ECONOMY OF GOLCONDA jDURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
ABSTRACT
THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE O^ Bottor of $()iIosfoptip IN HISTORY
BY SEEMA SINGH TO ' V>je Supervisor PROFESSOR IRFAN HABIB
nrA-^si CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH 1989
ctrr t\r^ iffES^S
ABSTRACT
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. The present tnesis deals mth the Economy of Golconda during the s-venteer.th century, down to its annexation to the Mughal enpire in 1687. There has up till now been no monograph devoted to t)iis sutjcct, Uiough the works of nxjdern historians like Tap an Raycr audhuri dnj ^J'esaretnaTi tjuch upon this ther^ie, they have approcch'-d it i-u-iinly from the pC'int of view of over sea commerce.
Our ovm sources are mainly European too (traveller's accounts and Englii^n and Dutch Company records), but the Per sian material has also oeen investigated, both historical works and archival sources.
It has been argued that the economy of Golconda v/as primarily agrarian, vath rice as the st^le product. Pupart from seasonal rainfall, irrigation was provided through tanks, means of water-lift such as i±ie Persian v;heel appear to have been absent.
The resources of the kingdom were received from dif ferent channels, MOart from agrcirian taxation, the revenues were also extracted from diamond mines and the ports. Tax farming was quite prevalent and this naturally led to an exce ssive press-ULe on the rui al population. In the seventeenth century the i;utoshdl-i tried to add to his revenues by stressing receipts only in 'old p igodas', no longer minted and therefore rising in value.
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On the other hand, the tribute paid by the Qu^^bshlh to the Mughals amounting to 8 lakhs of rupees annually. The tribute doubtless if^pre-ented resources lost to Golconda, but it seems to have been spent by Mughal administration in the Deccan just across the border, and not carried to Mughal Court in the north.
Textiles arid the diaTionds were the most important industries. The painted 'chintz' was unique and had a wDrld market.
Similarly diamonds maintained large population as miners and generated a very specialised trade. The thesis studies the considerable evidence available on the organisa tion of t±ie mines and the trade in tnis product.
The over-sea commerce of the kingdom appears to have benefitted considerably from the arrival of the European Companies, which in the net seem to have supplemented rather than substitute for indigenous commerce. The Eutch provided Golconda cloth a largo market in South East Asia, but it can not be said with any certainty that the trade had not pre viously existed.
An effort is made to study the position of the mercan tile classes in Goicondr'. Uniortunately the data we have on the participation ol tiie Indian merchants in over-sea trade do not enable us either to support or to contest Steensgaard's thesis of the peddling nature of pre-Company indigenous com merce.
ECONOMY OF GOLCONDA DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF Boctot of ${)tlostop(ip IN HISTORY
BY SEEMA SINGH
Supervisor PROFESSOR IRFAN HABIB
CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALiGARH 1989
^. .'p^^ ae&'C^ ^.C\c*i >
T4457
1 -^O C3 ,
1 - JUL 1954
^^rr^'^V-'^ 19^56-9^
Aclmowledgements
My gratitude to my Supervisor, Professor Irfan Habib, is far beyond the reach of expression, who was not only generous with his time but took personal interest in my work.
Professor Shireen Moosvi was generous enough to provide me material for which I am thankful to her.
I snould like to thank Persian teacher, Mr Habibtillah, for his guidance in Persian translation,
I am also thankful to Mr Zahoor Ali Khan and Mr Faiz
Habib for tneir help in drawing the map.
My grateful thanks are due to all my research colleagues who helped and encouraged me in writing this thesis especially Jawaid Akhtar, Farhat Hasan, Fatima Ahmad Imam and SumbiiL Haleem Khan,
I am indebted to Mr Rahmat Ali Khan, Documentation Officer, Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad, for much of his help at the Museum Library. Dr Najmuddin helped me by providing material from the private collection of Raja of Wanaparthy, Hyderabad, for which I am grateful to him. Mr Zakir Hussain, Archivist, National Archives of India, extended his full co operation to find some related material from the Archives for which I am i-hankful to him.
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I am indebted to the staff of the Research Library, Department of History, AMU, especially to Mr Arshad Ali, Mr M. Yusuf Siddiqi and Mr Noor Ahmad for their help; staff of Maulana Azad Library, AMU; National Archives of India, New Delhi, Delhi School of Economics, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh Archives, Hyderabad, and Central Library, Hyderabad, gave me their full cooperation for which I am thankful to them.
Constant encouragement from my family enabled me to complete this work,
I am highly obliged to Mr Aftab Afridi for his patience with my scripts and typing it speedily and accurately.
(Seema Singh)
CONTENTS
Pages
Introduction :
I Agriculture 18
II Agrarian and Fiscal System 29
III The Tribute 58
IV Industries 67
V Prices 96
VI Towns 107
VII Money and Bills of Exchange 130
VIII Commodities :n Foreign Trade 139
IX Shipping and Comrrerce with Asian Countries 173
X European Companies 182
Conclusion : 203
Appendix I 206 (Comparison of Jama' and Hasil) Appendix II 215 (Vv'eights and Pleasures) 217 Abbrevi ations : 220 Bibliography: Map (Facing Page 18)
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The present thesis deals with economic history of Golconda during the 17th century.
The kingdom of Golconda anerged as an independent kingdom in the 16th 'century and survived for more than a hundred years (1512-1687). The kingdom was situated on the eastern side of the Deccan plateau. The Mughal sub a of Berar adjoined it to the north; and the sub a of Orissa on the north-east. On the west it had the kingdoms of Ahmad- nagar, Bidar and Bijapur. On the south by the early 17th century, it extended to Penner river from the territories of the Vijayanagar onpire.
Physio graphically, tlie kingdom may be divided into tvK> zoneS/ viz, the coastal plains and the uplands running parallel to tiiem in the west. The major rivers draining it - - — 2 are the Godavari, Krishna aiid Penner. The coastal area of the region contained important ports like Masulipatam, Nizampattan, Pulicut and later on Madras.
In the south-east v*iere a portion of 'Carnatic' then called Karnataki-Hyderabad! was included in the kingdom, the
1. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Delhi, Vol. XIII, p. 227. 2. Irfan Haoib, An Atlas of the Mughal anpire, Delhi, 1982, ISA.
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hills are baie of vegetation. The soil is sandy and does not retain moisture and the rivers run dry during stammer. "^ A considerable forest belt extended to the north of the kingdom, _ -2 across the Godavari.
About two thirds of annual rainfall is registered during the south-west monsoon^ the first showers of which be gin to fall in May. The precipitation in the coastal tracts, as at Masulipatam is considerably heavier than in the in-land regions.
The founder of the kingdom was Sult.3n Qull, a native of Hamadah in Persia. He came to India as an adventurer and was taken in the service of the Bahmani Sultan Shihabuddin Mahmud. He earned rapid promotions and became the Governor of the province of Tilangana, vdth the title of Qutbul Mulk. By 1512/ the province became almost independent and only owed theoretical allegiance to the Bahmani Sultan. Cutbul Mulk 4 ^ died as a noble and not as a king. In I5 30's Sultan Quli invaded Vi jay an agar and after the battle of Palaukchipur a
1. The Imperial Gazetteer-, Vol. XIII, p. 227. 2* An Atlas of the Mughal Qnpir^e, 16B. 3. The Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. XVI, p. 32],
4. H.K. Sherwani, History of Qutbshahi Dynasty, New Delhi, 1974, p. 33.
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treaty was signed according to which the whole of the Tilan- gana coast fell into hands of Sultan Quli. After this he was able to rule over the Godavari-Krishna doab as far as Ellore in the centre and Rajmundari in the north. Now Krishna was fixed as che frontier between Golconda and Vijaynagar. He also annexed -the territories of Kohir, Nalgonda and Kondvidu.
The kingdom passed through a series of political dis turbances for seven years after the death of Sultan QulT, but conditions stabilized under Ibrahim Qutbsh5h (1550-1580).
Ibrshim was the first real sovereign of Golconda. The 2 coins of tile period also bear testimony to this. The four combined forces of the Deccan^ Bij^ur, Golconda/ Ahmadnagar and Berar defeated Ram Raj of Vijaynagar in the battle of Bannihatti (1566), initiating the decline of the Vijaynagar empire and making it possible for Golconda and Bijapur to ex pand southwards at its expense, Ibrahim Qutbshah also extend ed the frontiers of Golconda in the north-east by conquering 3 Chandabam in 1574. Ibrahim was succeeded by Muhammad QulI Qutbshah (1580-1612). He maintained good relations with the Shah of Persia. During his reign Hyderabad was established as the
1. Sherwani, p. 33. 2. Ibid. 3. Sherwani, p. 156.
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new capital on the southern banks of river Musi."'"
Muhammad Quli Qutbshah was succeeded by Sultan Muhammad Qutbshah (1612-1626). The Europeans established their factories in this region during this period. Muhammad » Qutbshah paid annual tribute to Malik Ambar, the de-facto — — 2 ruler of the Nizamshahi Kingdom. "Abdullah Qutbshah (16 26-7 2) with the help of his Sair-i Khail. Mir Muhammad Said Mir Jurala, aimed at occupying large parts of the Carnatic, particularly the area of its diamond mines. In 164 2 Mir Jumla c^tured t^ellore and Sir- 3 harkota. In the meantime the Vijaynagar enperor Venkata III (1630-42) was succeeded by his nephew Sri Ranga (1642-81). Qutbshah's army occupied the forts of Nakbat, Raput and Kollxir, But Sri Ranga compelled the Qutbshah's forces to withdraw from their seize of Vellore and by 1644 the armies of Sri Ranga drove them beyond Aramgaon to Udaygiri. But again in 1646 the Qutbshahi forces occupied the fort of Udaygiri. Now Mir Jumla began the seizure of entire eastern coast of south of Nellore, Santhome, Fort St. George, Tandram, Tripati and
1. Sherwani, pp. 295, 333. 2. Ibid., p. 333. 3. J.N. Sark.ir, Life of Mir Jumla, New Delhi, p. 32. 4. Sarkar, p. 42.
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Chandargiri. He also occupied Pulicut, where the Dutch had established thiemselves. Later Ponner^ Poonavaler, Kanchi and Chinglepat fell one by one to him. He also seized Gandikota, Kokkanur, Siddhout and Guti.'
At the same time an expansionist policy was being vigorously pursued by the Mughals. Shahjahan annexed Daulata- bad in 1633. Pressure was extended on the Qutbshahi kingdom. A settlement was made in 1636 by which (a) two lakhs of huns were to be annually paid by the Qutbshah to the Mughals, and (b) the Qutbshah was to strike coins in the name of the Mughal 2 emperor. A conflict betweoi the Qutbsh^ and the Mughals arose during the Deccan Vice-royalty of Aurangzeb v^o took advantage of the deteriorating relations between the Qutbsh'ah and Mir Jumla. As a result of Aurangzeb's expedition in 1656 'Abdull"ah Qutbshah was forced to submit, to cede Ramgir and to increase 3 the annual tribute.
After the death of Abdullah Qutbshah, '^Abul Hasan (1672-1682) ascended the throne. During his reign Madanna
1. Sarkar, p. 47. 2. Abdui Hamld Lahori, Padshahnama, Calcutta, 1866-7 2, p. 130. 3. Muhanmad Salih Kambo, "^Anal-i Salih, ed. Ghulam Yazdani, Hyderabad/ 1953, p. 123.
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acquired much influence being granted the office of Kir Jumla. He made an alliance with Shivaji against Bijapur. The end of the kingdom was, however, near. Aurangzeb arrived in the Deccan in 1582 and put an end to the Qutbshahi dynasty upon his capture of the fort of Golconda in 1687.
After the annexation the kingdom was constituted into the separate sub a of Hvde^^abad.
Sources:
The present thesis is largely based on Persian sources and European records. I have utilized contemporary and non- contemporary Persian sources both published and manuscript, the latter preserved in the Library of Department of History, AMU.; the National Archives of India, New Delhi; the Ajidhra Pradesh Archives, Hyderabad; the Central Library, Hyderabad; and thie Salarjung Museum, Hyderabad. I have not been able to use Dutch and French documents not yet translated into English, but I have consulted such documents and journals and narratives as are available in English; whether original or translation.
Among the primary Persian documents thiere are some uncatalogued documents preserved in the A.P. Archives, Hydera bad. The documents used by me cover the period, 1626-1655. These documents throw some light on Chintz production at Masulipatam and trade in that commodity. This collection has also provided information about local officials including
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2 anindars as ear]y as 1626. These documents also refer to cultivation of ^^^leat, sugarcane and vegetables in different localities.
An important collection of documents utilized by me is that Farmans and Sanads of the Deccan Sultans 1408-1687, edited by Yusuf Hussain Khan, 1953, Hyderabad. This collection has provided some information pertaining to the designation of some officials in the kingdom. One of the docuinents deals with the rights of the Deshpandayas.
One important collection 'Docijiments of Samasthan' in the possession of Raja of Wanaparthy in Hyderabad is as yet unpublished. These documents mostly relate to the Qutbshahi period from 167 2 to 1699. They provide information about the local officials like Deshmukh and Meinwar.
A collection of Mughal documents has been edited by Dr Yusuf Hussain Khan, Selected Waqai of the Deccan 1660- 1671, Hyderabad, 1953. It contains reports from different provinces of the Deccan, providing information about matters so varied as Chintz production at Masulipatam and prices of elephants. The price lists of sarkar Ramgir and Udgir were also included in this volume. There are references too to the tribute sent by the Qutbshah's to the Mughal emperor.
Ihe Inayat Jang Collection (at the National Archives, New Delhi), is an aiormous collection of official
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Mughal documents. It consists of reports, day to day accounts and revenue figures which were sent regularly to the Dlwan of the Deccan from the provincial dlwans of the six provinces of the Deccan. As some of the Jama and Hasil documents bear dates prior to the Mughal annexation of Golconda, I have uti lized them for the Qutbshahl Kingdom. The revenue figures are given pargana->/ise under each sarkar.
The Kitab-e-Deh-ba-Dehi is a Ms in A.P. State Archives, Hyderabad (Microfilm No. 11 in the Department of History, AMU), contains village-wise revenue statistics of the Deccan provin ces. This also provides a list of diamond mines in the pro vince of Hyderabad (previously the kingdom of Golconda) along with an amount of revenue from these mines.
Anong the historical \)vorks, both contemporary and latter sources have been used. The KuljySt-i-Sultan Muhammad • • • Qull Qutb Shah 1578-1611, edited by Mohiuddin Qadir Zoori, Usmania 1940» is a collection of poetry composed by Muhammad Qui! Qutb Shah of little historical importance. The anonymous Tarlkh-i Sultan Muhammad Qutb Sh^h (MS No. 85, Salar-Jung Museum, Hyderabad) was compiled in 1616. It is a political narrative but has useful references to the tanks of Ibrahim- pattan. The Hadiqatus Salatin by Nizamuddin Ahmad (MS No. 214 Sal ar-Jung Museum, Hyderabad), was written in 164 2 during the reign of "Abdullah Qutb Shah. It describes the tanks construct- ...9
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ed for irrigation purposes and for royal palaces. A descrip tion of the fanine of 1630-31 is also given. It also refers to different varieties of fruits grown in the region.
Another Persian chronicle is Nuskha-i Qutb Shahi by Shah Qudratullah Muhammad Qadrl (MS No. 3644, Central Library, Hyderabad). It was compiled in 1807-8. Though it is a very late source, it describes the city of Hyderabad as it was during the 17th century. Thie description includes sarais, markets and tanks as well as mosques, madarsas and khanqahs.
The Hadlqatul ''Alam written by Mir 'Abul Qasim in 1813 (MS No. 215, Salar J\jng Museum, Hyderabad) provides informa tion on the foundation of the city of Hyderabad, and gives accounts of houses, sarais, tanks and markets.
The Mah-Namah by Gulshan Hussain Khan Jauhari (1814) (MS No. 364, Salar-Jung Museum, Hyderabad) describes some tanks and canals.
The Tuzk-i Ciitb Shahi a late historical >ork by an anonymous author compiled in 18 58 (MS No. 488, Salar-Jung Museum, Hyderabad) provides information about irrigation through tanks and canals.
The Khulasa-i Tarlkh-e Qutb Shahi, is by an anonymous author (MS No. 231, Salar-Jung Museum). No date of its com pilation has been recorded. This v^ork descrioes the city of Hyderabad during the 17th century in great details.
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Among the .Mughal cnronicles we have the Iqbal N5na-1 Jahanqiri by Mutamad Khan written in 1619-20 (Nawal Kishore, Lucknov/, 1870)/ vs^ich gives information regarding tribute paid by Qutb Shah to Malik Mbar of />Jimadnagar. Similar informa tion comes from the Haasir-i Jahanqiri by Khwaja Kamgar Hussaini (ed. by Azr a Alavi, 1978, Aligarh) . — — c -, _ The Padsnalinama by Acdul Hamid Lanori (Calcutta, 1866- 72) was written daring the reign of Shahjahain. It is one main source for the settlement of 1636. The 'Amal-i Salih by Muhanmad Salih Kambo covers the 7 ^ . . . whole of Shalij aiian's reign (1656-60). It gives information regarding the conflict between the Mughals and Qutb Sh'ah during the Vice-royalty of Aurangzeb in the Deccan.
Among the geographical and revenue works of the Mughal period I have consulted the Dasturul ''Amal-i Shahanshahi revised and enlarged by Thakur Lai (Library No. 52) in the Department of history, AfW) . It contains parqana-wide revenue statistics. These have been compared with the revenue figures of the year before annexation provided in the Inayat Jan^Collection docu ments .
Among the commercial records are included the records of the Dutch and English Companies. Many travellers v^o visit ed the kingdom during the 17th century have left their memoirs
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and narratives., These provide considerable information regard ing the economic condition of Golconda during the 17th century.
Tom Pires (Suma Oriental of Tom Pires, Hakluyut Society, London, 19 47) visited India during the 15th century and has described the kingdom of Golconda.
The Book of Duarte Barbosa. An Account of the Count ries bordering on Indian Ocean and other Inhabitants, tr an si a- ted by Lord Worth Dames, 2 vols., London, 1918, belongs to the 16th century. Barbosa refers to the commercial relations of Golconda with South-East Asian countries during the 16th cen tury. He mentions Pulicat as an important mart due to its textile products.
Ralph Finch (158 3-91) v>hose account is included in Early Travels in India, 1583-1619, ed. W. Foster, London, 1921, informs us about production of painted cloth at San-Thome in the 16th century. He also mentions export of chayroot from Golconda to Pegu.
Letters Received by the East India Company from its servants in the East (160 2-17), 6 vols., ed. F.C. Danvers (Vol. I) and W. Foster (Vols. II-VI), London, 1896-1902. Some of the letters have information relating to the ports of Masuli- patcm and Nizampattan, the attitude of the port officials to wards merchants, amount of duty paid at the port of Nizampattan by the English, etc.
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The Dutch Company records have begun to be calen dared in The Dutch Factories In India, 1617-1623, ed. Om Prakash, New Delhi, 1984. The documents provide a valuable description of the ports of Masulipatam, Nizampattan and Pulicut, duty paid at the ports, attitude of local officials towards the Dutch merchants, use of middlemen by the Dutch, the items of import and export, etc. Relations of Golconda in the early Seventeenth Century, ed. W.H. Morel and, Hakluyut Society, 1931, contains memoirs of Methwold (1625), Schorer (1615-16) and an anonymous Dutch factor (1914). The three 'relations' comprised a major source for the economic and commercial conditions of Golconda at the time, and have been extensively used in this thesis.
