Severusofantioch

Severus of Antioch

His Life and Times

Edited by

John D’Alton Youhanna Youssef

leiden | boston

Foreword vii Bishop Suriel Preface ix Bishop Mor Malatios Malki Malki Notes on Contributors xi Introduction xiv

Severus of Antioch: Heir of Saint John Chrysostom? 1 Pauline Allen

Se glorifier de sa ville et de son siège? La grandeur d’Antioche et le mépris des titres chez Sévère le Grand 14 Roger-Youssef Akhrass

A Letter from the Orthodox Monasteries of the Orient Sent to Alexandria, Addressed to Severos 32 Sebastian P. Brock

The Asceticism of Severus: An Analysis of Struggle in His Homily 18 on the “Forty Holy Martyrs” Compared to the Cappadocians and the Syrians 47 John D’Alton

Quotations from the Works of St. Severus of Antioch in Peter of Callinicus’ magnum opus ‘Contra Damianum’ 65 Rifaat Ebied

Severus of Antioch and Changing Miaphysite Attitudes toward Byzantium 124 Nestor Kavvadas

The Doves of Antioch: Severus, Chalcedonians, Monothelites, and Iconoclasm 138 Ken Parry

Severus of Antioch at the Crossroad of the Antiochene and Alexandrian Exegetical Tradition 160 René Roux

Hymns of Severus of Antioch and the Coptic Theotokia 183 Youhanna Nessim Youssef

Index 199

Youhanna Nessim Youssef

Introduction

Severus of Antioch has a special veneration in the Coptic Church.1 In previous studies, we highlighted the role of Severus of Antioch in the Coptic Theotokia,2 especially the homilies 14 and 67 which commemorate a local tradition of the visit of the Virgin Mary to Elisabeth. These homilies were translated from Greek into Syriac3 and Coptic.4 The homilies 2 and 4 were delivered by Severus of Antioch in the advent of the first year of his ordination.5 While the liturgical6 context of the homilies is known, the context of the hymns by contrast,7 as well as their content, has not been analysed. Their authorship remains questionable as the title of the book is Hymns of Severus and others. In this paper, we will compare the hymns with the homilies, and highlight the importance of the hymns of Severus as a source of the Coptic Theotokia and later in relation to the Ethiopic Marian literature.

1 Youhanna Nessim Youssef, “Notes on the cult of Severus of Antioch in Egypt,” Ephemerides Liturgicae 115 (2001/1): 101–107. 2 Youhanna Nessim Youssef, “Severus of Antioch in the Coptic Theotokia,” in B. Neil, G. Dunn and L. Cross (eds), Prayer and Spirituality in the Early Church: Liturgy and life, Volume 3 (Sydney: St Paul’s, 2003), 93–108. Id., “The Coptic Marian homilies of Severus of Antioch,” Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte 43 (2004): 127–140. 3 M. Brière, F. Graffin, C. Lash, J.-M. Sauget, Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d’Antioche, i– xvii, (Patrologia Orientalis 38/2), (Turnhout: Brepols, 1972), 400–414. 4 E. Porcher, “Un discours sur la sainte Vierge par Sévère d’Antioche,”Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 20 (1915–1917): 416–423. E. Lucchesi, “Notice touchant l’homélie xiv de Sévère d’Antioche,” Vigiliae Christianae 33, (1979): 291–293. Id., “L’homélie xiv de Sévère d’Antioche: un second témoin copte,” Aegyptus 86 (2006): 199–205. 5 F. Alpi, La route royale: Sévère d’Antioche et les Églises d’Orient (512–518), (Bibliothèque Ar- chéologique et Historique 188 vol. 1), (Beyrouth: Institut Français du Proche Orient, 2009), 139. 6 G.J. Cuming, “The Liturgy of Antioch in the Time of Severus (513–518),” in J.N. Alexander (ed.), Time and Community: In Honor of Thomas J. Talley (Washington, dc: The Pastoral Press, 1990), 83–103. 7 For the hymns of Severus cf. E. Lucchesi, “Hymnes de Sévère et sur Sévère,”Aegyptus 88 (2008): 165–198.

The Hymns of Severus

As the book bears the title Hymns of Severus and Others, it is not an easy task to determine what belongs really to Severus and what belongs to others but we may assume that Severus of Antioch composed hymns for each subject that is treated in his homilies. We have a similar situation in the Ethiopic Synaxarium where after each event commemorated we find what is called the “Salam” (Praise).

The table below compares the topics treated in the hymns and the homilies.

Subject Homily8 Hymn9

Nativity 7, 36, 63, 101, 115 1–14/228 Epiphany 10, 38, 66, 85, 103, 117 15–25/211/255 Lent 15/16, 39, 68, 87, 105, 120 26–34

8 Homilies po nº pp

M. Brière, F. Graffin 1–17 38/2–1976 175 246–470 M. Brière, F. Graffin 18–25 37/1 1975 171 1–180 M. Brière, F. Graffin 26–31 36/4 1974 170 536–676 M. Brière, F. Graffin, C. Lash 32–39 36/3 1972 169 391–535 M. Brière, F. Graffin 40–45 36/1 1971 167 1–135 M. Brière, F. Graffin 46–51 35/3 1969 165 281–390 R. Duval 52–57 4/1 1906 15 1–94 M. Brière 58–69 8/2 1911 37 209–396 M. Brière 70–76 12/1 1915 57 1–164 M.A. Kugener, E. Triffaux 77 16/5 1924 81 761–865 M. Brière 78–83 20/2 1927 97 271–434 M. Brière 84–90 23/1 1931 112 1–176 M. Brière 91–98 25/1 1935 121 1–174 I. Guidi 99–103 22/2 1930 108 201–312 M. Brière 104–112 25/4 1943 124 619–816 M. Brière 113–119 26/3 1940 127 259–450 M. Brière 120–125 29/1 1960 138 1–262

9 E. Brooks, The Hymns of Severus of Antioch and Others, Patrologia Orientalis 6 fasc. 1 (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1910), Id. Patrologia Orientalis 7 fasc. 5, (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1911).

