V, ed. Brooks, PO 6/1, 140. 8. See the exhaustive study on this feast by Hubertus R. Drobner, “Die Festpredigten der Mesopentecoste in der alten Kirche,” Augustinianum 33 (1993) 137-170 (= Richerche patristiche in onore di Dom Basil Studer). 9. On which see Christopher J. A. Lash, “Techniques of a Translator: Worknotes on the Methods of Jacob of Edessa in Translating the Homilies of Severus of Antioch,” in Überlieferungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, ed. Johannes Dümmer, Johannes Irmscher, and Kurt Treu, Texte und Untersuchungen zur altchristlichen Literatur, 125 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1981) 365-383. Severus of Antioch on the Feast of the Ascension 363 Homilies10 Homily 24 on the Ascension was delivered on Thursday, 16 May 513. In its title we are told that not only the feast-day itself will be commemorated but also the gift of a purple robe from the emperor Anastasius (491-518).11 At the outset Christ’s earthly pedigree is briefly given: he is the Son of Man, the son of Mary, of Bethlehem and of Nazareth, who has gone up into heaven. In these celestial realms, among the spiritual and bodiless armies, he is both a foreigner and not a foreigner, in that for the first time he is occupying a familiar throne in his earthly body, while, in becoming human without change as a result of the incarnation, he had in fact never left heaven, even as he was mixing with human beings.12 These observations are then put into the perspective of the divine economy, now accomplished on this feast-day, which dictated that while the Logos filled the earth before his incarnation, now in ascended human bodily form he is filling everything, and at the same time raising human beings towards a life in heaven with him. The soteriological theme that Christ’s bodily ascension presages that of humanity recurs in Severus’ thought and was part of the Ascension tradition; it is borne out by the patriarch here by reference to Ephesians 2:6, 7: He raised us up with him, and made us sit with him in the heavenly places in Christ Jesus…13 This redemption of the human race from the curse of expulsion from Paradise, from its capitulation to Satan, demons, human passions, and idolatry, says Severus, has been effected 10. On Severus as a homilist see Baumstark, “Das Kirchenjahr” (a negative view); Hans-Joachim Höhn in Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition, vol. 2/2, 128-147 (presenting Severus simply as a dogmatician); commendatory in Alexandre Olivar, “Sever d’Antioquia et la història de la predicació,” Rivista Catalana di Teologia 5 (1980) 403-442; idem, La Predicación Cristiana Antigua, Biblioteca Herder: Sección de teología y filosofía (Barcelona: Editorial Herder, 1991) 180-201; cf. Pauline Allen, “Severus of Antioch and the Homily: The End of the Beginning?,” in The Sixth Century – End or Beginning?, ed. Pauline Allen and Elizabeth Jeffreys, Byzantina Australiensia, 10 (Brisbane: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, 1996) 165-177; eadem, “A Bishop’s Spirituality: The Case of Severus of Antioch,” in Prayer and Spirituality in the Early Church, ed. Pauline Allen, Raymond Canning, and Lawrence Cross, vol. 1 (Brisbane: Centre for Early Christian Studies, 1998) 169-180; René Roux, L’exégèse biblique dans les Homélies Cathédrales de Sévère d’Antioche, Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 84 (Rome: Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, 2002); Youhanna Nessim Youssef, “The Coptic Marian Homilies of Severus of Antioch,” Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte 43 (2004) 127-140. On early Christian homilies in general see the survey in Federico Fatti, “Predicazione,” Nuovo Dizionario Patristico e di Antichità Cristiane. Vol. 3: P-Z (Genoa/Milan: Marietti, 2008) 4257-4298 (with lit.). 11. PO 37/1, 135. 12. This is a quotation from Baruch 3:38 that occurs later in the homily as well, and may have been part of the readings of the day. For the contents see PO 37/1, 135. 13. PO 37/1, 135. 364 Pauline Allen precisely by the incarnation of the second Adam, who was one before the incarnation, and afterwards one from two natures. This emphasis on one from two is, of course, a typical anti-Chalcedonian theological statement about the incarnation,14 and one with which the patriarch of Antioch gladly continues. As usual, the emphasis is on the hypostatic union of the Logos, through the Spirit and Mary, with a body consubstantial with ours, except for sin (cf. Heb 4:15), a hit against the docetic doctrine, and on the fact that, against the Apollinarians, Christ is said to have had a human intelligence.