Peter Floris His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe, 1611-25., ed. by W.H. Morel and, Hakluyut Society, 19 34. Floris provides information regarding the ship-building at Narsapur, and conditions at the port of Masulipatam.
Jeande Thevenot, Relations de Indostan, 1665-67, ed. Nath Surender/Sen, New Delhi, 1946, has left a detailed account of the region, since travelling overland from Surat^ he visited both Hyderabad and Masulipatam,
Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Tavernier's Travels in India, 1640-67, translated V. Ball, ed. William Crook, 2 vols. London, 1889, revised, London, 1925. Tavernier left a very informative account of Hyderabad, including details of a
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bridge/ houses, sarais and markets of Hyderabad. He also tells us of routes from Hyderabad, details regarding the mining of diamonds and fluctuation in the value of new and old pagodas. He has provided a table of prevalent coins in the kingdom of Golconda. He has indicated the discount rate of the bills exchanged at Masulipatam.
The English Factories in India, 1618-1669, ed. William Foster, 13 vols., Oxford, 1906-27. These volumes consisting of summaries and extracts of records of the East India Company's factories in India, rich information regard ing commercial activities in the kingdom, details of the ports of Masulipatam, Nizampattan, Pulicut and Madras, com mercial rivalry among the European merchants, relations of native merchants with the European merchants. The after effects of famines of 1630-31 and 1646 on^commerce and the controversy over the value of new and old pagodas are some other recurring themes in the documents.
Abbe Carre, The Travels of the Abbe Carre In India and the near east, 1672-74, ti: an slated Lady Fawcett, ed. Charles Fawcett, 3 vols., Kakluyut Society, 1947-48, provides a description of irrigation through canals drawing water from the tanks. He also touches on the port officials, their attitude towards the merchants.
Thomas Bowrey, A Geographical Account of the Countries round the Bay of Bengal, 1669-79, ed. R.C. Tanple, Hakluyut
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Society, 1905, has a detailed description or ship-building at Narsapur, besides other matters of interest.
The Ricjht Honourable Earl Marshal of England, A Description of the Diamond Mines (in the Kingdom of Golconda and Visiapur) printed in Philosophical Transactions, issued for the Royal Society XII, No. 136, June 25, 1677, has a de tailed account of thie diamond mines of Golconda. It was first brought to notice by V. Ball in his translation of Tavernier's work.
The Diaries of Streynsham Master, 1675-80, ed. R.C. Temple, 2 vols., London, 1909. Master has described the various ports of thie kingdom, diamond mines, iron work near Narsapur and weavers and painters in the hinterland of Masuli- patam.
Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, 1690-93, printed in John Pinker ton. General Collection of the best and the most interesting Voyages and travels in all parts of the world, VIII, London, 1811. During his visit to the Kingdom of Golconda, Hamilton saw the declining condition of the port of Masulipatam, v;hile port of Pulicut remained impor tant for the Dutch till the last decade of the 17t:h century. He praised the quality of timber at Narsapur for the pvirpose of ship-building.
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Francois Martin, India in the 17th Century, translated and annotated by L^otika Vardarajan, 1670-94, 2 vols.. New Delhi, ]981. He has described the presence of French at the Court of Golconda, French relations with the local authorities and the French struggle with the English and local authorities on various issues including San-Thome. Martin has provided a list of different weights prevalent in the kingdom.
Vestiges of old Madras, 1640-1800, ed. Henry Davison, '"•°" • I I L I • C- I • ••II Love, London 1913. The documents deal with famine conditions in the kingdom in 1646-47, the declining phase of Masulipatam port and the currency of the Vijayanagar enpire, anong other matters of interest.
Uptill now, tlnere has been no modern work known to me bearing on tl*ie economic history of 17th century Andhra. But various aspects relevant to the theme have been covered in a number of monographs,
O.K.H. Spate in his India and Pakistan, London, 1954, has provided a detailed geographical interpretation of Andhra. To A'li Asghar Bilgrami in Land Marks of the Deccan, (Hyderabad 1927) are owed valuable details of the growth of the City of riv^erabaci during the 17th century. Irfan Habib, Atlas of the Mughal Br.pixe, Delhi, 198 2, has been of much use as a work of references for the political and economic geography of the r egion.
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H.K. Sherwani in his History of the Qutb Shahl Dynasty (Delhi, 1974), provides a reliable political narra tive for the Cutbshahi dynasty. On Qutbshahi and South Indian coinage I have used A.V. Narsimha Murthy's, The Coins of Karna--aka, Mysore, 197 5.
Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics by John Irvdn and Margaret Hall, (Ahinadabad, 1971), contains valuable infor mation (mainly based on the Dutch sources) about the process of making cotton clothes especially Chintz.
AfTiong the modern historians the work of Tap an Ray- chaudhuri, Jan Company in Coromandel, 1605-1690 (Martinus Nijhaff 1962), based on the Dutch sources has been of consi derably help in understanding the conditions of 17th century commerce in the region. Not only does Raychaudhuri describe Dutch participation in Golconda commerce, but also has impor tant insights cutout the local merchants and their role in seaborne trade,,
Sinnapah Arasaratnam's Merchants, Companies and Commerce on thie Coromandel Coast, 1650-1740 (Delhi, 1986), is a worthy successor to Raychaudhuri' s work. His descrip tion of hinterland, products and the commercial activities of the region of Golconda has been given due consideration in the present thesis.
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K.N. Chaudhuri' s Trading Wbrld of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660-1760, gives impor tant data for the English trade in Coromondel, which supplement ';he information derived from Dutch sources through Raychaudhuri and Arasaratnam.
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Based on Irton Hobib's Alios o( the Mughal Empire, Mops No ISA 4 B ond ISA 18
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It is dj.fficult to draw a detailed picture of agricul tural production in the Golkonda Kingdom during the 17th cen tury because of the paucity of data available. However the accounts of the foreign travellers and Persian sources fur nish us with some stray particulars.
Irrigation;
Tanks or reservoirs played an important role in irriga tion, and our sources frequently refer to irrigation tanks.
During the reign of IbrShim Qut)Dshah two tanks were built: one was named Hussain Sagar at Hyderabad after the name of Sayyid Hussain ShSh vho was the son-in-law of Ibrahim
Relations of Golconda in the early seventeenth century, ed. / translated by W.H, Morel and, Hakluyut Society, 19 31, Anonymous, p. 69; Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Tavernier's Travels in India 1640-67, translated, V. Balls, ed. William Crooke, 2 vols., London^ 1889, revised in 19 25, London, Vol. 1/ pp. 124-25; Jean de Thevenot, Relations de Indostan 1665- 67, Lovell's translation of 1687, reprinted with corrections and annotation in Indian Travels of Thevenot and Carreri, ed. Surendranath Sen, New Delhi, 1946, p. 145; Abbe Carre, The Travels of the Abbe Carre in India and the Near East 1672-74, translated, Lady Fawcett, ed. Charles Fawcett, 3 vols, Hakluyut Society, 1947-48, Vol. II, pp. 357, 359; Tuzuk-i Quthsh-Shi by Anonymous autl-ior, MS No. 488, Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad, p. 34; M-gh-Nama by Ghulam Hussain IQian, MS No._ 364, Salar-Jang Museum, Hyderabad, pp. 290/ 311; Hadiqatus Salatin by Nizamuddin Ahmad, MS No. 214, 'Salar- Jang Museum, Hyderabad, pp. 68, 184; Tarikh-1 Sultan Muhammad Qutbshlh by Anonymous author, MS. No. b5, "Sal 5r-Jang Museum, Hyderabad, p. 226.
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Qutbshah; the ot-her was built at Ibrahimpatan. There was a 2 tank at Jalpali,, and we are told of another tank was known as Mir Alam tanj<. Canals were cut from these tanks for irri- 4 5 gation, as is specifically stated for the tank of Jalpali. In constructing some of the tanks the purpose also was to provide water ti) royal palaces, nobles palaces and gardens maintained by the aristocracy. Abbe Carre records that/ "I stopped that night at Bagnepale a large Hindu village near a fine tank. This tank, its borders and the garden arount it are nearly all swampy. The inhabitants here water their garden with numerous little runnels drawn from the tank v^ich they close and open as 7 needed. "
1. Mah-Nama, p. 290; Tarlkh-i Sultan Qutbshah, p. 226.
2. Mah-Nama, p. 226.
3. Tavernier, Vol. I, pp. 124-25. 4. iiah-^ara, p. 311; Tu2uk-i Qutbshahi, p. 34; Abbe Carre, Vol. II, p. 357.
5. Mah-Nama, p. 311.
6. Tuzk-i Qutbshahi, p. 34; Mah-N^a, p. 311; Hadlqatus Salatin, p. 184.
7. Abbe Carre, Vol. II, p. 357.
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AnotheJ: method of taking water out of the tanks for irrigation, whdch Abbe Carre thought a "very wonderful way" is described as follows: "They first draw it ^water_/ out with a wooden machine like the crane they use for raising cut stones in building houses. They then pour the water through a number of little channels which wind roiind the places to be watered."
The dimensions of these tanks varied. At some 2 places there are big tanks while others were small, the Hadlqatus Salatin gives us the measurements of a tank which was situated near the capital. It measured 50 qaz in length and 30 qaz in breadth. Seasonal rains seem to have been the basic source of water for these tanks. The water of the royal tanks was referred to as "delicious and sweat." While the water preserved in the ordinary tanks is referred to as "hard". The reason for Uie difference is not clear, unless it is entirely subjective.
1. Abbe Carre, Vol. II, p. 359. 2. Ibid; Tavernier, Vol. I, pp. 124-25. 3. HadTqatus Salatin, p. 68. 4. Mah-Nama, p. 311. 5. /anonymous Relations, p. 69.
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Tavernier noted the use of dams to hold back water for irrigation. >^.e says that after the rainy season was over, people used to make dams to preserve water at suitable places. These dams were usually half a league long. The water from the dam passed through small canals to irrigate the fields of peasants.
We do not find reference to otl-ier means of water-lift in the kingdoii ot Golconda simiJ ar to those practiced in north India. Most fields might have drawn their sustenance only from seasonal rain since visitors often attributed the 2 fertility of zhe region to rainfall.
Methwald praised the climate of the region as 3 "healthy". Ke informs us that the months of March, /'pril. May and June were included in the hot seasons, v/hile July, August, September and October were the months of rains. Novan- 4 ber, Decanber, January and February were the "cooler months."
The annual average rainfall varies from a minimum of 5 25 inches to a maximum of 50 inches. The isohyets drawn on our map show how the rainfall tends to be heavier on the east-
1.Tavernier, Vol. I, pp. 121-22. 2.Thevenot, p. 145. 3.Methwald in Relations, pp. 6-7. 4.Methwald in Relations, pp. 6-7. 5.See map, 'Economic Products of Golconda'.
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ern coast especially around Madras; as we move towards north west or soiith west-wards, the Isohyets show a marked decline in t]-ie average rainfall. The rainfall largely determines the pattern oJ natural vegetation and is one of the important factors determining the crops cultivated.
Agricultural Crops__and_ Horticulturei
Rice was the staple food-crop of the region. Methwald observed tl'iat the usual practice was to harvest paddy once in the year tut in some regions where the land was comparatively fertile, it yielded two crops of paddy in a year. He fxirther ranarks that jn some extrem.ely fertile areas three crops of 2 paddy were prc^duced but it happened rarely. Abbe Carre at one place observed, "heavy fields sown with rice", and Thevenot notes that, "rice and corn is to be seen every where. u4 5 Wheat v;as also cultivated. Methwald says that.
1. Ibid. 2. Methwald in Relations, p. 8. 3. Abbe Carre, Vol. II, pp. 357-58. 4. Thevenot, p. 131. ^- The English Factories in India^ 1618-69, ed. William Foster-, 13 vols, Oxford, 1906-27, 1634-36, p. 196; Document preserved in A.P. Archives, year 1655.
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"farre up into the country they have good wheate, but not much for it is little eatern of the Gentiles." 2 3 Sugar-cane and millet were also raised, end so too pulses. Methwald found them different from those of the Europe. Oilseeds were also grown in the region. Betel-leaf was grown in considerable quantities. Anong the vegetables refrence to roots, potato and onion occur. 7
^art from the food-crops, cotton was an important crop. It is mentioned as being produced around Palakalu,
Q Nizampattan, \/entapallan, Aramgaon, Pulicut and San-Thome.
1. Methwald in Relations, p. 8.
2« E.F.I. 1642-45, p. 65; Document preserved in A.P. Archives, year 1655. 3. Document preserved in A.P. Archives, year 1655. 4. Methwald in Relations, p. 8.
5. The Dutch Factories in India, 1617-23, ed. Om Prakash, New Delhi, 1984, p. 23.
6. The Diaries of Streyusham Master, 1675-80, ed. R.C. Temple, 2 vols, London, 1909, Vol. II, p.llO; Thevenot, p. 144.
7. Methwald in Relations, p. 8; Document preserved in A.P. Archives, year 1655. 8. Schorer in Relations, pp. 52-54; E.F.I. 1634-36, p. 45; Taverniex, Vol. II, p. 4.
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Masulipatam, Nagalwancha, Sandrapatla, Game, Gelu- pondy and ElcoLr were famous for Indigo. Nagalwancha was 2 deemed to prociuce the best indago within the region. It 3 was exported from Pulicut, Masulipatam and Nizampattan. Cha y-root was produced in areas around Pulicut, 4 Nizampattan and Masulipataia. Pulicut was reputedly supp- 5 lied the best cha y-root, while that obtained from Nizam,- pattan was ne>'t to m quality.
According to Methwald tobacco was introduced in the 7 early decades of the I7tli century. The cultivation of to
bacco spread so rapidly that "much of it /wa_s/ exported to
Mocha and Arrecan." The quality of tobacco was however not . 9 good.
1. Anonymous Relations, p. 79.
2. Schorer in Rel atlons, p. 61.
3. E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 41; Tap an Raychaudhuri, Jan Company in Coromandel, 1605-90, S. Grevenhag, 1962, p. 163.
4. Schorer in Relations, p. 54; Monymous Relations, pp. 80-81; E.F.I.," 1630-33, p. 55.
5. Schorer in Relations, p. 53.
6. Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, 1690-9J, printed in John Plnkerton, General Collec tion of the best and the most interesting voyages and jbr_dvels_ in all parts of the world, Vii, London, 1811, p. 397» 7. Methwald in Relations, p, 37. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., p. 36. ...25
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Horticulture was widespread. Master notes, "we passed through Gangapatan where is a great tope or grove of 2 Kangoe trees.' fmong the fruits, mango seems to have been the most popular, available to both commoners and the aris- 3 tocracy. 4 ^ The other fruits included grapes, banana, pome- 6 . •, 7 , 8 9 -, ^ , 10 granates, pineapple, lemon, orange, datepalm, ^11 , -, 12 coconut and rose-apple.
1. Ihevenot, p. 145; Abbe Carre^ Vol. II, p. 357; ^•aster, Vol. II, p. 179; Hadlgatus SalStin, p. 35; KuiiySt Sultan Muhammad Qull Qutbshah, compiled by ^\o^.iuddin "^'adri Zoori, Usmania," 1940, p. 15.
2. Master,, Vol. II, p. 133.
3. Ibid., pp. 170, 179.
4. Thevenot, p. 145; KullivSt, p. 15.
5. Anonymous Rel ations, p. 85.
6. Ibid; Kulliyat, p. 15.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid; Kadiqatus SalStin, p. 225.
10. Ihevenot, p. 131; Kull'vy^t, p. 15.
11. Ibid; George Watt, Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, London, 1890, Vol. II, p. 421.
12. Anonymous Relations, p. 85; KulliySt, p. 15.
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Famines:
The Kincjdorn of Golconda suffered from two famines during the 17th century.
The first great famine of the century for which we have information occuued in the year 1630-31, A Persian chronicle tells us that for two years before 1630-31 the kingdom did not have a sufficient rainfall, and there was no rain at all in 1630-31. The big tanks in the region dried up such as those of Pangal and Ibrahimpattan and the Hussain-Sagar. Large number of people died from starvation. Previously for one hun one could get fifteen maunds of rice but gradually the prices rose so much that 3 'maunds' only of rice could be obtained for one hun, and so also the 2 prices of other commodities rose phenomenally. The Qutb- shah ordered the officials to gather food-grains where-ever available in the kingdom to supply the capital city. The 4 severe scarcity, however, affected all parts of the kingdom.
1. Hadlcatus Salatin, p. 98. 2. Hadlcatus Salatin, p. 98. At tlie beginning of the "Famine, it says', one could get 7 'maunds' of rice for one hun then 4 'maunds' of rice.
3. Ibid. We are informed that the price of rice and wheat in the capital was 12 ser per hun. Oil could be purchased four sers per hun. 4- Hadlgatus Sal"atin, p. 98.
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The king ordered the establishment of lanqar in each locality and also had cieep wells dug.
The Enclish Factory Records also refer to "The great mortalicy of poor people in Meslapatam and other towns adjacent ocasioned by the great dearth of rise and other 2 grains." This fa/nine greatly affected the commercial acti vities on the coast. The English reported that most of the 3 weavers and washers died in this famine. About Aramgaon it was said that, "The poor psDple there, as weavers, painters 4 and dyers would have all fleed."
The farr.ine was over by 16 34. But now heavy rains came. The Enclish reported: "here ^asulipatarn/ fell such aboundence of rain as rooted not only a great part of corne ere in the fields/twas was half ripe but also spoyld most of 5 the cotton-wool that then was growing in this country."
Another big famine occurred in 1646-47. Unfortu nately we do not find any description of its causes; only
1. Ibid. 2. E.F.I., 1630-33, p. 203. 3. E.F.I., 1630-33, p. 203. 4. Ibid., p. 268. 5. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 40. 6. E.F.I., J646-50, p. 70; Vestiges of Old Madras, 1640-1800, ed. Henry Davison Love, London, 1913, Vol. ::, p. 75; Raychaudhuri, pp. 166, 184-5.
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the consequences of it have been recorded by the English factor writing on 4th January 1646 described it as the great famine that ever occurred in the kingdom. He also describ es the scarcity of food-grains and he says that, "the country will be so dispopulated that it will be impossible to recover 2 itself again in five years tj-me. " The English factors re peated complaint made during the previous famine regarding the scarcity of weavers and painters due to famine conditions" Prices of manufactures were also affected: "This /famine/ 4 has made cloth dearer than formerly."
Each of the two famines caused a glut in the slave market, as parents sold away their children.
^- V.O.M., Vol. I, p. 75.
2. V.O.M., Vol. I, p. 75.
3. E.F.I., 1646-50, p. 70.
4. Ibid., p. 163.
5. For further details on slave-trade, see chapter, 'Commoaities in Foreign Irade'.
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Land Rights:
In the Kingdom of Golconda we find many local terms for superior right holders on the land such as Keinwar, Desh- 1 mukh and Deshpandaya during our period.
The term Meinwar is defined as an accountant in the 2 _ - Fifth Report, but it seems that he also held ^ammdari rights in some areas. .Hereditary succession to MeinwSrT appears to have been a general practice. A farmSn issued by
Qutbshahi rul er *Abul Hasan in 1686, conferred the hereditary claims of Mein-/v5ri on Narain Rao and Nirmal Rao after the 3 death of their father Hari Gopal Rao. That the possession of Meinwari was invariably divided among the sons is evident 4 from this docuinent.