Subject Homily Hymn

On the preparation for entering to 40, 69, 88, 106, 121 90–91 the Baptistery Palm Sunday 22 51–57 On the robber 20 65 On persons baptized 21, 42, 70, 90, 109, 123 92–101/229 On the Holy mid-Pentecost 46, 92, 102 On the Ascension of our Lord 24, 47, 71 103–107/230 On the Genuflexion/ Pentecost 25, 48; 74, 92 108–114 On the holy God Bearer 14, 67 117–122/217/231 On John the Baptist 32, 61 123–126 On holy Stephen the martyr 7 127–128 The Apostles 129 On the Apostle Thomas 28 134 Sergius and Bacchus 57 143–144/145 On Saint Thecla the Martyr 97 160 Thalleliaos 110 Leontius the Martyr 27, 50 138 On St Babylas the Martyr 11 141–142 Simon the Stylite 30 147 St Antony the Great 12, 86 148 On the holy Maccabee martyrs 52 149–150 On the xl martyrs 18, 41 155–159 On Saint Drosis the martyr 5, 100, 114 161–162 On Saint Athanasius 91 183 On ss Basil and Gregory 9, 37, 65, 84, 102, 116 182, 184 On drought 19 252–254/256 On earthquake 31 257–262 On Vitalian the Tyrant 34 263 When he returned from visiting 61 272 monasteries Of admonition and on theatres 26 274–293 and dancing

The Coptic Theotokia

The Theotokia are part of the Psalmodia service. According to Abu al-Barakat ibn Kabar10 (priest of the hanging church—Old Cairo) (+1324ad) in his encyclopedia The Lamp of Darkness for the Explanation of the Service,11 Manuscript Paris Arabe12 fol. 202v ﰒﺑﻌﺪذكلﯾﻘﺎلاﻟﺜﺎوﺿﻮﻛﯿﺎتوﱔﻣﻌﺮوﻓﺔﻋﻨﺪاﻟﻘﺒﻂاﳌﴫﯾﲔﯾﺘﺪاوﻟﻮﳖﺎﰲﻛﻨﺎﯾﺲﻣﴫواﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة واﻟﻮﺟﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮي. واﻣﺎ اﻫﻞ اﻟﺼﻌﯿﺪ ﻓﻼ ﺗﻘﻮﻟﻮن ﲠﺎ وﻻ ﺗﺴـﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺑﻼدﱒ الا ًاندرا ﰲ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﯾﺲ اﻟﺼﻌﯿﺪ الادان. وﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺜﺎوﺿﻮﻛﯿﺎت ﻣﺪاﱖ ﻟﻠﺴـﯿﺪة اﻟﻌﺬرا ﻣﺸـﳣةل ﻋﲆ اتوﯾﻞ رﻣﻮز اﻟﻌﺘﯿﻘﺔ وﺗﲋﯾﻞ ﻧﺒﻮات الاﻧﺒﯿﺎ ﻋﲆ الاﺣﻮال اﻟﺴـﯿﺪة اﻟﻌﺬرا والاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ﲠﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺒﻠﻬﺎ وﱔ ﻋﺬرا ووﻟﻮد رب اجملﺪ ﻣﺘﺠ ًﺴﺪا ﻣﳯﺎ اﱃ ﻏﲑ ذكل ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺎﱐ وﯾﻨﺴﺐ اﱃ اﻟﺒﻄﺮﯾﺮك اﺛﻨﺎﺳـﯿﻮس اﻟﺮﺳﻮﱄ رزﻗﻨﺎ ﷲ ﺑﺮﰷﺗﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺴـﻨﺪة وﻗﯿﻞ ان ًﴯﺼﺎ ﻗﺪﯾﺴﺎ ًﻓﺎﺿﻼ ﰷن ﻗﺮﻣﻮﺿﯿﺎ وﺗﺮﻫﺐ ﺑﱪﯾﺔ ﺷﻬﯿﺎترﺗﺐ اﳊﺎﳖﺎ …

After that the Theotokia are recited. These are known to the Copts as Masriyin (= those of Old-Cairo) and were passed to the churches of Misr (Old-Cairo), Cairo and Lower Egypt. As for the people of Upper Egypt (Saʿid), they (the Theotokia) are not used in their countries except on rare occasions in some churches of the closer Saʿid (Middle-Egypt). These Theotokia are praises for the Lady Virgin Mary including the interpre- tations of the symbols of the Old Testament and the revelation of the prophe- cies of the prophets concerning her conception while being Virgin, and the birth of the Lord of Glory incarnated from her and other things relating to these meanings. They (the Theotokia) are attributed to the Patriarch Athanasius the Apos- tolic, may God grant us his blessing. This attribution is not supported. It is said that a holy virtuous person who was a potter and became a monk in the desert of Scetis composed their melodies.