Heinwar was supposed to maintain law and order in the area. In 1680-81 the Meinwar of pargana Amirabad was ordered
1. Document of Samastan, private collection, Haider- gora, Hyderabad, No. 1681; Document preserved in A.P. Archives, 1655 (not numbered); Farmans and Sanads of the Deccan Sultans, ed. Yusuf Hussain Khan, Hyderabad, 1963, p. 42.
2. The Fifth Report from the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the Affairs of the East India Company, ed. W.K. Firminger, 3 vols, first print ed in 1812, reprinted 1984, Delhi.
3. Document of Samastan, 1685.
4. Ibid.
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to maintain law and order in his parqana, which fell under his jurisdiction.
A cash salary was paid to the Meinwar. A farm an issued in 167 2 by *^Abul Hasan, orders payment of 400 tl^'Q.^ annually to 2 Gopal Chand Reddy, who was a newly appointed Meinwar.
There arose a dispute in 1691 over the right of Meinwari in the village Warsarla Pale, which was previously in the jurisdiction of another parqana Muhammad Nagar, sarkSr Hydera bad. Jogpa Tiwari who was the Meinwar of the village when it was within the jurisdiction of Charkonda exercised his right after twenty-five years and his soldiers captured eighty cows from the village Warsarla Pale. This act of claiming the Meinwari right after such a long period was rejected in an Imperial farman.
The deshmukh was another local official. An early reference to a deshmukh is fo'ond in the A'in, where the term 4 is defined as equal to Chaudhuri of North India. The Fifth Report defined him as a district collector exercising admini s- 5 trative and fiscal authority over his area.
1. Document of Samastan, No. 18, 1681. 2. Document of Samastan, 167 2. 3. Document of Samastan, 1691. 4.'Abul Fazl, "A'in-i AkbarT, ed. H. Blochman, 2 vols, Nawal Kishore. Vol. II, p. 237. 5* Fifth Report, Vol. 3; H.H. Wilson, Glossary of Judicial and Rev_enue Terms, Delhi, 1968, p. 132.
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Sometimes the office of a deshmukh was combined with that of a ZamTndar. In 1699 in the village Balurm, parqana haveli Pangal, Gopal Rao was assigned the twin responsibility of ZamTndar and deshmukh. In a farm'5n issued in 1699, Gopal Rao was ordered to settle the village immediately and to dis patch the accounts of deshmukh to the Imperial exchequer. It seems that a qiladar could also become a deshmukh. We find that the agent of Mir Muhammad Muhsin qiladsr of Pangal collected Rusumi-Deshmukhi on behalf of the qiladar.
The Mughal documents familiarise us with the term rusum, v^ich indicated a fiscal right of the deshmukh upon the land within his jurisdiction. It appears that the rusum of deshmukh varied from place to place from 1% to 5% of the 3 total land revenue realized.
The deshpandaya was another land revenue official who is regarded as equivalent to the qanunqo by Abu'l Fazal 4 in the A'in. The Fifth Report defined deshpandaya as an 5 accountant who sometimes hold land-rights. The office of
1. Document of Samastan, 1699. 2. Ibid., 1691. 3. Inayat Jang Collection, National Archives of India, New Delhi, 1/44/7-38; 1/44/7-4 3; 1/0/0-408. In other places it amounted 1.8%; 1/44/7-37; 1/4-5/7-42; 2% 1/44/7-25; 3% 1/44/7-29. 4. A'in-1 /-J^bari, Vol. II, p. 14. 5. Fifth Report, p. 14.
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deshpandaya appears to have been hereditary. It seems that the rusltm of deshpandaya in 1617 amounted to 2^5% of the total revenue realized.
In addition to his rCsum, the deshpandaya used to _ — _ 3 claim various other petty cesses namely Haqdari, R^g^darl, * < * 4 Kalali, Muljtarifa and Manul-j-Deshara, The Mughal documents of North-India in the 17th cen tury frequently use the term Zamindar, which literally means 5 - "holder" of land. In the 'QutbshShi Kingdom the first ins tance of a Zamlndar traced by me is in a document of 1626.
1. Farm an s and San ads of the Deccan Sultans^ p. 33.
2. Ibid. 3. Ibid,, pp. 57-58. Haqdari; A village official who claims fees. RlS^dari; Tolls and duties collected at inland stations upon grain and other articles. See Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms.
4. Farmans and Sanads of the Deccan Sultans, pp. 57-58. Kalali; Tax on liquor. Mubtarifa: A tax levied on trader.s and professions. M^ul- i Deshara; Unidentified. See Glossary of Judi- cial and Revenue Terms.
5. For further details see Irfan Habib, Aqrarian System of Mughal India, Bombay, 196 3, pp. 136- 137.
6. Document preserved in Andhra Pradesh Archives, Hyderabad, 1035 / 1626 (not numbered).
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It spears that the Zamindar in Golconda as else where could sell his rights. Muhammad Shorab Khan, son of Muhammad Khan Lodhi, wanted to construct a tomb in the memory of Yusuf Shah Qadiri in the parqana Karangal. For this pur pose he purchased land from the Zamindar of Karangal, Sarda- ranga Reddy for 4 30 huns.
It is interesting to note that at times the Qutbshlhl ruler provided military help to the Zamlndlrs. In 1661 the Qutbshah sent 10 sawars and 150 musketeers to Surbhi Mula - 2 Nair, the Zamindar of JatpaLe. Here the term Zamindar seems to have been employed in the sense of chief.
The Qutbshah often bestowed robe of honour on the Zamindars v^o were clearly chiefs. We find many references 3 to this effect. It seems to have been customary on the part of Zamindar to pay homage to Qutbshah by presenting gifts. In
1. Document preserved in A.P. Archives, A.H. 1055/ 1626. 2. Selected Waqai of the Deccan, 1660-71, ed. Yusuf Hussain Khan, Hyderabad, 195 3. 3. On 25 April 1662, the ruler of Golconda sent a few robes of honour to Hussain the Qil'adar to be given to the Zamlnd^ir under Udgir fort. Select ed Viaqai of the Deccan, p. 18; Daftar-e DiwanfP wa Mulki-Sarkar- »-A'l^, Haiderabad, 19 38, p. 217. On 26 ^ril 166 2 a robe of honour and a jewelled saddle cloth sent for the Zamindjf of Meheshwar under Carnatic jurisdiction, ibid., p. 18. How ever, Dr Yusuf Hussain Khan has translated the (Footnote continued next page)
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1662 that the Zamindar or chief of Udgir fort presented a pair of bangles set with gems and a ring of ruby to the Qu^^b- Shah.''"
Land Revenue;
Unfortunately the Persian chronicles of the kingdom are largely silent of the mechanism of revenue collection. So we have to rely mainly on the European records and travellers' ^ 2 accounts. The European travellers commented on the large size of the income of the kingdom. Methwald speaks of the "huge 3 treasurer aristh from the large extent of his dominion." Thevenot also reiiarked that, "The King of Golconda has vast
(Previous Footnote continued ...)
word Dugduqi as necklet but to me it means saddle cloth, (F, Steingass, Per si an-English Dictionary, London, 1963), On _15 May 1662, five robes of honour sent for ZamindSr of Ellore and Rajahamun- dary. Selected Waqal of the Dec can, p, 21.
1. Selected Waqai^of the Deccan, p. 20; Daftar- i- DiwanT-wa Mulki Sarksir-e A'lcC, p. 220.
2. Methwald in Relations, pp. 10-11; Anonymous Rela tions, pp. 79-81; Master, Vol. II, p. 113; Thev- not, p. 142. 3. Methwald in Relations, pp. 10-11.
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Revenues." The travellers considered the King of Golconda 2 as the proprietor of land and his subjects as tenants. This implies that the land tax collected in the ruler's name was large aiough to approximate to rent. Unfortunately, ve do not have any information on the actual share of the pro duce taken as tax.
It spears from the sources that tax farming prevail- 3 ed in Golconda. The lease were often auctioned once a year, It was probably in the month of July in v^ich auctions were 4 carried out.
The farming of revenue systen involved various levels of sub-leasing. The King used to farm out the land to some big officials; and the latter farmed it out to others, till 5 ultimately the peasant paid his tax to the final subfarmer. The farmers were expected to pay three quarterly instalments each in the year. The lease-holder who had to pay annually
1. Thevenot, p. 142. 2. Methwald in Relations, pp. 10-11; Thevenot, p. 142. 3. Methwald in Relations, pp. 10-11; Anonymous Rela tions, p. 81; Master, Vol. II, p. 113; Thevenot, p, 142. 4. Methwald in Rel atipns, pp. 10-11. 5. I bi d. 6. Anonymous Relations, p. 81.
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to the Government seems to have been free to extract as much as possible from his territory, causing much oppression to the tax payers.
The revenue farmer is often described as the "Gover nor" by the European travellers/ though Master used the 2 term "Revenue Collector."
Generally, the lease-holders were the local people of the region. Schorer observed that, "most of the Governors 3 are brahmans or Gentus, not Persians." ITie Government was quite strict about the realization of rent from the lease holders or the farmers. Those farmers who failed to make full payment by the end of the year were awarded severe punishments. The harsh attitude of the state towards the farmers naturally resulted in their dealing harshly with the peasan- 5 try in order to maximize realization.
1. Schorer in Relations, p. 57. 2. Master, Vol. II, p. 99. 3. Schorer in Relations, p. 57. 4. Anonymous Relations, p. 81, "If the Government fail to make full payment by the end of the year, they are often flogged to such an extent that sometimes they can never recover their health during their whole life." 5. Methwald in Relations, pp. 10-11; Schorer in Rela tions, p. 57; Anonymous Relations, p. 81; Master, Vol. II, p. 113; Methwald speaks of "other oppre ssions what so ever they can possibly extract from the poorer Inhabitants using what violence within their Government they shall thinke fit. "
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/•jn anonymous Dutch traveller mentions the presence of an official ("Supirior") attached to the farmer to keep a check on his activities. He v/as supposed to inform the King about tlie activities of the farmer. It is possible that his real duty was to see how much the territory could 2 yield. The supervisors were ^parently usually muslims.
There arose a controversy over the pa^TOent of taxes in pagodas during tl-ie reign of 'Abdullah Qutbshah (1626-7 2), owing to official insistence that tax collections must be made in old pagodas. The old pagoda was not superior in terms of weight and fineness to the new pagoda but by its increasing scarcity, it fetched higher value by one rupee over the new pagoda (RS. 4^5 as against Rs. 3^2) by the 1650's.""
The impulse for increased taxation, the English factors thought, cam.e from the obligation of the wutbshah to
1. ^Jion^i'mous Relations, pp. 81-8 2.
2. Anonymous Relations, pp. 81-82.
3. E.F.I., 1655-60, p. 33.
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pay tribute to the Mughal emperor, for which he had to fill his treasury with the old pagodas.
The demand for taxes in the old pagodas tended to increase the burden of taxation in real terms. It was noted by the English factors in 1667 that, "the weavers, etc., must keep upp the price of their cloth or else they can not pay 2 their rent and taxes. " The increase in real taxation thus added to wage-costs. Thus it was reported in 1667 that a tax farmer had really to pay 40% more, though the sxom in old 3 pagodas had not been increased.
Revenue Realization;
We do not possess much information on the amount of revenue collected by the QatbshShl administration. We have however a series of documents giving figures of revenue col lected in sarksrs of the Mughal province of Hyderabad which bear the seal of Muhammad Shafi, an official of Aurangzeb, I have considered these documents as the Qutbshahi, because most of the documents are dated 1090 A.H. (1679-80 A.D.). Those of sarkar Rajahmundary are dated 1091 A.H. (1680-81 AD), while those of sarkar Kahyan bear the year 1097 A.H. (1684-85
1. E.F.I., 1665-67, p. 328. For further details see Chapter on 'Tribute'. 2. E.F.I., 1665-67, p. 328. 3. Ibid.
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A.D.) and of sarkar Elcondal 1099 A.H. (1687-89 A.D.).''"
It is thus clear that the revenue figures are inherit ed from/ or based on Qutbshahl records, for the Mughal annexa tion took place only in 1687.. The sark5rs of Karnatak are not included in these documents.
The amount of revenue is generally stated in two deno- 2 minations, dams and rupees. In seven sarkclrs along vdth the rupees and dans the revenue figures are also stated in huns, this being the case in the s;irkgrs of Malankoor, Masulipatam, Murtuzanagar, Rajahamundary, Pangal and Ellore. The reason why huns should have been used in tax assessment or collection in these sarkars only is not indicated, but it is possible that the h\an being traditionclly used in commerce was still circulating in areas that were commercially important. For example Pangal/ Murtuzanagar and Mustufanagar contained dia mond mines. While Ellore was known for its manufacture and woollen carpets and cotton textiles. Rajahamundary and Masu- 4 lipatam contained ports. We cannot, however/ explain the presence of hxins in Malankoor on these grounds.
It seems that the Kingdom of Golconda adopted the administrative features evolved by the Mughals. In the Qutb-
1. loJ.C. 2. One Mughal rupee consists of 40 d5ms. One hun was equal to 4 Mug_nal rupee. 3. Atlas of the Mughal anpire, 15 ' B'. 4. Atlas of the Mughal Q-nplre, 15 'B'.
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shahl document the two Mughal revenue terms Jamadami and Hasil are present. In interpreting the figures we assume that, as
in other parts of the Mughal empire, the figures in dams re present Jamadami and those in rupees the h5sil (revenue-collec-
tion).
Revenue figures of 20 sarkSrs are set out in the c Inayat Jang documents. But iJne Jama totals are stated only for
four sarkars. In the remaining sixteen sarkars, the revenue is
stated against the parganas only. The following table shows c Jama totals of four sarkars. These are equal to the actual of
the Jama-figures for the various parganas.
Doc.No. Sarkar S-tated Jama of Sarkar '
97 Medak 6,88, 35,000
98 Pangal 9,69, 20,000
101 Mai ankoor 59, 50,000 107 Elcondal 4,52, 15,000
When we look at the detailed figures, we find that in a number c 1 of parganas. Jama is higher than h"5sil, which was a usual phenomena in the Muqhal empire.
1, See Appendix I.
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But in many parqanas the Jama is practically equal to h5sil. Moreover, the hasil is found to be higher than Jama 2 in other cases. There is no explanation of these variations in the documents themselves. It is interesting to note that many of these places where the hasil exceeds the Jama appear to have been areas of production of important commercial com- 3 modi ties. For example, the neighbourhood of Rajahmundary was a centre of textile production. There was also the avai lability of timber v^ich was floated down the Godavari. Bhon- gir manufactured chintz. Warrangal was famous for woollen carpets and muslin. The sarkars of Deverkonda, Mustufanagar, Murtuzanagar and Pangal contained diamond mines. Iron and steel manufactures were located in Elcondal and Murtuzanagar, In the neighbourhood of Medak extensive cultivation was car- 4 ried out with the help of tanks.
The higher amount of hasil in the regions of Khammum- met, Sickakal, Kollas and Malankoor can not be similarly ex plained as these are not known for any important kind of manu- f aCture.
The figures provided in the Inayat Jang documents can not be cross-checked with any other contemporary records ex-
1. Ibid. 2. Ibid. 3. Atlas of the Mughal Ehipire, 15 'B', 16 'B'. 4. Atlas of the Mughal anplre, 15 'B'.
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cept the Dastur-ul Amal-1 ShShnshahi, which was completed near the close of Aurangzeb's reign (1707), It is interest- ing to note that Inayat Jang documents give Jamac and Hasil- # figures, ^•^ile the later Mughal document gives only Hasil- « figures, which could be identified with Hasil-fiqures of Inayat Jang documents. It seans that the Mughals did not c consider Jam a-figures of the Inayat Jang documents as actual figures and had taken Hasil-fiqures of Inayat Jang to repre- sent the Jama after their annexation of Golconda, The extent to which ttie Inayat Jang documents' data match with those of Dastur-ul Amal~i Shah an shah"! can be es tablished by making some elanentary comparisons. Table I below gives the number of parqanas under each sarkaT in these documents.
The second table gives thoses parqanas of Inayat Jang documents which could be identified with the parqanas of Das tur-ul ^Amal-i Shahansh"ahl and compare the hSail-figures of * the parqanas sarkar-wise. The third table shows a comparison of the total amounts of hssil for the various sarklrs from the statistics given in the Inayat Jang doci.iments and Dastur-ul ^Anal-i Shahanshahi.
1. Dastur-ul ^Amal-1 Sh5]'iansh'5h"i, revised by Thakur Lai, Rotograph in the Depeirtment of History, AMU., Aligarh, No. 52.
...43
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On the basis of these tables we can conclude that in
two rather small sarkars (Ni2:ampattan and Malankoor) the amount of hasil remained more or less the same. But the hasll came to be much higher in 6 sarkars viz. Masulipatam, Pangdl, Elcondai, Medak, Mustufanagar and Murtuzanagar. It is interesting to note that anong these 6 sarkars as many as four sarkars had already a high hasil assigned to them in the Inayat Jang documents (being in excess of Jama at that time), namely Pangal, Mustufanagar and Mvurtuzanagar.
In the remaining 8 sarkars, the hasil-fiqures showed a decline. Among these too are included 3 sark'Srs which had earlier yielded a high amount of hasil viz. Raj ahamundary, 1 Bhongir and Warrangal.
Overall, the total hasil of the 16 sarkars in Inayat Jang documents (Rs.83, 36, 153. 22) turns out to be considerably higher than that of Dastur-ul ^Amal-i Sh^anshahl (RS. 69, 18,795. 7 3) .
It would, therefore, seem that when the Mughal adminis tration was extended to Golconda, it inherited two sets of taxation figures from the Qu-fjbshahl administration. Jama and hasil, both estimates (not actuals) of revenue collection. The former was apparently already obsolete, and henceforth the hasil-figures alone were used. These were altered and.
1. See ^pendix I.
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on the balance, substantially scaled down, but the initial point was furnished by records of the Cu-yDshahi regime.
Customs;
Custom paid at the different ports of Golconda appear to have varied with the influence exercised by the various parties concerned. There are references to different compa nies and traders paying diffearent amounts of customs at Masulipatam according to the wishes of Havaldar or other port officials.
About the Indian merchants we are informed that, "native merchants bringing goods into Masulipatam were obliged 2 to pay toll of 7%". Indians had to pay a duty of 5,3 percent 3 on different goods at the bank sell, again when the merchant carried goods from the port he had to pay a duty according to 4 oxland, Indians also paid a stamp duty on cloth, the chap-
1. D.F.I., pp. 22, 27, 52, 75; Schorer in Relations, p. 64; Letters Received, Vol. II, p. 89; Peter Floris, Peter Floris His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe, 1611-25, ed. W.H. Morel and, Hakluyut Society, 19 34, pp. 15-20; E.F.I., 1624-29, pp. 133- 137; 1630-33, pp. 78, 85, 99; 1634-36, pp. 44-45, 160, 325; 1637-41, p. 149; Francois Martin, India in the 17th Century, translated and annotated, Lotika Vardharajan, ]670-1694, 2 vols.. New Delhi, 1981, Vol. I, Part I, p. 29. 2. D.F.I., p. 108. 3. Sinnappah Arasaratnam, Merchants, Companied and Commerce on the Coromandel Coast^ 1650-1740, Delhi, 1986, pp. 327-28" 4. Ibid.
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dalali ("royal stamp") as it was popularly >cnown/ in addition to custom, which amounted to around 11% to 12% advalorem.
Among the Europeans the Dutch were the first to come into contact with the Golconda authorities to secure royal or ders regarding customs. In 1605, Paulas Van Saldth secured a f arm5n from the Qu^bshSh, according to which the Dutch had to 2 pay 4% for both imports and exports throughout the Kingdom. 3 In addition the Dutch were exempted from the tax on cloth.
A conflict arose regarding the payment of customs in 1611 when the local authorities demanded 5% on both imports and exports. On this the Dutch traders threatened before Mir Sadaruddin, the local official that they would leave the port in protest. The officials then agreed to accept 4% duty on imports and exports in accordance with the former arrange- 4 ment. In 1615-16 the Dutch adopted a new method for payment of customs, "Wemmer Van Berchen made an agreanent with the King of Golconda to pay 3,000 pagodas yearly for both imports 5 and exports." The Dutch were supposed to pay this amount
1. Schorer in Relations, p. 64; Raychaudhuri, p. 16. 2. D.F.I., p. 7 2; Raychaudhury, p. 16. 3. Ibid.; Arasaratnam, pp. 327-28. 4. Floris, pp. 14-15. 5. Schorer in Relations, p. 64; Letters Received by the East India Company from its servants in the East (1602-17), Vol. IV, p. 33.
. ..46
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yearly, v/hether their ships come to the port or not. %)art
from this, the Governor, expe;cted valuable presents from the Dutch.^
The payment of a fixed amount per annum in lieu of customs from the Dutch was not welcomed by their superior au thorities, "in the meantime it would be advisable for Coro- mandel to pay 4% duty rather than an annual siom of 3,000 pago das because once the Surat trade got going, very little of 3 spices would have to be sent to Masulipatam. " In 1619 the Cutbshah re-issued a farmgn to confirm the annual payment of 4 3,000 pagodas, as against the demand of the new Havaidar at Masulipatam for the payment of a duty of 4%, The Dutch ex pected a new farm ah with the arrival of new HavaidSr at Masu- lipatam in 1619 permitting the company to trade freely but these expectations did not materialize and the authorities insisted on the payment of 3,000 pagodas per annum. It
seems that some other minor charges had to be paid, such as weighing duty of 1/6 pagoda on each bahar or 480 Dutch pounds
!• Letters Received, Vol. IV, p. 33. 2. Schorer in Relations, p. 64. 3. D.F.I., p. 75. 4. Ibid., p. 110. 5. Ibid., p. 27. 6. Ibid., p. 161.
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of copper brought in. The rate of anchorage duty on all ships is not known, only Havart records that at the port of 2 Masulipatam the anchorage fee was 100 pagodas per ship. In the beginning the English also faced some friction with the local authorities. Till 1614, the English were not able to secure any farm an for customs and paid, "the value 3 of 7,000 pagodas in goods upon account of customs outwards." In 1616 they secured a farm^n according to v^ich they had to 4 pay 4% on imports and exports. Further they were "to be exempted from other chargeable customs brought in." The agreenent continued till 1630. In 1630 the English factors became convinced of the advantage of a yearly payment of cus toms like the Dutch and they recommended to their superiors at Surat to, "learn by the Dutch a better and more profitable way which is to make means by way of treaties with this King to agree for the annual custom of our trade in this place." The English had to pay a large amount of customs for trans-, porting the goods from river, towns, city-gates, etc., which
1. Arasaratnam, p. 326. 2. Ibid., p. 325. 3. Letters Received, Vol. II, p. 89. 4. Letters Received, Vol. IV, p. 38; Schorer in Relations, p. 64.
5. Letters Received, Vol. IV, p. 38.
6- E.F.I., 1630-33, p. 85.
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they naturally wanted to avoid. At last the English received
^ farrnan from Cu^bshah on 26 February 1634, according to which
they were required to pay a fixed sum of 8,000 pagodas per 2 annum in lieu of all customs. This grant v/as confirmed in 3 16 39 by another farm an. The situation seems to have conti- 4 nued during the latter part of the century.
The French used to pay 2^2% on imports and ex-)orts.
1. Ibid.
2. E.F.I., 1634-36, pp. 14-16.
3. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 149.
4. E.F.I., 1655-60, pp. 36, 141.
5. Martin, Vol. I, Part I, p. 29.
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Table - I
Nijmber of Parqanas in Niomber of Parqanas in Sarkar Inayat Jang Eociainents
Muh amm adn eg ar 12 12
Bhongir 8 11
Nizampattan 1 1
Masulipatan 8 8
Deverkonda 13 12
Raj ahamundary 18 16
Mustuf anagar 24 22
Mai ankoor 4 3
Ellore 11 11
Khammam 2 11
Murtuzanagar 7 5
Warangal 26 16
Kollas 6 5
Elcondal 21 21
Pangal 8 2
Medak 12 10
Total 181 166
...50
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O Ti D 0 c rt X h o § 0 £. < 0 UJ n K; fu m 0 (> i-( Tl M 0 01 ,^ H- Pi 3 ^< ne D 0 X> Oi c 0 :i: C h-' h ^1 a ^ ^ UJ u> ^j ^0 ^ Ln ^ CB Ln 03 ^ ^^ V) 4i ^D ^ ^ J^ J3 a> •V) LJ J^ UJ (-» o ^ M ID c^ -1 M 03 vO >£1 -J JN L^n ^*0. 0" Ul O o o o o o o o 3 (57) Table - III Total Mount Total Amount of Hasll of Hasll Name of the Sarkar in'IJC in'DAS Muh amm adn ag ar 7,72,608.74 1,49,521.42 Bhongir 4,99, 164.82 4,25,671. 8 Nizampattan 2,46,000.00 2,46,000.00 Masulipatan 3,80,369. 3 4, 14,565.54 Deverkonda 10,39,051.15 7,01,752.31 Rajahamundary 1,50/38 2.50 1, 35,405.00 M al ankoor 1,74, 231. 7 1,74,164. 5 Ellore 3,93,012.13 2,86,033.00 Murtuzanagar 7,91,037.07 10,61,698.13 Khammam 2,27,959. 8 1,09,088. 9 Warangal 11,97,091.22 3,42,818. 8 Kollas 4,24,516. 2 2, 32, 213.42 Pangal 2, 30, 333.00 3,24,894. 8 Elcondal 4,72,561.44 6,47,879.84 Medak 7,05,542.64 9,68,929.16 Mustuf anaaar 6, 32, 293.31 6,98,162.53 ...58 (58) The annual tribute paid by Golconda to the Mughal empire from 1636 d^wn to the kingdom's extinction in 1687 is an important aspect of its political and economic history. The tribute originated in the annual subsidy paid to Malik Ambar_jthe famous uncrowned ruler of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar. We are told that when in 1624 he was threatened by a coalitior of the Mughals and Bijapur, he went to Qandhar and collected the settled amount (muqarrar) from the Qutb Shah, Though th» sources do not in this context state the amount of the settle- subsidy/ Lahori informs us that Qutb Shah used to pay every 2 year four lakhs of huns to Ahmadnagar, During the last months of 16 24, the Golconda Kingdom was exempted from the pa^ ment for the period of two years by Malik Ambar, It seems that the Qutb Shah also sent Peshkash or gift _ - 4 to emperor Jahangir, but no annual payment seanns to have bef 1. Mutamad Khan, Iqbalnama-i Jahanqiri, Nawal Kishore, Lucknow, 1870, Vol. II, p. 59 2. 2. 'Abdul Hamld Lahori, Badshahnana, ed. Kabiruddin Ahmad and Abdur Rahim, Calcutta, 1867-7 2, Vol. I, Part II, p. 178. 3. Khwaja Kamgar Hussaini, Ma*asir-i Jahanqiri, ed. Azra Alavi, 1978, p. 410; Iqb'alnam"a-i~Jah'anqiri, p. 595. 4. Iqbaln"ana-i Jah'anqlrT, pp. 545-6. The tribute comprising jewels and elephants_amounting to 50 lakh rupees was sent by Qutb Shah to Jahangir. ...59 (59) fixed. In 1621 a settlanent was being made between Jahangir and Malik Ambar, an indannity was imposed upon Golconda and Bijapur also; according to the settlement 50 lakh rupees were to be paid as tribute by the Deccan rulers, 18 lakhs by Bija pur, 12 lakhs by Ahmadnagar and 20 lakhs by Golconda. On becoming emperor (16 28) Shahjahan pursued an ex pansionist policy in the Deccan, The Mughals occupied Daulatabad in 16 33. They, thereupon attempted to extinguish the Nizamshlhi and exerted pressure on the Qutbshahi to help them in this aideavour, and to recognise the Muqhal anperor as heir to the Niz^mshahi claims for an annual subsidy from the Qutb Shah, A settlement was finally made in 1636, and according to the settlement:- (a) Gold and silver coins would be struck by the Qutb Shah in the name of the Mughal enperor. (b) 1\io lakh huns (equal to eight lakh rupees) would be annually paid by the Qutb Shah to the Mughal er-iperor. This represented a continuation, at a reduced level, of the subsidy of four lakh huns v^ich the Qutb Shah had been pay ing to the Nizam Shah. Qutb Shah also had to pay 32 lakh rupees on account of arrears of the Nizamshahl claims till 1. Ma'asir-i Jahangiri, p. 333. .. .60 (60) 8th Regnal Year. Out of this the Qutb Shah promised to pay 8 lakh rupees immediately. (c) The amount of the annual tribute (peshkash) would be sent to the Prince appointed as Viceroy of the Deccan; and if no Prince was ^pointed^to the Viceroy. (d) In case of attack by Bijapur on Golconda, the ruler of Golconda would seek help from the Mughals through the Viceroy of the Deccan. In case the Viceroy failed to meet the request and the Qutb Shah/ had to pay any amount tC' Adil Shah, thiis sum of money would be deducted from the tri- 2 bute which Golconda had to pay to the Mughals. It seems that the payment of the tribute from Golconda was made in both cash and kind. It was customary that in lieu of part of the tribute, jewels and elephants were sent to the Mughal enperor, while the cash payment was 3 deposited in the imperial treasury. 1. It seems that he had to pay 32 lakh rupees at the rate of 4 lakh rupees per year, beginning from 1st Regnal Year. 2. Lahori, Vol. I, Part II, p. 178. 3. Adab-i ''Alamqlrl, ed. Abdul Ghafur Chaudhury, Lahore, 197 1, Vol. II, p. 886. ...61 (61) The tribute realized in Cash from the Golcondc Kin'-do' was m Shahjahan's reign at least retained for expenses of the Alughal administration. This is shown clearly by the stat m cnt of funds available for expenditure in the Deccan which Aurangzeb, as Viceroy, submitted to Shahjahan, The items ma\ I be put in tabular form as follows. Expenditure in Deccan On the maintenance of Topkhana, grant of honours and other related expenditure = 6,33,000 Salaries of the Viceroy and cash allowances to officers etc. = 25,4 3,000 Total = 31,76,000 Income from the Deccan Peshkdsn of uutbshSh = 8,00,000 i esnkash of Deogarh = 1,00,000 r^evenuc from bir and other Mahals = 2,4 0, COO Total = 11,40,000 Deficit to be met out of grants from I.tioerial ireasury = 20,36,000 Ruqqat-i Alctncirj, eJ. Saiyed uajeeb Ashraf l^advi, Azfarngarh, Vol. I, p. 120. ... 62 (62) Luring i.vran.j^ei^'s -.ez-'T^i vicerr^Vdity of the Deccan (1653-58) Shonjahan ordered that the ;.utbsha!'i should pay as much as half cf the tribute in the form 1 of elephants. Aurangzeb protested that this would reduce the money available for expenditure of Mughal adjnini Gtratjon in the Deccan, but he had to submit to 9 imperial orders." Golconda vas a great importer cf 3 eleoh.xnts from tiurma. Some letters of Aurangzeb piovide us with information regarding the number cf elephants actually sent from Golconda as part of the 4 trifcute. Apart from the expenditure on purchase lo Ad gib-i ' Al aiiiqiri, vol. I, p. 144. 2. Ibid, 3- g.F.I., 1637-41, p. 66; /^bbe Carre, Vol. II, p. 34 5; Selected '/ac-ai of trie Deccan, p. 60, 4. Ad5b-J ' Al iLaiq j r j, V-;l, T, r. " "3; si> ele phants were reported to h.ive been r.f^r.t on one occasjcn, 30 --'l tph>.:nts during another year (^r . 15?, 196). But all tne eler)hants received v^ere not ^'T cood breed, an i" at times the .^ u^^ii ^1 oificers hesitated tc ac cept thefn on ^ehalf of the emperor. Cf. Adab-i ' Alamg j rl. Vol. I, p. 3 96. f "5 (63) of eltphcnts, p ,Lt of the tribute was used to purchase the fancur- p —ITCJ chinf/ oi >iasulip;-tjrr,. Aurangzeb reauirec the ^i II Jhah once to oay his aaent as much as G 1 cL i. dispute over t''-•- trloute betwpen the Mughals and the Cutb Sh~h arose uartly because by 1656 the value of hun h. i rir.cn from '^s •^ to 7s 5. The Mughals demanded retr, ,- _ctivo rJ'^n.rt 6t tl'.e nev> rate, which naturally me.^nt r. iir-^vy addj tion shape of ' arro'^r'^', IlurrJ-iid Culi Khjn sent a de tailed memoranda:', to the Cutb Shah setting out the 3 amount in accordonce with the new value of the hun. A new settlement was made between the Mughals and the Qutb Shah in 1656 as a result of Aurangzeb's Golconda campajgii. Auiong-.'-eo ' s son i^'vihemmad Sultan 1. Adab-i 'Ala^mciri, Vol. I, p. 275, 2. Ibid., o. 276. 3. irJd., -. 22^.. ...64 (64) was murrJ ed to th'_ 5ec- bh~'i. A dowry o: f 1 >_kh rupee-;: was paid to Aurangzeb, The Outfc Shdh al. c cir'i eed to m-,ke a payment of twenty five lakh huns as inde.r.nity and in lieu of past arrears or tricute on account of the cr.anged value of the huns since I63>i. Henceforth, to suit the new rate for the hun; the annual tricut-'.. wos tr ce 10 lakhs of rupees. resides this, the fcrt cf Ra-T-gir and its adjoining dis- 2 t riots were ceded to the rluchals. Aurc\niaZeb deterndned in realizing the tribute put certain oution^ before the ^utb ShSn. The first was that the peymcn^ snould be rpade in instalments; that is twenty 1 .'--h ruoe^s shouli be o^i'l immediately cind fifteen lakh rupeL-s (five I.ikhs of arrears and ten lakh rupees rt t' e a^-nual trikute) sloulu re oaid by the end of the current y^ar. Secondly to cede some borderinq districts to >rjjhal=. This would mcJ;e Dossi ls Shah Jah~ri sr.owed hi^ resentment to Aurangzeb on the Is'ue oi tc-.kinu money and not sending it to the Imrerial Court. Later on the amount was oai^.i into tu'; imperial treasury, Ad^b-i '~lai":^Cfrrt, V-jl. 1, -• . 54 1-4/. 7. Ibjo., t. J3^'. ..65 (55) ble the part realizoxicn oi the tribute from the rev'^n'.if 1 of the ceded districts. The v.utb Shah appealed tc Shah Jahan to exempt hirn from the oayment ci some of the amount imposed on him. As a result a sum of 15 1 a"kh of rupees was remit- 2 ted. But ne was r'^c.-nre^ to m.ake 2. JaduDdth barker s--ye that twenty 1 _J-;h rupees were exempted f]'--y th j payment. Cf. History ol Auranqzeb, Vo 15 . 1, 11,' p . 13 3. 3 • Ad?>b-i '~le.--LjrT, p. 3 3]. 4. Ibid., p. 334. 5« Selected Vcanai oi the Deccan, p. 5. ...6C (66) ,e do n')t find refe: er.ces tr th.c trjL\-te after lcC2„ /'c cf-n only a'^'^jrr.e tr. it tnis preictice continued u^-- till l697-f5F. It is interesting to consider the effects of the tribute on the economy and trade of Golconas. It could "P seen as a const^jnt dr=in o* v^alth frcm Golc-'nia into t"'-'- I^'ughal empire. Th^ -^leasure tr an^-f err^d b •• ^-•- tri^ji->, ii it did not r'-Tcin +L.r'd r •^ n ti.'^ for', cf bullion, also enabled thp Ki;_"_lo r- '^y products of ~olcTrjC'a ('"'- as painred chintz) cr ;r"\"-ot.- re-export fr:-^ it (such- elephants) . Lven wd-re ti c transfer was in tne sahpe o^ bullion, it created some ci ~.:.je within the rconomy oi ''o]. conda by encouraging sxlvcr imports in order to ma>e rupr. pcivments to the Muqr.^ii. Tnus rr.e rupee minting at H\'^.. i ~ bad was erorably d--ptndent rcinly upon needs of tri>jutr paymento On the ot'''-i h "n ^, it ndturally reduced the wealth and splendour of the ^utb Shah, and undermined the financial prosperity ot the kingdom. ...CI (67) (a) MINES (i) Iron:- Iron mining in the Kingdom of Golconda is often noticed in European sources. 2 In Andhra iron ore occurs in abundance, Itie sources record many places vAiere iron was produced, viz., Nagalvancha 3 4 5 in the central part of the region; Narsapur; Madapallam; 6 7 Palakaliu and Ramayapatam in the eastern part of the King dom. The iron in the foot-hills bearing rocks after being broken were roasted with the help of wood. After this pro cess the roasted iron was beaten with wood into pieces. Then the iron was smelted. After smelting it was reheated and converted into bars through hammering. Bar iron could now be converted into steel. 1. Schorer in Relations, p. 63; Thevenot, p. 148; Bowrey, pp. 102, 106; Master, Vol. II, pp. 16, 115, 134. 2. Watt, Vol. IV, p. 507. 3. Master, \tol. II, p. 115, 4. Bowrey, p. 102; Master, Vol. II, p. 160. 5. Bowrey, p. 102. 6. Ibid., p. 106. 7. Master, Vol. II, p. 134. 8. Havart, I, p. 199. Cf. Ishrat Alam, "Iron manu factures in Golconda in the 17th Century", pre sented at the Indian History Congress, Dharwad Session, 1988 (cyclostyled copy in the Department of History, AMU). ...68 (68) Near the mines at Narsapur, PalakaHu and Madapalam centres of iron manufacture were established. The Dutch seem to have been tlie only foreigners^ >^o used the skill of the Indian smiths at these places to the considerable extent. Till 1671-7 2 the Dutch had a smithy in a village londer Nar-sapur named Ponnepilly v*iere the 3 smiths used to work for the Dutch, After the abandonment of the village they acquired a portion of land from the ruler of Golconda at Nar^apur where they established the 4 iron smithy. We are informed that in the beginning 10-12 labourers used to work daily at Nar-sapur but by 1664 the number had gone up to three hundred. Bowrey praised the quality of Nar-sapur iron* "the best iron upon coast is for the most part vended here and att resonable rates, with the workmanship alsoe, any sort of iron worke is here Ingenously performed by the natives. " 1. Bowrey, pp. 102, 106; Havart, pp. 40-41. Cf. Arasaratnam, p. 102. 2. Bowrey, p. 102, 3. Van-Dam, II, pp. 146-147. Cf, Arasaratnam, p. 69, 4. Ibid. 5. Van Dam, II, p. 223. Cf. Ishrat Alan. 6. Bowrey, p. 102. .69 (69) Similarly at Pal-akaUba the smiths were reported to be busy in making all sorts of iron. The Dutch also had their iron work houses at Nagal- 2 wancha and Reroayapatam. In order to improve the techniques used, the Dutch sometimes brought master Dutch craftsman to Narsapur for supervising the process. At the village Ponnepully the Dutch craftsm^ supervised twenty-two Indian smiths and eighty 3 labourers. Similarly at Nagalwancha Jan Aarnoudsy was sent 4 to train the blacksmiths. But at times the local authori ties disapproved of the European experts, as in 167 2 ^en a Swedish expert was sent to teach Indian blacksmiths but he was not allowed to do so. Van Dam gives wages of blacksmiths at Ponnepilly in 1664, For making 480 lbs of nails they used to get 4 pagodas. For 480 lbs of welding iron they got 5.2 pagodas. These are 1, Bowrey/ p. 106. 2. Master, \fol, II, pp. 115, 134. 3, Van Dam, II, pp. 146-147. Cf. Arasaratnam, p, 69. 