10 Samir Khalil, “Un manuscrit arabe d’Alep reconnu, le Sbath 11253,” Le Muséon 91 (1978): 179–188. Id., “L’encyclopedie Liturgique d’Ibn Kabar (+ 1324) et son apologie d’usages Coptes,” in H.-J. Feulner, E. Velkouska and R. Taft (eds), Crossroad of Cultures. Studies in Liturgy and Patristics in Honor of Gabriele Winkler, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 260 (Rome: Edizioni Orientalia Christiana, 2000), 629–655. 11 L. Villecourt, “Les observances Liturgiques et la discipline du jeûne dans l’Église Copte,” Le Muséon 37 (1924): 201–280, especially 229. 12 G. Troupeau, Catalogue des Manuscrits Arabes—première partie manuscrits Chrétiens, tome 1 (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, 1972), 171–172.

Ibn Kabar talked about the Theotokia stricto sensu, hence the quotations of the Theotokia that occur in the Antiphonarion of Upper Egypt13 are not regarded as the text of the Theotokia. According to Ibn Kabar the recitation of Theotokia started first in Old Cairo,14 and from there extended to the other churches of Old Cairo, Cairo, Lower Egypt and Middle Egypt. It is worth mentioning that the church of Misr (Old Cairo) is related to a tradition of Severus of Antioch as, according to the Garshuni manuscript Sachau 43 of Berlin, he visited the Hang- ing Church of Old Cairo,15 while this event according to the Coptic Synaxar- ium,16 the Book of Glorification17 is placed in Scetis. We may expect that Ibn Kabar as a priest of the Hanging Church in Old Cairo preferred to sup- port his local church, while the visit of Severus of Antioch to Scetis is well attested.18 Some modern scholars such as Giamberardini19 and Muyser20 identified the quotations of the Theotokia from the homilies of Cyril of Alexandria during the Council of Ephesus and the Coptic Theotokia. The Theotokia in fact contains not only extracts from the Cyrillian homilies but also from those of Proclus of Cyzicus and Theodotus of Ancyra, such

13 Cf. M. Cramer and M. Krause, DaskoptischeAntiphonar, Jerusalemer Theologisches Forum 12 (Münster: Aschendorff, 2008). 14 The translation of Villecourt is misleading as he rendered the word Masryin as Egyptian, while in the early fourteenth century this word means those of Old Cairo. 15 M.A. Kugener, Textes relatives à la vie de Sévère patriarche d’Antioche, deuxième Patrie, Vie de Sévère par Jean supérieur du monastère de Beith-Aphthonia, Patrologia Orientalis 2 fasc. 3 (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1904), 399 [315]-400[316]. 16 R. Basset, Le Synaxaire Arabe Jacobite, Patrologia Orientalis 1 fasc. 3 (Paris Firmin- Didot, 1907), 313–314; O.H.E. Burmester, “The Liturgy Coram Patriarcha aut Episcopo in the Coptic Church,”Le Muséon 49 (1936): 79–84. 17 For this book cf. Youhanna Nessim Youssef, “Un témoin méconnu de la littérature copte,” Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte 32 (1993): 139–147; Youhanna Nessim Youssef, “Une relecture des glorifications coptes,” Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte 34 (1995): 77–83. Attala Arsenios al-Muharraqi, ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛ̀ⲧⲉ ⲛⲓϫⲓⲛϯⲱⲟⲩ ☦䘦꘦ ⲛ̀ϯⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ ⲛⲓⲁⲅⲅⲉ- ⲗⲟⲥ ⲛⲓⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ ⲛⲓ⳥ ⲛⲉⲙ ⲛⲏ☦䘦꘦ [The book of the holy glorifications for the Virgin, the Angels, the Apostles, the Martyrs and the Saints], (Cairo: n.p., 1972), 350–351. 18 It is not clear who is this potter, however there is a tradition linking Severus with Scetis cf. Youhanna Nessim Youssef, “Severus of Antioch in Scetis,” Ancient Near Eastern Studies 43 (2006): 141–162. 19 G. Giamberardini, Il culto Mariano in Egitto, Pubblicazioni dello Studium Biblicum Fran- ciscanum Analecta 7 (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1974), 197–212. 20 J. Muyser, Maria’s heerlijkheid in Egypte: Een studie der koptische Maria-literatuur, 1st part, (Louvain—Utrecht: Sint Alfonsusdrukkerij, 1935), 60–74 and especially 72–74.

as comparing the Virgin with the burning bush that Moses saw in the desert.21 The Theotokia can be dated between the sixth and the eighth centuries as we will explain later in detail. Briefly we can say that the first manuscript containing some quotations of the Theotokia (the Sahidic Difnar) is dated from the ninth century, and there are similarities with the homilies 14 and 67 of Severus of Antioch which are dated between 512–514ad (see below). In this paper we will compare the two Marian hymns of Severus with the Theotokia of Sunday and the direct quotations in the Theotokia of Tuesday.