4. Havart, II, pp, 45-46. Cf. Ishrat Alam. 5. Raychaudhuri, p, 174, 6, Van Dam, II, p. 223, Cf. Ishrat Alam, ,,, 70 (70) striking low compared with the rate reported by Havart in > 1693, Havart gives wages according to the categories of pro duct. For blacksmiths at Ponnepilly he informs tliat for 520 lbs of welding iron a blacksmith got 20 guilders; for plating doxible and single middle nails, 16 gviilders; and for 2 those 5, 6, 1, 8 inches 14 guilders. Much of the iron seems to have been consumed in ship building. We find frequent references to the differoit compo nents of a ship made out of iron, for example spikes, bolts, nalils and anchors, that were made at Narsapur. The diamond miners also used iron blades, v^ile 4 searching for the diamonds. Tavernier describes the use of iron in muskets and 5 found Golconda iron better and purer than the French iron. 1. One guilder contained 20 strivers, one rupee consists of 24 strivers, 5/6 gviilder makes a rupee. W,H, Morel and. From Akbar to Axiranqzeb, New Delhi, 197 2, p, 330. 2. Havart, II, p, 198, Cf, Ishrat Alam. 3. Bowrey, p, 102; Havart, II, pp. 40-41. Cf. Arasaratnam, p, 69. 4. Tavernier, ^fol. II, p. 43. 5. Ibid,, Wbl, I, p, 127, .71 (71) (il) CdLamondi- Among the minerals of Golconda diamonds were the most celebrated. We are also fortionate in possessing fairly detailed accounts of the dianond mines. Methwald/ Tavernier and Master visited the Golconda mines and have left detailed accounts of the mines, mention- inig these names and locations. An anonymous English report, 2 of great value, was published in 1677. Tavernier gives the names of twenty-three mines in the 3 Kingdom. Much of his information is corroborated by the re- 4 5 porft of 1677. Some of these places have been identified. The revenue-register Kitab-i Deh-ba-dehi also gives a list of Golconda mines. It is evident from the sources that diamond mines were 7 generally found among the hilly and forested areas. In 1677 report which gives us the names of numerous mines also fur- 1. Methwald in Relations, pp. 30-32; Tavernier, Vol. I, pp. 43-49; Master, Vol. II, p. 173. 2. A Description of the Diamond Mines, printed in Philosophical Transaction (1677), No. 128, pp. 907- 917. 3. Tavernier, \fol. II, p. 353. 4. Philosophical Transaction, pp. 907-917. 5. Atlas of the Mughal Empire, 15'B', 16'B'. 6. Microfilm (No. 11) in the Department of History, AMU., Aligarh, Folio Nos. 445-446. 7. Tavernier, Vol, II, p. 43; Philosophical Transac tion, p. 907. ..72 (7 2) nishes us vcLth cx^nunaits on soils at the mines. The mine of Kollur was situated on "yellowish" soil; the mines of Goda- 2 willikul and Buttepallem were discovered in "redish" soil. The mines of Jonagerr, Purrai, Dugulle, Purwillee and Annta- pellee had red soil. In the Wootoor mine, diamonds were 4 5 fotmd in black soil. At Melwillee the soil was red. Kollur was reportedly the first mine to be discovered in the Kingdom. The diamonds found here were well shaped, and of white, yellow and brown coloxirs and were normally in 6 size of about six Manglin. The mines of Godawillikul, Mala bar and Buttepalam had diamonds of smaller sizes. The dia monds of Ramiah, Guren and Muttarpulee were generally like those of Kollur. The diamonds of Lattawar, Jonagerrs, Pirral, Dugulle, Purwillee and Anante5)ur were large in size and greenish in 1. Philosophical Transactions, p. 908. 2. Ibid, 3. Ibid,, p. 910. 4. Ibid., p. 911. 5. Ibid., p. 912. 6. Philosophical Transaction, p. 908; Mangline was reported to be 5J to 7 grains. Cf, Tavernier, Vol,I, p. 393. 5 7. Ibid., p. 909. ...73 (73) colours. The mines of Wazzerger, Minnenurg and Larguboot 2 — produced hard white stones, Waris inforaus us of a three cornered Golconda diamond which was considered by the jewel- 3 lers of the time as of extra-ordinary value. It seens that diamond mining provided employment to a considerable number of people. Tavernier informs us that a number of men, vomen and children were employed in the 4 5 mines. At Kollxir Tavernier saw, 60»000 persons working. Master saw 30 or 40#000 labourers at the Mallavilli and Raizkent mines. Methwald reported that the news of the discovery of mine in any part of the Kingdom always quickly attracted workers, "before this discovery (of mine) it was hardly in- 7 habited; now (it is) peopled with a hundred thousand soils." 1. Ibid., p. 910. 2. Philosophical Transactions, p. 910. 3. Muhammad Waris, Badhshlhn'ama, MS. No. 86, Depart ment of History, AMU., Aligarh, Folio No. 86-87. 4. Tavernier, Vol, 11/ p. 59. 5. Tavernier, Vol. 11, p. 59. 6. Master, Vol. 11/ pp. 174-175. 7. Methwald in Relations, p. 33. .74 (74) Low wages to the workers at the mines led to thefts of diamonds by the miners, Tavernier says that the workers only got 3 pagodas per annum, (l pagoda » 5 Rs). In 1679 Master found the wages to be ihi pagodas, some time paid in cash, at other times in corn. Tavernier records an interest ing incident about a theft in a mine, when a worker had con cealed a stone in the corner of his eye; the theft was still 4 discovered and he was punished by the merchant. A simple division of laboiir was followed in the mines Methwald says that some had to dig, others to bail out water with buckets and the rest to search for the stone, Tavernier says that the men used to do the digging while women and children searched for the stones. It was difficult to find diamonds in the rocks, as there were many veins, and the > miners had to draw sand out from there with the help of "small irons crooked at the ends." Then placing this sand in vessels 7 they searched it for diamonds. The 1677 report tells us that 1. Tavernier, Vol, II, pp, 46-47, 2. Ibid. 3. Master, Vol, II, p. 173, 4. Tavernier, Vol, 11, p, 47, 5. Methwald in Relations, p. 31. 6. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 59, 7. Tavernier, Vbl, II, p, 59. ,,,75 (75) "the superficies of the Rocks consist of hard, firm, v»^ite stone, into which they cut a pit like a well, of about 4 or 5, in some places 6 foot deep, before they come to a crust of Mineral Stone, like the Mineral of Iron; \ihen they fill the Hole with Wbod and keep as hot a fire as they can there for 2 or 3 days, till they think it sufficiently heated; then they pour in water, till they have quencht it, which also slakes and mallifies both Stone and Mineral; both being cold, they dig again, take out all the crumbled stuff and dry up Uiat they can besides, before they heat it anew; the crust seldom is thicker than 3 or 4 foot, v^ich ceasing they come to a vein of Earth, that usually runs under the Rock 2 or 3 furlongs; sometimes much further; this they dig all out and search, and if their first attempt prove successful, they go to work again (digging after the same manner) as deep as they can, till they come to water; for the drawing whereof, wanting the help of Engins, known in Europe, they can go no deeper, although the vein lie lower; all lumps of the Mineral they break in pieces, and frequently find Dia monds enclosed in them. " After obtaining diamonds from the mines, they did not do more than just touch it with the polishing v^eel for the 2 fear of reducing the weight. But if any stone had any spot. 1. Philosophical Transactions, p. 911. 2. Tavemier, Vol. II, p. 44. ...76 (76) black or red, they tried to cover it with "facettes" so that the spots could not be seen. If any stone had a red spot they roasted it till it turned black. While describing the process of cutting the diamonds Thevenot says that, "they saw it a hole that is in a piece of wood, they put a little wedge of iron upon the place that is sowed and striking it as gently as may be, it cuts the Dia- 2 mond through," The Indian diamond cutters also used a steel wheel for cutting pxirposes. They put one stone on each wheel and pour ed water on the wheel till they found the "grain of the stone" after which they poured oil on it. They also used 3 diamond dust. Tavernier was not satisfied with diamond polishing done in India. Himself a jeweller he points out that in India the v^eel never ran smooth as the Indians used steel 4 wheel instead of iron. He however observed that Indian dia mond-cutters were willing to cut some defective stones, which could not be cut in Europe. 1. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 44. 2. Thevenot, p. 138. 3. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 45. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid., p. 46. ...77 (77) For cutting sapphvies a 'bow of wire' was used. While one workman handled the bow, another poured a solution of the powder of white emrod upon the stone. The merchants v^o were interested in buying the dia monds stayed outside the mines and the masters of the mine 2 themselves took diamonds outside to show them. The diamond mines were farmed out by the King of Gol- 3 conda normally to rich merchants. The mine at Mallavlli was farmed out by the Governor on behalf of the King for 60,000 4 pagodas per annum. When a mine was discovered near Masuli- patam it was leased out against "a pagoda every hour they 5 work." At Gallapalle the farmers paid rent according to the number of miners employed. Sometime they had to pay 3 pago das per miner and sometime 4 or 5 pagodas. Apart from the rent, all diamonds above a certain weight were reserved for 7 the King, All diamonds of Currere, Ganjeekota and o mines were reserved for the King alone. 1. Thevenot, p. 138. 2. Tavernier, Vol, II, p, 47. 3. Ibid., p. ^3; Thevenot, p. 138; Master, Vol. II, p. 17 3; Maris, Vol. I, pp. 32-3 3. 4. Master, Vol. II, p. 174. 5. Thevenot, p. 142. 6. Master, Vol. II, p. 174. 7. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 59. 8. Philosophical Transactions, p. 911. ...78 (78) The Golconda diamonds were so famous that when the news of the discovery of a new mine at Golconda reached to the Mughal Court, ShahJahSn demanded a valuable diamond of a large size as part of the annual tribute. The revenue received by the Golconda Kingdom out of diamond mines must have been quite large. In 1680 the expect ed income from the mines was reported to be one crore and 2 — twenty lakh rupees. The undated revenue record Deh-ba-Dehi gives us figures of revenue obtained from some of the mines. The amount received from the diamond mines of Sikakal was 2,8 2,000 rupees; 3 from the mines of parqana Kollur, sarkar 4 Muttuzanagar, 17,00,000 rupees; and from sarkar Kanjikota, 25,250 rupees. These figures suggest that either the 1680 report gave an exaggerated figure, or there had been a decline in the in come from the mines by the first half of the 18th century, when Deh-ba-Dehi documents were compiled. 1. Warrij, Vol, I, pp. 32-33. 2. I.J.C, 1/32 /0-99. 3. Microfilm No. 11, folio, 446. 4. Ibid., folio, 445. 5. Ibid., folio, 446, ,..79 (79) (iii) Other Extractive Industries;- Other products of commer cial interest included saltpetre, salt, timber, coir and be- zoar stone. Saltpetre was produced at Nizampattan, Ramayapatnam 2 and Pulicut. It was mainly used for the purpose of prepar- 3 ing gunpowder. The Dutch had established their factory at Ramayapatnam because of the availability of saltpetre along 4 with the other items. Saltpetre used to be refined at Pulicut, Coarse 6 saltpetre from Bengal was brought here to be refined. In 7 Masulipatatn too "gunpowder can be conveniently made." 1. Methwald in Relations, p. 44; Anonymous Relations, p. 80; Thevenot, p. 148; Bowrey, pp. 4 2, 56; John Fryer, A New Accoxint of East India and Persia be ing Nine Years' Travels, 1672-81, ed. William Crook, 3 vols, Hakluyut Society, 1909, 1912, end 1915, Vol. II, p. 42; Hamilton, p. 398. 2. Bowrey, pp. 53-55; Master, Vol. II, p. 134; Thev- not, p. 148; Atlas of the Mughal anpire, 15'B', 16'B'; Watt, Vol. VI, Part II, p. 441. Identified Nellore in the Madras district as a production centre of Saltpetre. 3. Thevenot, p. 148. 4. Master, Vol. II, p. 134. 5. Thevenot, p. 148. 6. Ibid. 7. Schorer in Relations, p. 64. .80 (8n) Anotiier irspcirt QI t product was sea-salt. In Masuli- 2 3 patam and Nizampattan salt was produced. We are inform ed that "on tl-ie coast there is a fine river by >,hich the salt which is manufactured in the district of Malipatnam and 4 Nysapatnam. " Bowrey informs us about the manufacture of salt on sea-shore of Nizampattan, He described the process "only fencing in the lowest of soile which is soe brackish that the sun doth cause the water \^ich lyeth them not above one foot deep to harden into a perfect good and clear salt." It was collected from the heap of salt and then distributed in the different parts of the Kingdom. The salt was transported to the different parts from 7 the coast. Salt trade was monopolised by the King and no o merchant was permitted to trade in this commodity. Teak timber v^iich grew along the course of Godavari 9 was floated down to the river of Narsapur, Fryer praised 1. Anonymous Relations, pp. 68, 80; Bowrey, p, 56. 2. Anonymous Relations, p, 80, 3. Bowrey, p, 56, 4. Anonymous Relations, p, 68. 5. Bowrey, p. 56, 6. Ibid, 7. Anonymous Relations, p. 68, 8. Ibid,, p. 80. 9. Anonymous Relations, p, 80. ,.,81 (81) the timber produced in the region and remarks that "is the finest wDod they have for building and on the account it re- si sts v^rnus and Putrefaction the best for that purpose in the world," Timber was mainly used at Narsapur for the 2 purpose of ship-building. It was also used for in ordinary 3 building construction. Hamilton informs us that at Masuli- patam the English had built "a large factory of teak timber.' Coir produced in thie region of Golconda was mainly 5 ^^ used for making rope. The ship-building industry^l^arsapur needed a large supply of coir. Fryer observed thie use of coir in ships and noted "Their planke (boats) and very broad and thinne* sowed toge ther with cayre (coir) being flath bottomed and every way 7 much deformed. " Coir produced near Narsapur was exported Q to Bantam from the port of Masulipatam, 1. Fryer, Vol. II, p. 75. 2. Anonymous Relations, p. 80; Bowrey, p. 42. 3. Master, Vol. II, pp. 136-137; Hamilton, p. 398. 4. Hamilton, p. 397. 5. Schorer in Relations, p, 42; Anonymous Relations, p. 68; Fryer, Vol. II, p. 42. 6. Anonymous Relations, p, 44. 7. Fryer, Vol. II, p. 42. 8. Schorer in Relations, p, 44. ...82 (82) Bezoar which was taken out of goat's stomach was an important commercial product of Golconda, It was used in medicine as a reputed antidote to poison, measles and absce- 2 sses. The goats yielding bezoars were found in the forest 3 _ _ region of Bastar. Imaduddin Mahmud in the 16th century refers to this stone and says that these were extracted from 4 wild gorits who lived in mountainous forest of Golconda. Tavern!er observed that the fodder of goats included the leaves of a particular plant and the buds of the plant helped to create bezoar in the belly of a goat. But there appears to be a legendary aspect to this assertion, for he adds: "it assumes a form according to the sh^e of the buds and the ends of the brances, and this is why one findes it in so many different shapes." 1. Methwald in Relations, pp. 34-35; Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 116; Thevenot, pp. 138-139. 2. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 119. 3. Atlas of the Mughal Onpire, 15'A'. 4. Imaduddin Mahmud, Risala-i Paz^har, Add. 19, 169, f. 267a, Cf.'Atlas of the«Muqhal Bnpire, Sheet 15'B'. 5. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 116. 6. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 116. . ..8 3 (83) The local people were quite expert in deciphering how many bezoar stones a goat possessed. They used to count the number of be o ar by putting their hands on the belly of the goats; it was according to thie number of the bezoar stones that the goat was valued. Sometimes the size of stone was fraudulently enlarged by applying a kind of paste made of 2 gum and other materials of the same colour. But Tavemier suggests two ways of detecting the fraud, "The first by weighing the bezor and placing it steep for sometime in luke warm water. If the water does not change its colour, and if Bezor does not lose weight, it has not been adulterated. The other means is to touch the Bezor with a pointed hot iron; If the iron enters it and makes it fry, it is a mixture and that is not genuine. " Generally the bigger the bezoar stone the higher the 4 price it fetched. On an average from a goat two or three 5 stones of varying sizes were taken. 1. Ibid. 2. Ibid. 3. Tavernier, Vol. I'l, p. 116. 4. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 116. 5. Thevenot, pp. 138-139. .84 (p.n (b) TEXTiLii;: csimz "Chintz" wds n rer.T, dprlied in 17th cpntury Euror -.n sources to both p^djnrrd and r^rintcd calicoes. For paintpd Chintz the mordants anc' oy i were applied to the cloth ^/i "rh brush in free h„ndc ?oi printing, block stamping with vdr-^'-v;- colours w£ s u s oa, » 1 2 In Persian th.e term chj t is used for ctiintz. This covers printed clotho /-inother Persian term applied v.-as a"-1 am- _ _ 3 dar or qalamkari, th it io . aintod by a brush. Tavernier tells us that the Kingdom of Golconda v/as kno^n for its fine production of painted chintz, which was ex- 4 censive and mcnulacturpd at very rew places. The painted ci.ints cr:d\ced in Golconja was knovn ir various parts ot tnf v.-orlc AS tr.e 'chintz' o:: Xasu] ir;-: am. iVasulipatjm itc^eli di^i net I-L.-:U'. e all the chintz but, .-^'-'iri^ an ifr.rortant poit, v~:^ t:.e ^-riiicipal mart for such chinlr. It i.. •'•r'^'iv * :.., t' "-t'^ that the Mu>_lials h :id ^ ••,- .• - shop (karkh.ana) for moi.ufc-cturinq chintz to be sur^plici f < the royal consumprion. Unfortunately the details of "'••c 1. D.T.l., o. ''1. ?. Mughal Records, :\'r_. 10/4; Sei ccted v.aqaj of thf- Deccan, p. 4; ? ah~r-i ' A] am, by Teak Chand Fah i-l. Nawal Kishore, Luc;kno,v, 1916, Vol. IT, p. 274. 3. Tavernier, Vd. II, -->. 4; Fi rh ang-1 J stal ata-i Peshawaran cy ^af^ar Raln^dn, Aniuman Taraqoi VJ ''. , 1940, Vol. II, o. ir9; Adab-i "'Alamqiri, p'. 66. 4. Tavernier, Vol. II, c. 4. 5. Ibido, F.F.I., 16 34-36, p. 161. 6. Ad ab- i ' Al amq i rl, Vol. I, p. 66. (85' working ot vj^r\J'\-< '• ^ ro>l 1- m^ piovidcd by the source . Tov-'inier not-^cl that Lne pointed rhin-f^ .vas rndde "parti- l cularly in the nf^i-ihh^urliood of J'^J-ISUI ipatcjn„ " Enc^lich ^r~n • spoke ol "painting's v;iiich in fonner times v;er: procure<'l n^.j: 2 Masul ipatarr. " ' Thu main cnint" pi::ciucjnc -:entres in Solconda v/era 3 4 5 6 7 Palakaliu, harsapur, ^i^arpatan, /xamgaon, Fulicut and San-Thome." Th.e chintz proeaced at jalakallu was sent to Xas.iJi- pata.Ti for export, Sowrcy say.-, "Ihia part of t>^.p country affordetli olenty oi divers.^ sorts of callicc-^s and pa-n t:-'':,; s but are for the mo^t part ",tried to f'etchli patam en'. vended 9 th^ir tr.at beina a crc it 'x -.rk t nl ace. " Th^^ Dutch '^at 1- lishel t'' -^-i r fu'"L:ry s^n,-^ AC.vers 3nd painteca were -^f-] •' " r in .re^t auaiLci - cher^. 1. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 4. 3. >U5, ter, Tnl. _i, ^^. li';. '1. HaTilt^-rj, p. "^ ^- g.F.I., I-;Q..3-, . -.3. 6. A},De-Carrr, -1. .1, . ICC 7. Schorer in r-<.d -f :. r.s, .. ""; :.J . I., 1fi?2-?3, p. 10 5. 3. E.F.I., 15 37-4 1, r . J 5. 9. cow rev, o. lO'^. T"' .*' ^^ner 'v^- 1 " ' T > '^ (86) painting was a speciality of this place. Master observed that in the Dutch factory at Palaknllu there were 300 jars 2 set in the ground for dyeing purposes. Later on in 1676 the Dutch also carried out paintings and dyeings in the village Contera near Palakalu. 4 Narsapur near Masulipatam manufactured long cloth, c and it seeTis that it served as the material to be painted," Weavers and painters were aJ.so to be found at Narsapur, Nlzampattan was another centre where painted chintz 7 was produced. Due to the availability of chayroot it was one of the main centres of chintz production. The chintz of Nlzampattan apparently reflected Persianised designs 9 since the Muslim ruling class was its chief consumer. Aramgaon was also a chintz production centre Abbe- Carre found there "lovely piece-goods." 10 At times, how- 1. Havart, II, p. 13. Cf. Arasaratnam, p. 52. 2. Master, Vol. II, p. 164. 3. Van-Dam, II, pp. 153-155. Cf. Arasaratnam, p. 52. 4. Schorer in Relations, p. 63. 5. Hamilton, p. 398. 6. Schorer in Relations, p. 63. "7. H.F.I., 16 29-33, p. 233. 8, Schorer in Relations, p. 55; Bowrey, pp. 53-54. 9. John Irwin and Margaret Hall, Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, Ahmadabad, 1971, p. 15. 10. Abbe-Carre, Vol. II, p. 360. ...87 ("^ ever, the '^ngli^n fju.l>='^ to rui-r^OoSf^ tne Arannci ion chin*-< ov!±r:: to t^ie non-av-'T'i j^ilit', _ recuired capit>-l."' f' r rul_„ut r^ t "_'itf-e ol Du c trade, - .ve:;'^i'~ "^r _ - _!•'L-ii ^ t] " ^^rj ard t^rt"' OL' the "Jut " —^ -" , . -^ ^y t r^n" ^1 Pi.li^>^t '-^rodu^ ^ ^ (jco * ]U ^it_v or - 1 Ov + vv ^cr 1 I;- •• i in tr " muKxP^ of trr h colour's. ^ I ulicut r iir->LT'K_, ^lei_t->d the Vi - ayan ag.^r r? tions lati c th^^n Per LJTI^ 1 T^^ i J '' s-^ J. fo- it^ r -nt'^d clr r i-^tb tUi C ' i*-Ul ep >_i t e r ror. Deans ar- T L '- it lasul TO at: jn.^ Fucoal Piincess i. an n CI 1 'I "-^ u fj n ^ t in -1 nt Bemic £^X: 'I ! i It).: nit r. IV j_ *• 1- 1 3. 3. Ir Ion '-Oi.nz n--1 -,r - ,r^c^. L4. 4. -- -=^In1 n -i^itcn 111 h r r iv^. m Indi-, 1-^3-"^1'", ei. /iJliain J^oster, Lor don, 102l, p. 34. 5. Z.F.I., 1637-4., o. 1 3. 1 ivern ^ c, /( ' , T ^ , . i. "-^'b-j '"la, girl, I. T, -^a. 7 74, e"7; MiC_-ol P. or rn , ,0 . xO" '; ritft'^l '-'q.i o *- it I'ec-a , oar-- air I . or. a ^ o-i ''1 a-g ^r^, i. . 1 / . ^27 (PR) tells u'i. that the tents used in the royal court of Delhi were liped from insice v.uth Masulipatam chintz decorated with "flowers so nataral and colours so vivid, that the tent S'^e-ned to be rnccMpasced without parterres." Thevf^nc L, w;.^le df^-^crii^ln the crafts of /-hmadabad, stat'~n that t'> chintz produce'-^ ^t Ahmadabad could not be copipar- i='^ +o trie chintz nri^ciuce'-^ at Kasul ipatam axid San-Thone» There was, therefore, a considerable inland trade in MasUliratam chintJ^o The different ti'pes of designs generally used bv the painterr were flowerin-j trees, in some only flowers were depicted, ana ir. oti-jf^r: animals and different sccnr- 4 of merry-ma]~.inQ suci. as drinking and dancinj. 1. Francois Femier, Travels in the yiughal Empire, 1656-68, translated from French by Irving Eroc'., revised by V. Smith, London, 1914, 1916, p. 2'7. 2. Thevenot, p. 7. 3. !'iu.jhal Records, .-^ . IC 24 , 4. Indian F-xinted and Printed Fabric, p. 16. (89) The colours generally used in these paintings were black, red, pink, violet, yellow and green. The tools, mainly the gal am or pencil were rather simple. The quality of the work depended on the skill of 2 the craftsman and the brightness of the colours used. About the condition of the weavers we are told that they were, "mainly poor people who in order to pay their debts and yearly taxes have to be kept in employment, or they vjould become ruined."" Itie weavers were not brought together in the workshop but worked separately under their 4 own roofs. The ruler of Golconda sometimes imposed a royal monopoly on painted chintz. In 1646 the English fac tors complained that the ruler of Golconda insisted that 5 all cotton painters must work for him only. At Palakollu Danial Havart found, "four kinds of painters each with a special family name, ^mong them are divided the orders and they charge those again to those lower in rank v^o do the work. " 1. Ibid. 2. Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, p, 16, 3. Ibid., p. 30. 4. Ibid. 5. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 161. 6. John Irwin, Journal of Indian Textiles History, Ahmadabad, 1956, No. II, p, 30, ...90 (90) The process of preparing chintz as traced by Irwin was time consuming. A European observer complained that "This painting of chintz goes on very slowly like snails 2 which creeps and appears not to advance. " It appears that the labour of the entire family was used in the process. Even child labour was used as Fryer observes, "Having an accomplishment in the art of staining calicuts been beyond any other place in the East Indies which is painted with the pencil by little children as well as elder grown. " Though Masulipatam chintz was very fine in its tex- 4 ture, only small quantities could be produced. In the 1680's the constant Mughal pressure upon Gol- conda leading to its annexation in 1687 adversely affected commerce in the region, especially at Masulipatam. The mer chants began to shift their activities elsewhere and the port of Masulipatam began to decline. The English shifted from Masulipatam to Madras v^iich was the Company's head quarters on the Coromandel Coast. 1. Painted and Printed Fabrics of India, p. 30. 2. Danial Havart, III, pp. 13-14. Cf. Journal of Indian Textile History, No. II, p. 30. 3. Fryer, Vol. I, p. 90. 4. V»O.M., Vol. II, p. 478. 5. V.O.M., Vol. II, p. 478. ...91 (91) The skill and expertise of Masulipatann painters were duly recognized by the Directors of the English East India Company; and in 1694 they wrote, "We hope some of these fine painters that used to live there are come to inhabite in Madras; if they are not, we desire you by all the means you can contrive to find out the place of their present residence, and invite than to inhabit in our society of Madras, giving for their encouragement assurance of a constant employment whj ch we would have you perform with them accordingly." (c) SHIP-BUILDING The major site of ship-building in Golconda seems to 2 have been Narsapur, Narsapur was situated at a distance of 66 miles from the famous port of Masulipatam. It stands 1526'N and 81" 4 2'E on tirie Vasishta mouth of the Godavari river, 6 miles 4 from the sea. It has the advantage of a river which was 1. I.O. Archives, Letter Book IX, p. 307. Cf. Journal of Indian Textile History, No. II, pp. 32-33. 2. Cf. A.I. Chicherov India Economic Development in the 16th to 18th Century, Moscow 1971; A.J. Qaisar, 'Shipbuilding in the Mughal Bnnpire, during the 17th Century', ' ILSHR, Vol.12). 3. Atlas of the Mughal Empire, 15'B', 4. Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII, p. 373. 92 (92) reported in the I7th century to be "very large, wide and convenient. " But the bar of the river was considered a 2 dangerous one; which created difficulty *in bringing out (ship) until the northerly monsoon begins." One reason for Narsapur being a caitre of ship- 4 building was its access to timber. The teak which grew along the coarse of Godavari was floated down to the river of Narsapur." Methwald thought the timber used for ship building at Narsapur to be of high quality. This is corro- 7 g berated by Bowrey and Hamilton. The other material for ship-building was iron used 9 for "bolts and anchors. " We know that Narsapur was a cen tre of iron manufacture and Bowrey says that it was easily available at Narsapur at reasonable rates. 1. Anonymous Relations, p. 80. 2. Hamilton, p. 398. 3. Anonymous Relations/ p. 80. 4. Methwald in Relations, p. 36. 5. Ibid., p. 39. 6. Ibid. 7. Bowrey, p. 102. 8. Hamilton, p. 398. 9. Bowrey, p. 102. 10. Bowrey, p. 102. ...93 (9 3) The iron was brought here probably In the form of ore, as iron work for the specific purpose. Ship-building was carried on at Madapalam and Palakallu where the English and th^ Dutch supervised the process. Narsapur had an abimdant supply of coir (of coconut fibre) v^ich was used "for cordage for the ship."^ The availability of workinan on low wages may also be considered as a factor behind the establishment of ship-build ing at Narsapur. In 1669 the English factors in Bengal pre ferred to build their small vessel at Narsapur instead of Hugli owing to "easier rates for materials and workman," The European merchants admired the skilled work done at Narsapur. "She (the ship) is better trimined and a far better ship than she first came out of England." According ly the Portuguese and Dutch as well as the English used to biiild and repair their ships at Narsapur, 1. Master, Vol. II, p. 160; Bowrey, p. 102. 2. E.F,I,, 1622-23, p. 314. There is no specific evidence for which type of coir was available there. Since coconut was produced in large quantities of coir used was probably from coco nut fibre. 3. Schorer in Relations, p. 63. 4. E.F.I., 1668-69, p. 308. 5. Letters Received, Vol. II, p. 41, 6. L.F.I., 1637-41, Bowrey, p. 102. 94 (94) It seems that the English tried to improve the faci lities here by bringing "very ingenous Master builders on putpose to build ships for their enployees. " For the con venience of the Dutch factors their superiors from Batavia sent "some skilled master craftsman" for the construction 2 of ships and boats. The labourers employed for construction of each ship were quite numerous. Floris (1514) informs us that there were "25 carpenters and calkers for workman besides 24 las- cares and 60 culies or labourers which dayly did about the ship."^ It seems that the ship-owners built their own ships. Of an Indian Mir Muhammad Saiyid it is said in 1638 that he "is himself building a (Ship of) about 800 tons at Narsa- 4 5 pur." So also did the European companies and merchants. They probably eigaged individual skilled artisans and workers on contract. There was considerable repair work carried out at Narsapur including protection against leakage, deck-fit- 1. Bowrey, p. 102. 2. Raychaudhury, p. 149. 3. Floris, p. 126. 4. E»F.I., 1637-41, p. 80. 5. Methwald in Relations, p. 36. 6. Floris, p. 14. .95 (95) 1 2 ti|ng and trimming. Spikes, bolts and anchors were skill- 3 fully made by Indian sniths. Bowrey gives us a detailed account of the technique 4 of drawing ships on the shore for repair. The English factors informs us (1666) that some ship 5 repair work was also done at Masulipatam, which of course, is likely since it was an important port. 1. E.F.I., 1637..41, pp. 45, 55. 2. Letters Received, Vol. II, p. 60; E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 159. 3. Bowrey, p. 102, 4. Ibid. 5. E,F,I., 1665-67, p, 248, (96) It is difficult to build up any series of prices pre valent in the Kingdom of Golconda during the 17th century as the Persian sources of our period fail to record any except some prices during famines. There are, however, some Mughal documents giving prices prevalent on various dates in 1660s at places close to the Golconda border. Of these Ramgir was in fact a part of the Kingdom be fore 1656. Udgir was in sub a Aurangabad, close to the wes- • 2 tern border of Golconda. In these documents prices are stated in weights per rupee. The price lists for sarkar Udgir are for three different dates. The first list is of 4th-6th August 166 2, the second of 28th-31st August 1662 and the third one of 5th-8th March 1663. For sarkar Ramgir only one price list has come ciDwn 4 to us, dated 9th February 1662 A.D. 1. Hadiqatus Salatin, p. 98; Mir Abul Qasim, Hadiqat- ul^Slam, 1813, MS. No. 215, Salar-Jang Musexom, Hyderabad, p. 123. 2. Selected Waqai of the Deccan, pp. 50-51, 104-106. 3. See Table I. 4. See Table II. 97 (97) I f we look at Table (No. I) which provides prices for sarkar Udgir we would find that there ghee and oil fetched higher prices in comparison to wheat. Ghee was 13.91 times costlier than wheat/ and sesame oil six times, and linseed oil and korhila oil, 4.33 times. The price of salt was double that of wheat. At Ramgir the prices of all these products were much lower in terms of wheat. The price of linseed was 2.26 times that of wheat and sesame oil 3.39 times. A comparison of prices in absolute terms prevailing at Udgir and Ramgii shows that wheat was exceptionally cheap in Udgir in comparison to Ramgir (perhaps this explains the high prices of ghee and oil-seeds in relation to wheat at Udgir). At Ramgir, v«^eat fetched 1.79 times the price it did at Udgir. Jawari cost 4.70 times at Ramgir than wheat did at Udgir. But linseed oil and sesame oil were cheaper at Ramgir in comparison to Udgir. We may assume on tne basis of above comparison, that in the north-eastern side of the Kingdom of Golconda wheat and Jawari were costlier than in the western areas. Two Persian chronicles vhile describing the famine in the Golconda Kingdom of 1631-32 give prices for rice in pago das. The Hadigatus Salatin states that in 1631 the price of 1. Wheat being staple crop of the region considered as base for comparison. (98) rice went up from 15 man per pagoda to 12 ser per pagoda. The Hadlqatul Alam (compiled in 1813) gives a more modest « ascent, saying that from 1631 to 1632 the price of rice rose from 12 man per pagoda to 3 man per pagoda. European commercial records of the 17th century- gives us quotations of prices at Masulipatam. The prices are mentioned in different weights and currencies, I have worked out these prices as per ser / maund for convenience of comparison. (See Table III). For Masulipatam we have rice prices for three dif ferent years, (1676, 1678, 168 2), which shows that between 1678 and 1682 the price of rice has fallen substantially. The prices at Masulipatam available to us are most ly those for spices imported from South East Asian count ries. The prices for nutmeg cover the period 1615 to 1656, In 1615 nutmeg was sold at the rate of 3,325 pagoda per man. The price rose in 1621 when it was 42,5 pagoda per man. During the subsequent years the price declined and in 1656 nutmeg sold for 3,5 pagoda per man. Between 1615 and 1656 the prices of cloves remained stable barring the period 1638 and 1644 when cloves sold for 5,75 pagoda per man as against 15.25 pagoda per man in 1619. (See Table III). 1. See Table III. , ,,99 (99) Prices of mace remained stable between 1615 and 1622 with the exception of 1621 v^en it cost 205 pagoda per man as against 10 pagoda per man during the same year. The prices of pepper were steady during 1615 to 1625 with a slight rise in 1622 when it cost 1.83 per pagoda per man against 0.9 pagoda per man in 1625. Sandal-wood imported from South East Asia sold at the same price during 1615 and 1622 except in 1621 when its price suddenly went up to 105 pagoda per man as against 5.5 pagoda per man in 1619. The prices of lead and tin did not fluctuate very much between 1615 and 1622 at Masulipatan. Unfortunately, the price data we have are of such a miscellaneous character that we are unable to determine if there were any secular trends in movements of price-levels ih Golconda over the 17th century. ... 100 X 7i 7; 75 w o o p- 1-1 w ai a (D 0) 0) Pi ^ h (J (J D" D" S' D^^- to 01 H- P- Pi % i s rt o m rt 01 CU 0) a rt G I ON D 01 rt u rt CO Pi o\ ON w m M tn r/i m w m tn 03 CO tD ro CD fn m en tD m c fl) c tt c m c rt C (0 C 01 C (D C! m d H H-' I-- I-' H H K 1-' H'< H' ^H- t»-- ' ' Ln ON M 't'roi-'l-'l-'h-'Ml-' *Opt»'Cy30NCT> CDOJAONjt'ONI-'tO^-ui^DMOuLra) 000 MOJ-JOl-W ODO OOOLn(jic/ilvj^UiOK)-JUll/l-JO (W h s: (D II II II II II II II II H- iD 3" (jj l/l 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 K> W (O (O H* M rt I OJ l») M OJ M UN (O U) ON -J a\ V-*^i ON M*• 0 CD K .^ un CT> l*J .«>' ^ ^ ^ ^ 3 0- -0 •0 f1 o O 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 NJ o o o o o o\ 0\ ON 0> m CD M o U3 0 (S 0 VC 0 -J I- O n 1 o o CO o o -3 o to ON 00 5? t) M ^ ON o o O CD rj CD o CO o « c n o 4^ X 75 r t- M w O 0 c-i (-1 o O n 1-3 01 1 § § 01 ^ « 3 01 i 0 cr 01 01 m gj QJ (B m 0) w 01 Pi M a> n 3 3 1-1 % s ft rt :y y m ft I-'- a a rt 3 rt 1-^ 3 C c (B a a h B^ 1 1 Ul U) O D 0 rt 2 z U) \ C i< 0) Ul (B ft Pi t-* Ol 01 0\ to M M m W CD fo ra cn m C/) m cn ID cn ff cn DD 01 (B n> c (0 ft c (B C C CD C c c c (-• (» M H^ t^ H- I-' (-"< —M( >K< H' >H<- (-• !M<- M ' UJ^-^^fiG^t--Jro4^u^^~''*^0^*^^-»4k = = r I = = = r :: = = r = |oi (J h (B II II II II II II II II II I II II II II M- OOOOOOOOIONJMMH'M ft :: = : = xi: = :;ss3 QCi 3 a X c fl) •0 h o o o o O o o o o M o O o o -J Oi ON 03 i-» o o\ a> o (B ro OJ a o ID o vO (B h •0 n 03 00 (» 03 -J O Ul Ul Ul ool Sfio CD M Ul M O CD ON 4^ (B cn U) h cn * cr O o n o Ln ro tn X ?!; r r C/1 M C| t-( c n s 1 n >-' h^ (D H- H- (D IB 01 01 t1 h y ? u 01 0 11 D US ft ^ n n 3- 01 0) i OJ X X H- h^ n (t h h s n ft 0 I— 1-' 11 T fD (B H- H- ^-* {n w a' a a ti ti T) n 0 0 rt M 0 0 0 H M n m o ^ o 3 ft p- 3 c (B Ol I CD D OJ ft (B 0 > :>- (B M Pi m on (f) tn m rn CD rn ro t,l Da M ro M W fi) (I ^ (I) fB M C I-(V' e M m d H d Hm c t-n>' c c '< '< >< (-' *< ^ ^ *< )-M• '< M (-•• K' H- H p- M »-•• H H- H' K H- H- H- H- D M- D K 3 p- D H- D h- D H- a H- 3 D >Q a iD a tO 3 m D iO 3 lO D iQ 3 iQ iTj iQ i£) iD iQ iQ iQ vQ V l-J|--»l-'l-'l->N)MM^VD'^^0DiO •o -jo^Ofc-iMforoOOisjtsj UlUllJlUIMOroMUlUlOOLnUl : : : s : r z s : r J J : IM II II II II II II II II II II II II n II o o o O o o o o N) tvj N) K) N> tvj vQ 3" Ul *>• u> J^ J:' OJ 4^ 4^ 4^ U) •^ w M ft a> t-j 0^ M >-» Ul Ul o o 0) *- •J o CD s 3 " ' " 3 a c c^ V o o O o c o o o (B o O o O o o c o o o o -J o o o H' I- W tB 03 03 O M O o o c o o -0 ^1 o o (B O <6. 