Theotokia of Sunday 119 The Hymn of the Virgin22

Because the Lord took pleasure in Zion and chose it to himself for a habitation

ⲥⲉⲙⲟⲩϯ ⲉⲣⲟ ⲇⲓⲕⲉⲱⲥ ⲱ You are truly called, O blessed ⲑⲏⲉⲧⲥⲙⲁⲣⲱⲟⲩⲧ ϧⲉⲛ ⲛⲓϩⲓⲟⲙⲓ ϫⲉ one among women the the God-bearer and Virgin one ϯⲙⲁϩⲥⲛⲟⲩϯ ⲛⲥⲕⲏⲛⲏ23 Second tabernacle might very justly compare and one might call thee the ⲛⲓⲙ ⲡⲉⲑⲛⲁϣⲥⲁϫⲓ ⲙⲡⲧⲁⲓⲟ Who can speak of the honour tent of witness, which was ⲛϯⲥⲕⲏⲛⲏ ⲉⲧⲁ ⲙⲱⲩⲥⲏⲥ ⲑⲁⲙⲓⲟⲥ of the tabernacle which Moses hidden within the second ϩⲓϫⲉⲛ ⲡⲧⲱⲟⲩ ⲛⲥⲓⲛⲁ had made on Mount Sinai curtain which is called the holy of holies. For after the ⲁϥⲑⲁⲙⲓⲟⲥ ϧⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲱⲟⲩ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ He made it with glory, as same model Emmanuel abode ⲡⲥⲁϫⲓ ⲙⲡ⳪ ⲛⲉⲙ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲛⲓⲧⲩⲡⲟⲥ commanded by the Lord, and dwelt in thee ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲁϥⲧⲁⲙⲟϥ ⲉⲣⲱⲟⲩ according to the model shown unto him.

ⲁⲩⲧⲉⲛⲑⲱⲛⲓ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁ They likened it to you, ϯⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ ϯⲥⲕⲏⲛⲏ ⲙⲙⲏⲓ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲫϯ O Virgin Mary, the true ⲥⲁϧⲟⲩⲛ ⲙⲙⲟⲥ24 tabernacle wherein dwelt God

21 Youhanna Nessim Youssef, “Une relecture des Théotokies Coptes,” Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte 36 (1997): 153–170. 22 E.W. Brooks, The Hymns of Severus and others in the Syriac Version of Paul of Edessa as revised by James of Edessa (Patrologia Orientalis 6/1), (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1911), 158–159. 23 Nahdat al-Kanais, ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ϯⲯⲁⲗⲙⲟⲧⲓⲁ ⲉⲑⲟⲩⲁⲃ, 101–102. Theotokia part 1a. 24 Nahdat al-Kanais, ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ϯⲯⲁⲗⲙⲟⲧⲓⲁ, 103–104. Theotokia part 1b.

Theotokia of Sunday 119 The Hymn of the Virgin

Ϯⲕⲓⲃⲱⲧⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟϣϫ ⲛⲛⲟⲩⲃ ⲛⲥⲁⲥⲁ The Ark overlaid roundabout ⲛⲓⲃⲉⲛ ⲑⲏⲉⲧⲁⲩⲑⲁⲙⲓⲟⲥ ϧⲉⲛ ϩⲁⲛϣⲉ with gold that was made with ⲛⲁⲧⲉⲣϩⲟⲗⲓ wood that would not decay

ⲁⲥⲉⲣϣⲟⲣⲡ ⲛϯⲙⲏⲓⲛⲓ ⲙⲫϯ ⲡⲓⲗⲟⲅⲟⲥ It foretold the sign, O God ⲫⲏⲉⲧⲁϥϣⲱⲡⲓ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲓ ϧⲉⲛ the Word, who became man ⲟⲩⲙⲉⲧⲁⲧⲫⲱⲣϫ without separation

ⲟⲩⲁⲓ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗϧⲉⲛ ฦ One (nature) out of two, a ⲟⲩⲙⲉⲑⲛⲟⲩϯ ⲉⲥⲧⲟⲩⲃⲏⲟⲩⲧ Holy Divinity, consubstantial ⲉⲥⲟⲓ`ⲛⲁⲧⲧⲁⲕⲟ`ⲛⲟⲙⲟⲟⲩⲥⲓⲟⲥ ⲛⲉⲙ with the Father, and who like the ark all-pure ⲫⲓⲱⲧ incorruptible Godhead and of the manhood which is pure and ⲛⲉⲙ ⲟⲩⲙⲉⲧⲣⲱⲙⲓ ☦䘦꘦ ⲭⲱⲣⲓⲥ A holy humanity, begotten uncorrupted and without seed ⲥⲩⲛⲟⲩⲥⲓⲁ ⲛⲟⲙⲟⲟⲩⲥⲓⲟⲥ ⲛⲉⲙⲁⲛ without seed consubstantial ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ϯⲟⲓⲕⲟⲛⲟⲙⲓⲁ with us according to the economy

ⲑⲁⲓ ⲉⲧⲁϥϭⲓⲧⲥ ⲛϧⲏϯ ⲱ This which He has taken, from ϯⲁⲧⲑⲱⲗⲉⲃ ⲉⲁϥϩⲱⲧⲡ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ you O undefiled, He made one ⲟⲩϩⲩⲡⲟⲥⲧⲁⲥⲓⲥ25 with Him as a hypostasis

25 Nahdat al-Kanais, ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ϯⲯⲁⲗⲙⲟⲧⲓⲁ, 104–105. Theotokia part 2a.

(cont.)

Theotokia of Sunday 119 The Hymn of the Virgin

ⲡⲓⲓⲗⲁⲥⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩϩⲱⲃⲥ The mercy-seat was ⲙⲙⲟϥϩⲓⲧⲉⲛ ⲛⲓⲭⲉⲣⲟⲩⲃⲓⲙ ⲉⲩⲟⲓ overshadowed by the ⲛϩⲓⲕⲱⲛ Cherubim being as an image

ⲉⲧⲉ ⲫϯ ⲡⲓⲗⲟⲅⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲁϥϭⲓⲥⲁⲣⲝ Who was God who was ⲛϧⲏϯ ⲱ ϯⲁⲧⲁϭⲛⲓ ϧⲉⲛ incarnated of you without ⲟⲩⲙⲉⲧⲁⲧϣⲓⲃϯ change, O undefiled one.