4^ 4^ 4^ ^ 17^ to O 00 O to o tn M Ul en • X o • M o 8^ t r. * i£l 1 d 0 • (B M °O l 11 in re 0) MM a^ Z! D 3 t, a; Oi re re M 3; 0; B •) CD pi T) "-1 ^^ r+ ft re a a o re o cr 0) M ft e re Pi r/1 m w m W tr W tli M m re c re re c re C IT) re c M M c w M H' c ^H- M •< >-j ^h- M >«H-' t-' ^H- >-t- ' 3 M- 3(-• • 1-^ 3 H- 3 H- 3 H- 3 a iri 3 iQ 3 lO 3 iO 3 (0 3 lO lO iQ >a i£1 C! N) M CO *. 01 s- re re I M II II II II II II II II II II re OO OO OO Oh-- OO K) !\> 4^ (T> \D O \D -JOO J^rvj OiM U>0 'Oui : : : r : : : r : 3 3 a M ? 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Ov o\ a\ a\ 01 CTi ON ON ON ON o\ ON m N) M fo h-* M M K) ro M H> to N) N) N) NJ 1/1 ro 0) N) t-* h-» kO Ul Ol N) l-> O 00 1 t 1 3 & OJ d a h II II II II II II II II II II II II II II II to to to to to to rfi to to to to to to to to O o o O o o o o o o o o o o o (!) p- ^ _, ^ Iw _ ^ . _ , |3 iD I3 3- fe fe fe ft II II II II II II II II II II II II II II QD 00 OD 00 O) (D 00 00 00 00 CD OD 03 00 O o O o o O o o o o o o o o O o O o o O o o o o o o o o z z lu r z z = = = - to = = = h IR Ul o Ul II M h-» (-» h-» i-> (n to t-" o CD H> o M v-» CO ^ «tl to ^ !-• •J NJ ^ U) o (n 1/1 ^ N) o O) o lO w o h-> o Ul Ul Ul Ul O I-" t f d • •O N • •CO • « • ON 00 ^0 LJ t-* 00 c^ to -J CO to •-J >J M Ul to n Ul Ul Ul Ul Ul Ul Ul Ul *T3 01 d 0 a 01 M c/i 0 o o rr 0 0 0 33 50 (5 fD f1 CI n n n n 3' •1 ^ Id TJ *< f 3 « •H •H H c o n • • • c d M d n c^ o !-• Qi V V Q) "d "O 'd "H -d fC rt Ul rt M- O ro .fe !-•• rj i-» F-> M 0 "d -d ON M 3 to M O to CO 00 M n ON ON Ul M CP CO 00 to (B CJ\ D M c^ IM Ul -d ON ON ON to to (107) (a) City of Hyderabad Hyderabad stands 1,250 feet above sea level at 17°22'N and 28''27'iL, on the right bank of the Musi river, a small tributary of the Krishna. The soil owing to the decomposi- tion of the granites is sandy and red in colour. It does not retain moisture. Consequently the river runs dry during the hot season. The rainfall varies between 25 and 40 mm. i'he city was founded in 1590-91 by i^uhanmad Lull (1580-1612), the fifth of the Qutbsh"5h's, whose seat was 'Gol- conda, five miles west of Hyderabad. c — A later Persian chronicle Hadiqatul Alam tells us that during the second half of the 16th century Golconda had become over crowded and subject to epidanic, and that this caused thi •^- Kin., to transfer his seat to Hyderabad. The place was first named bhagnauar after Bh".gn8ti a concubine of /iuhaimnad vuli ijutbshah. After her death the ci t 1. Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. 13, p. 30B. 2. O.H.K. Spate, India and Pakistan, London, 19 54, DO. 716-717. 3. Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. 13, p. 227. 4. >jpate, pp. 716-717. 5. Sherwani, pp. 300-301. 6. Hadiqatul Alam, p. 81. 108 (108) was rerfamed Hyderabad. Tavemier says that in the beginning it was only a pleasure resort with many gardens and water- 2 courses. Methwald praised the city, "for sweetness of a convenience of water and fertility of soyle accounted the best situated in India."" Golconda and Hyderabad were linked by a grand stone 4 bridge, constructed by Ibrahim Cutbshah in 1578. The bridge, which still exists has a row of 22 arches, and its dimensions are 600 x 26 x 42 ft. During the Qutbshahi period this bridg^- 5 was known as Pule-Narva. The new capital city was comprised of royal houses, Khanqahs, Mosques, Madarsas, Sarai s. Tanks and Markets. 7 The streets were large but full of "sand and dust. " 1. Syed Ali Asghar Bilgrami, Landmarks of the Deccan, Hyderabad, 19 27, p. 17. 2. Tavemier, Vol. I, p. 122. 3. Methwald in Relations, pp. 8-9. 4. Tavemier, Vol. I, p. 122. 5. Bilgrami, p. 11. 6. Khulasa-i Tarikh- \- Qutbshlhl by Anonymous author, NS isio.' 231, Salar^Jang Museum, Hyderabad, p. 1', Nuskha-i Qutbsh"ahi by Sh"ah Quduratullah, MS No. 3644", A.P. Archives, Hyderabad, pp. 248-49; Hadl- qatul/^lam, p. 81. Among important buildings* constructed by the Qutubshahs was the Darus-Shifa built by Muhammad Quli LiUtbshah in 1595. It is a double storey hospital. There was also a Karw"an Sarai with a bath attached to it, both now in ruins. (See Bilgrami, p. 17). 7. Tavemier, Vol. I, p. 122. ...109 (109) Tavernier writes that in the new city mostly the houses belonged to nobles and officers. The Persian sources speak of twelve thousand houses built in the city. The houses of the ordinary people were situated in the suburbs. Thevenot says they were "only built of Earth and thatched with straw, they are so low and ill contrived that they can be re- 3 ckoned no more than huts." The merchants, brokers and arti- 4 sans also resided in the suburbs. Sarais were constructed in the suburbs of the city as well as in the heart of the tc>wn. Tavernier says that the mosques situated in the suburbs served as sarais for stran gers. The sarais in the suburbs might have been constructed mainly for merchants who came for trade. Tavernier says that "From 10 or ll°^lock in the morn ing till 4 or 5 in the evening the merchants and brokers come into the town to trade with foreign merchants. " Thevenot, on his visit to Hyderabad, stayed in a sar'ai called 'Nimet-ullah' located in the city. He paid two rupees for the two little 1. Ibid., p. 123. 2. Khu 1 asa-i Tarikh- i -Qutbsh'ah't p. 7; HadIqatul^"Alann, p~. 81; 3. Thevenot, p. 131. 4. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 123. 5. Ibid. 6. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 123. ... 110 (no) rooms that he occupied there for a month. Some of these _ 2 sarais consisted of two storeys with large halls and rooms. While describing the capital city, Persian sources tell us of the newly built mairkets. Four big markets were 3 constructed containing fourteen thousand shops. Most of the markets were situated along the bank of the river Musi, Shady 4 trees were planted along its banks. Thevenot noted that at the entrance of the city the merchants goods were checked by the Kotwal' s men. Tavernier tells us thet toddy was openly sold in the markets and the ruler dia not prohibit its sale because he derived a considera- ble amount of revenue from it. Well traversed routes ran from Hyderabad to different parts of the country. Two rottes led from it to Surat, one via Udaigir, Bidar and Burhanpur. On this route the halting places within the kingdom were those of 'Melcapour' 'Zafarabad' 'Pat6.n' 1. Thevenot, pp. 131-32. 2. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 123. 3. Nuskha- /-Cutbshmil, pp. 248-49; Khulasa- 1-Tarikh-\- Gutb'shahi, p. 7; Hadlqatul^ Alam, p. 81. 4. Ibid. 5. Thevenot, pp. 131-32. 6. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 128. ...Ill (Ill) and 'Rajoura'. The rivers which had to be crossed were Nerva, Pennar and Musi. The other route from Surat is described by Tavernier. It ran through Aurangabad, Daulatabad and Berar. 2 It entailed a 27-day journey over 324 coss (kos). Masulipatam the main port of the region was also linked by road to Hyderabad. Thevenot maintained that the distance was about 53 French leagues covered in 10 days time. The main Q A towns while he came across were 'Pangal' 'Sarchel' and 'Pengatchepoul' . He found sixteen villages on the way. Tavernier recorded the distance from Golconda to Masulipatam 7 as 100 coss by straight road and 112 coss by the Kollur m.ines. He passed through Tenara* Hayatnagar, Patengy, Negelpour, Lokabaron, Gani and Bezonai. 1. Thevenot, pp. 150-51. 2. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 116. Tavernier's coss measures approximately 2 miles. Vol. I, r. 335. 3. Pangal Atlas of the Mughal Qnpire, 17+, 79+, 15A. 4 . Not identified. 5. Penuoanchiprola, Atlas of the Mughal Qnpire, 16+, 80+, i5A. 6. Thevenot, p. 146. 7. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 335. 8. Ghulam Yazdani identifies it with Soi'urnagar, 10 miles from Golconda, Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 140. 9. Hayatnagar, Atlas of the Mughal itmpire, 17+, 78+, 15A. 10. iNOt identified. 11. Not identified. 12. Gani, Atlas of the Mughal BTipire, 16+, 80+, ISA. 13. Bezwada, Atlas of the Mughal Kmpire, 16+, 80+, 15A. ...112 (112) Another road ran to the diamond mines to the south, leading to Gandikota. Tavernier complains that there was difficulty in trans port because of the route to Masulipatan being "too much in terrupted by high mountains, tanks and rivers and because 2 there are many narrow difficult passes." Wheel carriages were not used/ oxen and pack-horses were employed by the merchants 3 to carry their goods. In Hyderabad a ruoee-mint was established after its annexation to the Mughal empire. Aziza Hasan has pointed out that between the years 1687-94, 12 mints were opened in sub a Hyderabad, while previously there was only one ruoee-mint at 4 Golconda. Hyderabad attracted merchants not only from different parts of India but also from all over the world because it served as an emporium for trade in different commodities. In 1656, when the Qutbshah had to face the Mughal army, in order to save his life, he left Hyderabad and made Golconda his capital again. The treasury also shifted to Golconda. 1. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 235. 2. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 142. 3. Ibid. 4. Thevenot, p. 141. 5. Ibid. . .. 113 (113) but this was a passing incident; economically the city ranain- ed important due to its commercial position until the Mughal annexation and after. (b) The Ports Masulipatam;- Schorer provides us mth a detailed description ot the port of Masulipatan. Kc says thot it was "unfit for ships to enter, being altogether shallow and also narrow, the ships vhich come here m.ust lie aboute a mile off-shore, be cause it is absolutely flat. The ground is very soft, the ships lie in three or four fattam. The tovm is situated about hall a league up the river." We are informed that the ships were loaded with the help of boats vhich sealed over the bar 2 into the river. Daring the north-east monsoon, from October to Decanber, the port was closed. The periodical cyclones 3 also caused damage to shipping and the port. These inconveniences were overlooked by the merchants due to its other advantages. 1. Schorer in Relations, p. 55. 2. Bay of Bengal, Pilot, S. V. Masulipatam, Cf. Arasa- ratnam. 2. The port was damaged in the cyclone of 1659-60 in which many lives were lost. Another cyclone hit the port in 1662. Again in 1679 the port was severely damaged by flood with cyclone winds. The wooden buildings of Masulipatan were completely destroyed and the long bridge was swept away. Van Dam, II, 2, pp. 145-46; Cf. arasaratnam, p. 37. ...114 (114) First of all, the port served the capital of Golconda wnich represented an important mcirket. Secondly the environs 1 2 of Mo.oulip-atdm produced painted cloth, along with indigo, iron, steel, saltpetre and cotton-yarn. Nar-sapur an important centre of ship-building was situated a few kilometres from Masulipatam. The rich diamond 7 mines of KQllur lay about 130 kilometres; and the port natu rally became an emporium of diamonds. The Dutch established their factory at Masulipatan in 8 9 1606, and the English in 1611. The French came as late es 1669-70."^° Asian merchants like Mir Jumla, Mir Kamaluddin, Khwaja _ 11 Ali Fazzaq and Mirza Shamsher, not only carried on much 1. Schorer in Relations, p. 55; E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 47; 1630-33, p. 233; Hamilton, p. 398. 2. Schorer in Relations, p. 55. 3. Watt, Vol. IV, p. 299. 4. Raychaudhuri, p. 174. 5. Schorer in Relations, pp. 59-60; Raychaudhuri, p. 79. 6. Raychaudhuri, p. 79. 7. Atlcs of the Mughal ^npire, 15'B'. 8 . D.F.I., p. 6. 9. Methwald in Relations, p. 6. 10. E.F.I., 1668-69, p. 184. 11- E.F.I., 1630-33, pp. 87, 285; 1634-36, p. 187; 1637-41, p. 52; 1642-45, pp. 69, 234. ...115 (115) mercantile activity at Masulipatam, but.also utilised the presence of the foreigners by hiring foreign ships for their commercial activities. The Sh"ahbandar was the chief port officer; Sar-i Khail, the chief revenue officer, and havaldar the collector of local 2 taxes. The Shahbandar and Sar-i Khail at Masulipatan seen to have been directly ^pointed by the Sultan himself v^ile the office of havaldar was publicly auctioned ajid given to the 3 highest biader. But even so the office remained under the direct control of the Sultan, as shown by a reference to the _ _ _ 4 imprisonment of havaldar by the Lutjbshah. « These officers enjoyed considerable power at the port. The merchants had to deal with than in connection with the pay ment of customs, sale and purchase of goods and also regarding their disputes with other merchants. 1- E.F.I., 1642-45, pp. 69, 81, 234; 1646-50, p. 98. 2- D.F.I., p. 36; Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 327. 3. D.F.I., p. 36. 4. Ibic., p. 109; E.F.I., 1668-69, p. 288. 5. D.F.I., p. 278; E.F.I., 1630-33, p. 295. ..116' (116) The port officials were interested in foreign trade often because of the opportunity it provided for bribe-taking in the shape of gifts. As an observer noted: "Governors and Shahbandars entertained us with great show of honour as if we 2 had brought a prize wherein everyone had a share." Sometimes the foreign merchants proved to be more in fluential than the havaldar; and secured a farm an from the Sult'an against the action of the hav'51d5r; sometimes a dispute 3 was anicably resolved through bribery. The foreign merchants were obliged to seek permission from the Shahbandar for carrying out any construction at the 4 port. 'ihe havaldar had enough powers to interfere in the 5 foreign merchants' trade. "The new havaldar of Masulipatan had been placing all sorts of hindrances in the Company's trade. "^ 1. The foreign .r,&rchants used to give presents to everyone from havald5r to Sultah whenever the need arose. Letters Received, Vol. II, p. 84; E.F.I., 1655-60, p. 406. 2. Letters Received, Vol. II, p. 84. 3. Letters Received, Vol. VI, -p. 38; Floris, pp.14-15; Raychaudhuri, p. 17. 4. F.F.I., 1630-33, p. 29 5. 5. Letters Received, Vol. II, p. 84; D.F.I., p. 278; K.F.I., 1630-33, p. 295; 1634-36, p. 14. 6- ^.-F.I./ p. 278. . ..117 (117) Ihe local officials often interfered with the loadings of the ships. Once one of the local officials arrested a Dutch under-factor on the charge of assaulting one of them. As a retaliatory measure the Dutch seized one of the colleagues _ 2 of the Kotv/al. The local havaldar being in authority frequently used his power to seize goods took them from the merchants forcibly. In 1618 he issued an order that the "Dutch would be allowed to trade only with him or his nominees"; this was ndturally great- 3 ly resented by the Dutch factors. The names of a few local officials have been given by the contemporary sources. In 1619 Itimad Khan became havaldar - 4 - after replacing Mir tjasim. Again in 1621 Mir uasim was re- 5 instated in his office. His office changed in 1623 as the English factors now referred to him as the Sh"ahbandar. At Mdsulipatam the bankers discounted bills sent from 7 8 distant places such as Pegu and Persia. From Surat to Gol- 1. Raychaudhuri, p. 28. 2. Ibid., p. 7. 3. D.F.I., p. 66. 4. Ibid., pp. 108-109. 5. Ibid., p. 181. 6. E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 233. 7. Ibid., p. 185. 8. £.F.I., 1642-45, p. 207. . ..118 (118) conda the discount was 4 to 5 percent. In the 1680's the political condition of Golconda adversely affected trade at Masulipatam, and the port began to 2 decline. When Hamilton visited Masulipatan in 1691 he did not find any English factor at the port; there were only a few _ 3 Dutch factors engaged in the 'chint' trade. Nizampattan;- In comparison with Masulipatam, the port of Nizampattan was geographically better situated and admitted 4 vessels up to 100 tons. The uutch opened a factory at Nizampattan in 1606.' They received fair welcome, and the Sultan of Golconda not only permitted them to trade but also exempted them from the stamp duty on cloth, that amounted to 12%. The duty on both imports 7 _ and exports was fixed at 4%. The Sultan however imposed cer tain restrictions on Dutch trade for example they were not allowed to deal with the local merchants directly, though this 1. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 30. 2. V.O.i^-./ p. 478. 3. Hanilton, p. 310. 4. Master, Vol. I, p. 137; bay ot Bengal Pilot, S. V. i^izanipatnarn, p. 166. Cf. Arasar atnan, p. 17. 5. u.F.I., p. 6. 6. iJ. F. I., p. 6. 7. Ibid.; Raychaudhuri, p. 40. ...119 (119) did not prevent them from making secret deals. For the major portion of their trade they were either to enter into contract with the havaldar or to secure his permission. The English opened their factory at Nizampattan in 2 1611. By 1613 English factory was fully established and had 3 Degun to yield profits. The import and export duty on the 4 English was fixed at 3^ only. It seans that the duty on Dutch was reduced from 4% to 3-2%, sometimes before 1615, be cause in 1615 the--^ y too are- reporteJT- d t---o hav- e- bee- n payinJ- __,_----g, onl\V 5 3-2% The English factors call Nizampattan one of the princi pal ports, but there is little evidence of big merchants other than Dutch and English trading at Nizampattan, though some Persian merchants were already settled there before the close of the first decade of the l7th century. The Dutch and the English brought to Nizampattan the lead, pearls and polished beads, but mainly the "chests of ..7 money. 1. D.E.I., p. 6. 2. Methwald in Rel ations, p. 12. 3. E.F.I., 1624-29, p. 115. 4. Schorer in Relations, p. 55. 5. Letters Received, Vol. IV, p. 33. 6. 6chorer in Relations, pp. 54-55. 7. iDid., E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 41. 120 (120) While the major articles exported from Wizarnoattan were the dyes (chayroots and indigo) painted end coarse cloth and cotton yarn. It appears that after the opening of the Bhglish factor the relations between the Golconda authorities and the Dutch began to deteriorate. Relations vorsened so much that in 1616 the Dutch decided to abandon their factory, in protest against 2 the demands of the havaldar of Nizampattan. Some efforts were « made to get the factory re-opened, but the Dutch refused to pay 3 4 _ heed, and in 1617 the closure was formally approved. iiiut even after the closure of the factory the Dutch ships continuec to call at Nizampattan. Unlike the Dutch, the English were quite successful in dealing with the Golconda authorities, though some times the privileges were obtained by making expensive gifts. The Eng lish factors themselves confessed that "The Governor and other officers of Masulipatem and Pettipalee have a spetial eye over our business. The priviledge were here injoy doeth not a 1. E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 41. 