ⲁϥϣⲱⲡⲓ ⲛⲧⲟⲩⲃⲟ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲃⲓ He became the purification of ⲛⲉⲙ ⲟⲩⲣⲉϥⲭⲱ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛⲧⲉ our sins, and the forgiveness of ⲛⲉⲛⲁⲛⲟⲙⲓⲁ26 our transgressions. he resembles the model of the mercy-seat which was ⲭⲉⲣⲟⲩⲃⲓⲙ ฦ ⲛⲛⲟⲩⲃ ⲉⲩⲟⲓ ⲛϩⲓⲕⲱⲛ The two golden Cherubim, overshadowed by the wings of ⲉⲩϩⲱⲃⲥ ⲙⲡⲓⲓⲗⲁⲥⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ ϧⲉⲛ being image28, covered the holy Cherubim, because of ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉⲛϩ ⲛⲥⲏⲟⲩ ⲛⲓⲃⲉⲛ continuously the mercy-seat the invisibility of the Godhead with their wings

ⲉⲩⲉⲣϧⲏⲓⲃⲓ ⲉϩⲣⲏⲓ ϩⲓϫⲉⲛ ⲡⲓⲙⲁ ☦䘦꘦ Overshadowing the place of ⲛⲧⲉ ⲛⲏ☦䘦꘦ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲛⲏ☦䘦꘦ ϧⲉⲛ Holy of the Holies in the ϯⲥⲕⲏⲛⲏ ⲙⲙⲁϩⲥⲛⲟⲩϯ second tabernacle

ⲉⲩϩⲱⲥ ⲉⲡⲟⲩⲣⲉϥⲥⲱⲛⲧ ⲉϥⲭⲏ ϧⲉⲛ Praising their creator, who ⲧⲉⲛⲉϫⲓ ⲫⲁⲓ ⲉⲧⲁϥϭⲓ ⲙⲡⲉⲛⲓⲛⲓ was in your womb, and took ⲭⲱⲣⲓⲥ ⲛⲟⲃⲓ ϩⲓ ϣⲓⲃϯ27 our likeness without sin or alteration

26 Nahdat al-Kanais, ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ϯⲯⲁⲗⲙⲟⲧⲓⲁ, 107–108. Theotokia part 3a. 27 Nahdat al-Kanais, ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ϯⲯⲁⲗⲙⲟⲧⲓⲁ, 108. Theotokia part 3b. 28 The use of the singular “image” here is because the author is using it as a technical term, in parallel with two stanzas later where ‘their creator … took our likeness’.

Theotokia of Sunday 119 The Hymn of the Virgin

ⲛⲑⲟ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲁⲙⲛⲟⲥ ⲛⲛⲟⲩⲃ You are the pot, made of the ⲧⲧⲟⲩⲃⲏⲟⲩⲧ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲓⲙⲁⲛⲛⲁ ϩⲏⲡ pure gold, wherein was hidden and is as the bread that come ⲛϩⲣⲏⲓ ϧⲉⲛ ⲧⲉϥⲙⲏϯ the true manna down from heaven which was prefigured in the vessel of gold ⲡⲓⲱⲓⲕ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲡⲱⲛϧ ⲉⲧⲁϥⲓ ⲉⲡⲉⲥⲏⲧ The bread of Life which came and in the manna that was in ⲉⲃⲟⲗϧⲉⲛ ⲧⲫⲉ ⲁϥϯ ⲙⲡⲱⲛϧ from heaven and gave life unto it. ⲙⲡⲓⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ29 the world

ⲡⲓϣⲃⲟⲧ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲁⲁⲣⲱⲛ ⲉⲧⲁϥⲫⲓⲣⲓ The rod of Aaron, which ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲭⲱⲣⲓⲥ ϭⲟ ⲛⲉⲙ ⲧⲥⲟ ϥⲟⲓ blossomed without planting or So also be imitated moreover ⲛⲧⲩⲡⲟⲥ ⲛⲉ watering, resembles you. the rod of Aaron, which after had withered, budded and put ⲱ ⲑⲏⲉⲧⲁⲙⲉⲥ ⲡ똦阦 ⲡⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩϯ ϧⲉⲛ O [you] who gave birth to forth fruit by means of his ⲟⲩⲙⲉⲑⲙⲏⲓ ⲁϭⲛⲉ ⲥⲡⲉⲣⲙⲁ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲓ Christ our True God, without humanization ⲉⲥⲟⲓ ⲙⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ.30 the seed of man and remained a Virgin

The Theotokia of Tuesday

While the comparison of the Virgin with the mount of Sinai was treated first by Cyril of Alexandria,31 the text mentioned above is nearly identical to the hymn of Severus. It is known that Severus was an admirer of Cyril of Alexandria and a defender of his theology.32 The Theotokia of Tuesday as it is chanted contains some noticeable differences–the compiler made a few changes in the text of the hymn. These changes could be categorized as follows:

29 Nahdat al-Kanais, ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ϯⲯⲁⲗⲙⲟⲧⲓⲁ, 109. Theotokia part 4a. 30 Nahdat al-Kanais, ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ϯⲯⲁⲗⲙⲟⲧⲓⲁ, 117. Theotokia part 7. 31 A.J. Festugière. Ephèse et Chalcédoine, actes des conciles, Textes dossier documents (Paris: Beauchesne, 1982), 304 document 77. 32 P. Allen and C.T.R. Hayward, Severus of Antioch (The Early Church Fathers) (London: Routledge, 2004), 33–36.

1 Embellishment by adding a few words. 2 Summarizing. 3 Changing some words.

In order to facilitate the comparison for the reader, we will add the following symbols to highlight the differences:

a Words between * * are word/s of embellishment. b The words underlined are the summarizations. c The words changed will be put between / /.

Theotokia of Tuesday33 120 The Hymn of the Virgin34 God hath sent forth his grace truth

ⲁⲣⲉϣⲁⲛⲟⲩⲁⲓ ϯⲛⲓⲁⲧϥ`ⲙⲙⲟ ⲱ If someone contemplates you, When a man looks toward ϯⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ ☦䘦꘦ ⲟⲩⲟϩ`ⲙⲙⲁⲥⲛⲟⲩϯ *O holy* Virgin and Mother of thee, God-bearer and Virgin God

ⲛⲉⲙ ⲡⲓⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲓ`ⲛϣⲫⲏⲣⲓ And about the mystery, *full of And at the divine mystery ⲉⲧⲁϥϣⲱⲡⲓ ⲛϧⲏϯ ⲉⲑⲃⲉ ⲡⲉⲛⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ wonder,* which became in you which was by a miracle *for our salvation* wrought in thee

ϥⲁⲛⲭⲁⲣⲱϥ ⲙⲉⲛ ⲉⲑⲃⲉ He would keep silent, for he He is silent because of the ϯⲙⲉⲧⲁⲧⲥⲁϫⲓ`ⲙⲙⲟϥ cannot utter he would make ineffability, and wondering is ϥⲛⲁⲧⲟⲩⲛⲟⲥⲧⲉⲛ ⲉⲡϣⲱⲓ us, *rise up* for praise stirred to utter praise ⲉⲟⲩϫⲓⲛⲉⲣϩⲩⲙⲛⲟⲥ

ⲉⲑⲃⲉ ϯⲙⲉⲧⲛⲓϣϯ`ⲛⲧⲉ ⲫⲏⲉ- Because of greatness of the Because of the greatness of ⲧⲟⲓ`ⲛϣⲫⲏⲣⲓ`ⲛⲣⲉϥⲉⲣⲡⲉⲑⲛⲁⲛⲉϥ wonderful, *Maker of all him who helped as so much. ⲉⲧⲟⲓ`ⲛⲑⲟ`ⲛⲣⲏϯ different good things*

ⲡⲓⲗⲟⲅⲟⲥ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲧⲟⲛϧ`ⲛⲧⲉ ⲫϯ For the *Living* Word, of God The Word of God himself who ⲫⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲁϥ̀ⲓ ⲉⲡⲉⲥⲏⲧ ⲉϯⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ *the Father,* came down /to came down upon the high ϩⲓϫⲉⲛ ⲡⲧⲱⲟⲩ `ⲛⲥⲓⲛⲁ give the Law,/ on the Mount of mountain of Sinai to lay down Sinai the Law

33 Nahdat al-Kanais, ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ϯⲯⲁⲗⲙⲟⲧⲓⲁ, 173–176. Theotokia part 4. 34 E.W. Brooks, The Hymns of Severus, 159–160.

ⲁϥϩⲱⲃⲥ`ⲛⲧⲁⲫⲉ ⲙⲡⲓⲧⲱⲟⲩ ϧⲉⲛ *He covered* the peak of for the people and hid that ⲟⲩⲭⲣⲉⲙⲧⲥ ⲛⲉⲙ ⲟⲩⲭⲁⲕⲓ ⲛⲉⲙ the mountain, with smoke peak with smoke and gloom ⲟⲩⲥⲁⲣⲁⲑⲏⲟⲩ darkness and mist and with and with darkness and mist storms and by the flashing of the terrible mighty lightning

ⲉⲃⲟⲗϩⲓⲧⲉⲛ ϯⲥⲙⲏ`ⲛⲧⲉ Through the sound of the And by the sound of trumpets ϩⲁⲛⲥⲁⲗⲡⲓⲅⲅⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϥϯⲥⲃⲱ ϧⲉⲛ trumpets, He was teaching, the [he] caused those who were ⲟⲩϩⲟϯ ⲛ̀ⲛⲏⲉⲧⲟϩⲓ ⲉⲣⲁⲧⲟⲩ people standing with fear standing round to marvel, and taught them through such fear and terrors

ⲛⲑⲟϥ ⲟⲛ ⲁϥ̀ⲓ ⲉⲡⲉⲥⲏⲧ ⲉϫⲱ He also descended on you, O came down upon thee, Mary ϧⲁ ⲡⲓⲧⲱⲟⲩ`ⲛⲗⲟⲅⲓⲕⲟⲛ intellectual mountain that the rational mountain ϧⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲙⲉⲧⲣⲉⲙⲣⲁⲩϣ ⲛⲉⲙ spoke with humility and love peacefully and gently and ⲟⲩⲙⲉⲧⲙⲁⲓⲣⲱⲙⲓ of mankind mercifully in that he blessed this and hallowed it by the descent of the Holy Spirit

ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲟⲛ ⲙⲡⲁⲓⲣⲏϯ ⲁϥϭⲓⲥⲁⲣⲝ And likewise, He took flesh And so became incarnate of `ⲛϧⲏϯ ϧⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲙⲉⲧⲁⲧϣⲓⲃϯ from You without alteration her without variation in flesh `ⲛⲟⲩⲥⲁⲣⲝ`ⲛⲗⲟⲅⲓⲕⲏ /an intellectual body/ which is of /our nature/

`ⲛⲟⲙⲟⲟⲩⲥⲓⲟⲥ ⲛⲉⲙⲁⲛ ⲉⲥϫⲏⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ Consubstantial with us and endowed with a living rational ⲉⲟⲩⲟⲛ`ⲛⲧⲁⲥ`ⲛⲟⲩⲯⲩⲭⲏ`ⲛⲟⲏⲣⲁ perfect and also has *a intelligent soul and became rational soul* perfectly man

ⲁϥⲟϩⲓ ⲉϥⲟⲓ`ⲛⲛⲟⲩϯ ϧⲉⲛ He remained God, *as He is While he remained what he is ⲫⲏⲉⲛⲁϥⲟⲓ`ⲙⲙⲟϥ ⲟⲩⲟϩ and became a perfect man* God ⲁϥϣⲱⲡⲓ`ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲓ`ⲛⲧⲉⲗⲓⲟⲥ

ϩⲓⲛⲁ`ⲛⲧⲉϥⲃⲱⲗ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ So as to abolish the iniquity of In order to do away the `ⲙⲡⲁⲣⲁⲡⲧⲱⲙⲁ`ⲛⲁⲇⲁⲙ Adam and that *He might save offence of our father Adam ⲟⲩⲟϩ`ⲛⲧⲉϥⲥⲱϯ`ⲙⲫⲏⲉⲧⲁϥⲧⲁⲕⲟ those who perished * and deliver

`ⲛⲧⲉϥⲁⲓϥ`ⲙⲡⲟⲗⲓⲧⲏⲥ`ⲛϩⲣⲏⲓ ϧⲉⲛ /And to make him a citizen, and restore the lost one ⲛⲓⲫⲏⲟⲩⲓ`ⲛⲧⲉϥⲧⲁⲥⲑⲟϥ ⲉⲧⲉϥⲁⲣⲭⲏ of heaven and restore/ his according to the riches of his ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲉⲕⲛⲓϣϯ`ⲛⲛⲁⲓ leadership according to His great mercy. great mercy

Commentary

The table shows clearly that the embellishments are the most numerous while the summarization occurs only a few times. It is noticeable, however, that the word “nature”35 which was so dear to Severus of Antioch is omitted and replaced by /an intellectual body/. The reason for this change is not clear. It could be that the compiling of the Theotokia took place after the Arab conquest and the term “nature” lost its importance in view of the mystery of the incarnation(?). It is worth mentioning that this hymn was translated later36 into Ethiopic with some variations, and we will give the text here in full.37

7. O Virgin, O Saint, O Bearer of God, since thou didst bring forth the King, a marvellous mystery dwelt upon thee for our salvation. We will hold our peace, for we are unable to search into the matter completely, as the greatness thereof requireth, and will describe that Doer of good things, through the exceedingly great wonder of the manifestation. So then 8. He was the Living Word of the Father Who came down on Mount Sinai, and gave the Law to Moses (Exodus xix, 16ff.) whilst the top of the

35 For the theological meaning of the word “nature” in the theology of Severus of Antioch see J. Lebon, “La Christologie du monophysisme syrien,” in A. Grillmeier and H. Bacht (eds), Das Konzil von Chalkedon Geschichte und Gegenwart, Band 1, Der Glaube von Chalkedon, (Wurzburg: Echter-Verlag, 1951), 419–580. 36 It seems that this translation took place under the Abun Salama ii (+ 1388) who was the successor of Abuna Yaʿqob and served as metropolitan during the reigns of Negus Sayfa Arʿad (1344–1372), Negus Newaya Maryam (1372–1382), and Negus Dawit i (1382–1412). The Liber Axumae indicates that he arrived in Ethiopia in 1341 of the Ethiopian calendar (a.d. 1348–1349) and died in 1380 (a.d. 1387–1388). According to the Ethiopian Synaxarion, he died on 20 Nahasé (1380) (a.d. 13 August 1388). Salama ii occupies an important place in the history of Ethiopian Christian Literature, having been the promoter of a vast literary movement based on the translation from Arabic into Ethiopic (Geʿez) of a considerable number of texts derived from the religious literature of the Copts. Cf. Ge. Haile, “Ethiopian Prelates, (continued),” Coptic Encyclopedia, A.S. Atiya (ed.), volume 4 (New York: MacMil- lan, 1991), 1005–1044. L. Ricci, “Ethiopian Literature”, Coptic Encyclopedia, A.S. Atiya (ed.), volume 3 (New York: MacMillan 1991), 975–979. C. Chaillot, Vie et spiritualité des Églises orthodoxes orientales des traditions, syriaque, arménienne, copte et éthiopienne, Patrimoine orthodoxie (Paris: Cerf, 2011), 339. 37 E.A. Wallis Budge, Legends of our Lady Mary the Perpetual Virgin and her Mother Hannâ Translated from the Ethiopic Manuscripts …, (London, Liverpool and Boston: Medici Soci- ety, 1922), 284.

mountain was covered with mist, and with smoke, and with darkness, and with storm, and with the terrifying blasts of trumpets. He admonished those who were standing there in fear. So then 9. It was He Who came down to thee, O rational mountain, in the humility of the Lover of men. Without any change He became incarnate of thee, and took a perfect body, endowed with reason and like unto ourselves, through the spirit of wisdom. God took up His abode in her and became perfect man so that He might deliver Adam, and forgive him his sin, and make him to dwell in heaven, and bring him back to his former state in His abundant compassion and mercy.

When was the translation done? The date of the translation from the Greek to Coptic is not known, but as part of the Theotokia are included in the Sahidic Coptic38 Antiphonarion39 which can be dated from the ninth-tenth century,40 the translation must have been done before this date. As we mentioned, the context of the composition of the hymn by Severus is not known. Euringer41 identifies the author of the Theotokia as the deacon Simon the potter (+514) and contemporary to James of Sarûg. Where was the translation done from Greek (Syriac) to Coptic? If the date is situated between the sixth and ninth centuries, a study of the Syriac centres in Egypt would help to localize the translation:

1 The monastery of Enaton42 where Thomas of Heraclia bishop of Mabbug made his revision of the translation of the New Testament at the end of the sixth century.43

38 For the Sahidic liturgy (or the liturgy of Upper Egypt), U. Zanetti, “Liturgy in the White Monastery,” ChristianityandMonasticisminUpperEgypt, Gawdat Gabra and Hany N. Takla (eds) Volume 1, A Saint Mark Foundation, (Cairo and New York: The American University in Cairo Press, 2008), 201–210. 39 Cramer and Krause, Das koptische Antiphonar, 182, 184, 194, 198–212. 40 Cramer and Krause, Das koptische Antiphonar, 15. 41 Villecourt, “Les observances Liturgiques …” (1924), 229 note 3. 42 R-G. Coquin, M. Martin, “Monasteries in and around Alexandria,” Coptic Encyclopedia, A.S. Atiya (ed.), volume 5 (New York: MacMillan, 1991), 1654–1646; J. Gascou, “Enaton, the,” Coptic Encyclopedia, A.S. Atiya (ed.), volume 3 (New York: MacMillan, 1991), 954– 958. 43 J.M. Fiey, “Coptes et Syriaques, contacts et échanges” Studia Orientalia Christiana Col- lectanea 15 (1972–1973), 295–366 and especially 317.

2 According to the legend the Monastery of Surian (Scetis) was bought in the ninth century.44 3 There was a church for the Syriac speakers named after Saint John in Fustat in the ninth century.45 4 The last two places. i.e. Scetis and Old-Cairo (= Fustat) are mentioned in the quotations of Ibn Kabar.

Hence it is plausible that the place where the translation was completed was the monastery of Enaton or Wadi al-Natrûn (Scetis). Why are the Coptic and the Syriac texts not identical? This phenomenon could be explained by the way that the Theotokia are chanted, where some words may be added to assist with the rhyme and rhythm. In fact, the Coptic texts are not usually identical to the Syriac, as seen for example in Severus’ homily on Leontius,46 or the homily 14.47

Conclusion

We have demonstrated that most of the hymns treat the same subjects as the homilies that were composed either by Severus himself or at least one of his disciples. These hymns were used in the same way as the two Marian hymns of Severus—to be included in the Coptic Theotokia. The tables containing the comparison between the hymns of Severus and Theotokia demonstrate clearly that parts of the Coptic Theotokia are inspired by (if not taken from) the hymns of Severus on the Virgin Mary. Thus it can be said that the legacy of Severus of Antioch in Egypt is not only his presence but also his liturgical contribution.48

44 This legend was proved wrong with the discoveries of new wall paintings cf. K.C. Innemée, “Recent discoveries of Wall-Paintings in Deir al-Surian,” Hugoye, Journal of Syriac Studies, vol. 1 nr 2 (1998); K.C. Innemée and L. Van Rompay, “Deir al-Surian (Egypt) new discoveries of 2001–2002,” in Hugoye, Journal of Syriac Studies vol. 5 nr 2 (2002) http://syrcom.cua.edu/ hugoye. 45 Fiey, “Coptes et Syriaques,” 327. 46 G. Garitte, “Textes Hagiographiques Orientaux relatifs à Saint Léonce de Tripoli ii, L’homélie de Sévère d’Antioche,”Le Muséon 79, (1966), 335–386. 47 Cf. above. 48 W.E. Crum, “Sévère d’Antioche en Egypte,” Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 23 (1922–1923), 92– 104; De Lacy O’Leary, “Severus of Antioch in Egypt,” Aegyptus 32 (1952), 425–436; van der Meer, “Het verbijf van Severus van Antiochie in Egypte” Het Christelijk Oosten 48 (1996), 49–72.

The introduction of the Theotokias to the Coptic rite took place between the seventh and eighth centuries. The translation was made probably in the monastery of Enaton or Wadi al-Natrûn where bilingual communities lived. The text was later translated into Ethiopic around the fourteenth century. This similarity is not a unique fact, as we have noticed a similarity between the hymn praising Severus in the Antiphonarion49 and the Syriac hymn praising Severus.50 We may say in conclusion that the study of Coptic liturgical texts relating to Severus of Antioch51 is still in its infancy. There are still texts to be discovered.

49 M. Krause, “Das koptische Antiphonar aus dem Handschriften von Hamuli,” in Ägypten– Münster: Kulturwissenschaftliche Studien zu Ägypten, dem Vorderen Orient und verwandten Gebieten, A.I. Blöbaum et al, (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 2003), 167–185; M. Cramer and M. Krause, Das koptische Antiphonar, 244–255. 50 Youhanna Nessim Youssef, “A contribution to the Coptic Biography of Severus of Antioch,” in Coptic Studies on the Threshold of a New Millennium: Proceedings of the Seventh Inter- national Congress of Coptic Studies—Leiden, August 27-September 2, 2000, M. Immerzeel and J. Van der Vliet (eds), (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 133) (Leuven-Paris-Dudley, ma: Peeters, 2004), 413–426. 51 Youhanna Nessim Youssef, “Severus of Antioch in the Coptic Liturgical books,” Journal of Coptic Studies 6 (2004): 141–150.