2. D.F.I., p. 46. 3. D.F.I., p. 27. 4. Ibid., p. 46. 5. Schorer in relations, pp. 54-55. 6. tL.£.I., 1630-33, p. 90. . ..121 (121) little trouble them, and could they contrive it wee should not long continue in this estate. " The English complaints against the middlemen and master weavers suggest that they depended for their supply largely on brokers. we find that at a peak of the season, v^ile ships were to be laden for return there was much difficulty in pro curing cloth and the middlemen were able to compel the English 2 to pay double charges to the weavers. One Metta-Raya ^pears as the most prominent broker dealing with the English imme- 3 diately after the opening of the English factory in 1612. The English factors also refer to two other brokers Conda Loyo and Gimp a Raya during the early years of the second decade of the 4 17th century. During the early years of the 17th century down to the 1620's the English factors control over weavers was confined to checking the quality of yarn; and the middlemen or master weavers were responsible for the rest. The factors themselves 5 got the washing and dyeing done. However they found it diffi cult to get washers. At times the middlemen were not able to bring the supply of cloth at the stipulated time and the wash- 1. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 325. 2. Letters Received, Vol. I. p. 15 3. 3. Ibid. 4. loid. 5. E.F.I., 1629-33, p. 235. ...122 (122) 1 ers were not available when the delayed supplies arrived. Therefore in the 1630's we find the factors imposing further danands on the washers and painters. They were not only to work under the close supervision at the factory, but were to leave the factory only two days after the completion of their job. The English factory at Nizampattan did not survive for long. The major factor for its closure was perhaps the short- 3 age of finance available to the English. In 1678-79, Master found that both the Dutch and the English factors had deserted the port, and that it was in con sequence largely in ruin, though ships were still calling at the port, and a building that had been erected to hold a re ception for the ruler of Golconda, was used as the custom , 4 house. Pull cut:- Pulicut lies at the distance of about 380 kilo meters south of Masulipatam. Bowrey speaks of its position as "having a very good river that close to the town side but the barre is not very good, no better than for boats for 20, 30 or 40 tons, all this coast indeed wanting nothing but some good 1. Ibid., p. 233. 2. £..F.I., 1629-33, p. 233. 3. E.F.I., 1655-60, p. 263. 4. Kdster, Vol. II, pp. 136-37. ...123 (123) harbour for shipping." ohips were loaded and unloaded by 2 small boats as they anchored about a mile from the shore. The attraction for foreign merchants at this port lay 3 in the local supplies of cloth especially painted cloth. 4 Barbosa praised its textiles as early as 1518. Availability of slaves obtained from the neighbourhood 5 of Pulicut was perhaps another factor. The Dutch settled at Pulicut in 1610. They received from the ruler of Yijaynagar the "grant of exclusive privi lege of trade for a factory at Pulicut from which the King 7 undertook to remove the Portuguese residents. " One important feature of agreement was the permission to construct a fort. The ruler of Vijaynagar promised to complete the new fort started by the Dutch, at the expense of Queen Obyama, the own er of the town; this was on condition that the Company should p equally share the possession with him. In 1613 the fort was 1. Eowrey, p. 51. 2. Valentijin, Vol. I, p. 48; Cf. Arasaratnam, p. 19. 3. Schorer in Relations, p. 53; D.F.I., p. 288. 4. Luarte Barbasa, The Book of Duarte Barbosa - An Account of the Countries bordering on Indian Ocean and other inhabitants, translated by Long worth Dames, 2 vols,, London, 1918, Vol. II, p. 132. 5. D.F.I., p. 119; E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 105, 127, 130, 133, 147. 6. Moreland in Relations, p. XXII. 7. Ibid. 8. Raychaudhuri, p. 22. ...124 (124) completed and was named Geldria. It is interesting to note that in Pulicut the Dutch enjoyed a half share in all personal taxes in the port, the other half going to the local authorities. On goods paying duty by the weight, the Dutch were allowed 30 percent, v;hile the local officials took the rest. The Dutch also enjoyed a 2 5 percent concession of duty on textiles brought into Puli- 2 cut from the country. 3 The English followed the Dutch in 1621. Along with 4 them Indians and the Portuguese also carried on trade, but no big Indian merchant seems to have established himself at the port. The custom at the port was 2% on imports and exports, along with 15 pagodas on each ship. In 1647 the Uutbshah's forces captured Pulicut which henceforth became a part of his dominion. The privileges granted to the Dutch sean to have continued as before. 1. Ibid., p. 23. 2. Arasaratnam, p. 73. 3. Morel and in Relations, p. XXII. 4. Schorer in Relations, p. 54. 5. Ibid. 6. E.F.I., 1646-50, p. 40. ...125 (125) The havaldar was an important local official of the port. He collected customs. Abbe Carre designates him Gover nor and says the merchants were often in trouble with him. It seems from the sources that the foreign companies sometimes made direct contracts with the weavers and exer- 2 cised considerable control over than. In 1627, for example, the weavers "were forbidden to undertake any production of 3 any variety except those ordered by the Company. " The Dutch factors monopolized the trade at Pulicut of which the English often complained. For example, "the Dutch had taken all the cloth that was ready at the arrival of Gol- 4 den Lion", or that "they (Dutch) buy up all the slaves they 5 can get both men, women and children," The port remained important throughout the 17th cen tury. When Hamilton visited it in 1692-93 he found it to be an imiportant commercial centre of the IXitch. In fact it housed the major Dutch factory in India, 1. Abbe Carre, p, 636, 2. D.F.I., p, 121; E.F,I., 1622-23, P. 105, 3. Raychaudhuri, p. 157. 4. ^.F.I., 1622-23, p. 119. 5. Ibid. 6. Hamilton, p. 397, ...126 (126) Madras:- It is situated on lat. 13°IM., long. 80°18'E. We are iniormed that its harbour was dangerous for shipping and the large ships could not cast anchor goods from or to ships were transported by small boats. The port attracted English factors from Aramgaon in 2 1639. The place used to produce painted chintz and long 3 cloths of some repute. The English established their factory by the permission of Damela Vincatedree Nagu, v^o was a subordinate of the last 4 ruler of the Vijaynagar dynasty. The privileges granted to the English by the local Nayak before 1646 allowed them to import and export articles duty-free. Inland tolls had to be paid, but only at half of the usual rate. The privilege of mintage was also granted without the payment of any extra dues, the English being 7 allowed to mint both silver and gold coins. 1. Kanual of the Madras Presidency, II, p. 162; Cf. Arasaratnam, p. 21. 2. b.F.I., 1637-41, p. XXXVIII. 3. Ibid., pp. 166, 183. 4. Ibid., pp. 1&6, 166; Gazetteer, Vol. XVI, p. 252. 5' E.F.I., 1637-41, p. X>AIX. 6. Ibid., p. 156. 7. V.O.^i., p. 43. ...127 (127) The fort of St. George at Madras was completed in 1646. The Nayak had undertaken to bear the cost of erect ing the fort on condition that the English repaid him the 2 outlay on their taking possession. After the territory passed into the hands of Qutbshah, hir Jumla on behalf of the Sultan confirmed in 1646, the pri vileges on the English as reward of their help in the siege 3 of San-Thome. In the beginning the English Company had some doubts 4 whether the new settlanent would prove to be beneficial, but it proved to be so useful that it became the headquarters of 5 the Company on the Coromandel coast. ;^art from cloth, which was the main item of export 7 from Madras, saltpeter was also obtained. Slaves were also exported. 1. E.F.I., 1646-50, p. 69. 2. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. XXXIX. 3. E.F.I., 1661-64, pp. 4, 55; Sarkar, p. 96. 4. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 186. 5. Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. XVI, p. 251. 6- E.F.I., 1642-45, p. 39; 1651-54, p. 29 2. 7. E.F.I., 1646-50, p. 167. 8. E.F.I., 1661-64, pp. 50-51. ...128 (128) The famine of 1646 seriously affected commercial acti vities of the region. The English factors reported to the Company that "there car not oe expected any quantity of cloth to be procured here this three years." The English factors at Madras sean to have faced recur- 2 ring problems of capital shortage. In 1648 they had to bor- — _ 3 row 10,000 pagodas from Kir Jumla on interest. Lack of capi tal at Madras often compelled the English to obtain goods for export on credit. We do not find any details about the port administra tion at i4adras nor any reference to any prominent Indian mer chant trading at this port. The only reference is to Viranna or Verona, vtio worked as a middlemen between the English fac tors e-nd the Court at Golconda. In the vicinity of Madras, there was a place called San-Thome which belonged to the "Naique of Tanjor. " The Portuguese were the first to establish themselves at San- 1. E.F.I., 1646-50, p. 70. 2. E.F.I., 1642-45, p. 293; 1646-50, p. 213; 1661-64, p. 35. 3. E.F.I., 1646-50, p. 213. 4. E.F.I., 1661-64, p. 35. 5. Martin, Vol. I, Part II, p. 690. 6. E.F.I., 1642-45, pp. 47, 49. ...129 (129) 1 2 3 4 Thome. Later on the Dutch, English, and the French showed their interest in that place owing to the fact that, "St. Thome is a good place procuring ot callicoes a comodi- ous town, and good landing." There was considerable rival ry between the English and the French for the possession of San-Thome, with the local authorities trying to keep their own control over the place. 1. Ibid., p. 49. 2. E.F.I., 1655-60, p. 176. 3. E.F.I., 1668-69, p. 130. 4. Martin, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 81, 182-83. 5. E.F.I., 1668-69, p. 130. 6. Martin, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 81-83. ( 130) The basic gold coin in the Vijayonagar empire was knu'vn as Godyana, Varaha, Pon, Pagoda, Pratapa, Koti and 1 Hoga. It probaiDly weighed 52 grains trey. Pratapa was the next gold coin of lower denomination. It was ecrual to half of a Varaha. The Prat^a weighed 26 grains. Another gold coin, Koti was one-fourth of a Vareiha. Its weight varied from 5 to 6 grains. The hcga was one-fourth of a 2 Pana and bela was half of hoga." Tara was the only silver coin of Vijayanagar known 3 so far. An analysis of copper coins shows that the heaviest coin weighed 247 grains and the lightest, 15 grains. Other copper coins weighed 158, 128, 50, 40, 32, 24 and 15 grains. ^ ^e find references to the free minting of these coins not only by the local rulers within the Vijayanagar empire, but also by foreign merchants during the 17th century. They used to bring bullion from foreign lands and got it coined 1. V.O.M., Vol. II, p. 19 3; A.V. Na:rsimha Murthy, The Coins of Karnataka, Mysore, 1975, pp. 141-4 2. There is, however, a unique gold coin of Krishna- devaraya \%'hich weighs 120 grains, 2. Hurthy, pp. 141-4 2. 3. Ibid., p. 142. 4. Ibid,, p. 143. ...131 (131) at i^^.adras. Green Hill, Durgarazpatam and Aramgaon by obtain- ing permission from local chiefs. The Kingdom of Golconda did not strike gold and sil ver coins in the l6th century. But in the 17th century we begin to find references to coins of different metals like, gold, silver and copper modelled after the Vijayanagar coin age. Later on rupees and paisas, minted in the Mughal 2 empire, also come into use. The gold coins Varaha or hun vas called pagodas by 3 the Europeans. The old pagodas were struck in the Vijaya nagar enpire, and the new pagodas by the Golconda rulers. The old pagodas were not superior in terms of weight and fineness to new pagodas but was higher in value, fetching in 4 late 16503^4^2 rupees as against 3*5 rupees for the new. The King demanded the old coin by way of revenue and other tax es because of its higher metallic value. The premium on old pagodas increased with time. They were vorth 20 percent more in 1633, 30 percent in 1651, 43 percent in 1655, and 90 percent in 1660. All the major transactions in Golconda 1- E.F.I., 1655-60, pp. 37, 87. 2. Thevenot, p. 136. 3. Kaychaudhuri, p. 223. 4. £..F.I., 1655-60, p. 33. 5. Arasaratnam, pp. 296-97. ...132 (132) and Masulipatam were calculated in old pagodas by 1669. So f ar as our evidence goes, the prices of commodities were fixed in the old pagodas though paymenrs were made in the nev; pagodas according to ratio prevailing from time to time. by a settlement imposed on Golconda by the i-^ughals in 163b, Golconda was to pay a yearly tribute of two lakhs of huns, converted into rupees at the rate of 4 rupees per hun. In 1657 the dispute arose over the sum of tribute since the value of hun went up from Rs. 4 to 5, The Mughals demanded all payments of arrears at the new rate, which meant an addi- 3 tional payment of tv;enty lakhs of rupees. The smaller gold coins or fractional pieces were known as fanums or fanum. Large and small varieties of fanam were minted in the second half of the 17th century. During the early years of the 17th century (1609-14) the fanum at Gol conda was worth 20 to 22 cash, at Pulicut 20 to 24 cash, at 5 i^izampattan 17 to 20 cash. During the second half of the 6 17th century in 1669 it was worth 24 cash at Pulicut and in 1. Raychaudhuri, p. 135. 2. Muhaiimad Salih, Vol. I, p. 123. 3. Muhammad Salih, Vol. 1, p. 123. 4. Raychaudhuri, p. 223. 5. Schorer in Relations, pp. 52, 54, 55. 6. Eowrey, p. 107, ...133 (133) 1678 at Madras 17 cash.-^ The Dutch secured the right to mint pagodas of stand ard weight and fineness in Pulicut in 1647. The mint tax at Fulicut \:as \ pagoda on every 100 pagodas minted. This tax was equally divided between the iAitch and the Golconda autho rities, 3/8 pagoda taken by the IXitch and 3/8 to the Golcond; And if the pagodas were minted by others, \ pagoda was claim- 2 ed oy the Golconda authorities and ^ pagoda by the Dutch. In Madras the English secured the right to mint 4 7 pagodas of bt-r~ standard grains and 20—rr— carat fine. They were given exemption from mint duty payable to the local authorities. This concession was confirmed by the Qutbshah." Tavernier informs us that the pagodas minted by the Dutch were of better quality than those of English and fetch ed 1 or 2 percent more. The traders preferred the Dutch . 4 pagodas. 1. V.Q.M., Vol. II, p. 293. 2. Krasaratnam, p. 304. 3. Ibid,, p. 305. 4. Tavernier, Vol. II, pp. 70-71, ...134 (134) The nevel was the most vd-dely circulating copper coin 1 2 in Golconda. 8 to 9 nevels were ec^ivalent to a fanum. Apart from nevel/ four paisa, tv.o paisa, half paisa coins 3 were also current. It sesns that the IXitch had made a deal with the Golconda authorities to supply copper for the mint at a fixed price. The Mughal rupee was current with fractions such as half/ quarter eight and sixteenth. The weight of the rupee was 9 deinars and 1 grain with a standard of silver of 11 deinars and 14 grains in 1640. The first surviving rupee coin from the Golconda mint was issued during the reign of Shah-Jah'an but it bears no 7 date. In Aarangzeb's reign/ however, a number of gold Q muhars and silver rupees were minted. The surviving coins of Aurangzeb's reign at Golconda date back to the time of his 1, Raychaudhuri/ p, 224. 2, Ibid.; Martin, Vol. 1X1/ Part 11/ p, 1644. 3, Raycnaudhuri, p, 224, 4, Arasaratnam, p. 320, 5, Tavernier/ Vol. 1/ p, 22. 6, Tavernier/ Vol, 1, p, 22. 7, Catalogue of Coins in Provincial Museum/ Lucknow, ed. C.J. Frow/ Oxford/ 1920/ p. 201. Catalogue of Coins in the Central Museum, ed. C.J. Brown, Nagpur, Part I, p.117. 8, Ibid. ... 135 (135) accession (1658-59). A fall in silver prices led to tempo rary closure of the royal mint at Golconda in 1674-75. By 1677 the down ward drift of silver prices was over and the mint was reopened. It appears that the silver rupee, till the annexation of the Kingdom, was not widely used in commerce within Go-1- 3 conda, for they were exchanged against pagodas at a loss. In 1657 the Dutch were granted permission from the Golconda authorities to coin rupees at Pulicut, Later in 168 2 the English also secured permission in Madras to coin rupee to 4 the standard and value of the Golconda rupee. Tevemier gives the following table of comparative 5 values of coins in Golconda. 50 to 80 Cowries = 1 Faisa Pie (half dan) /coppery = l/80Rs to 1/16RS Darn (or Pice) /copper/ = l/40Rs to l/30Rs kupee /silver/ = 2S.3d. i« Catalogue of Coins in Provincial Museum, Lucknow, p. 204. 2. K.i\. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the Engli sh East India Company (1660-1760), Cembridoe, 1978, p. 178. 3. Arasaratnam, p. 308. 4. Arasaratnam, p. 308. 5. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 22. ...136 (136) iMohur /gold/ = 31S.6dar, 14, 14^ Rs Pagoda New /gold/ = 3, 3^5 Rs Pagoda Old /gold/ = 4-5 ^ or over Fanan /gold/ = Variable (12,14,18,24,32 to the) pagoda iJorahimi /gol^ = 2-Q— RS Bills of Exchange:- Bills of exchange constitute an important aspect of corraierci al finance, ^iasulipatam, being one of the principal ports, had Dills drawn upon it from different commercial centres namely 12 3 Pegu, Persia and London, and within the country fron 4 5 Pulicut and Surat, The rate of discount depended on the places wl-iere the cills originated or were to be cashed. Unfortunately, we have little information on discounts on bills issued from or encashed within Golconda. But Taver- nier says that the discount on a bill of exchange from Gol conda to Surat anounted to 4 to 5%. 1. E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 185. 2. i^.F.I., 1642-45, p. 207. 3. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 48. 4. Ibid., p. 50. 5. D.F.I., pp. 114, 132; E.F.I., 1630-33, p. 86. 6. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 30. ...137 (137) Tevernier also says that in India the period of maturing of a bill was two months. It appears that the Dutch used to give the privilege of dealing with bills issued (or purchased by) them for a consideration "the exclusive right to deal in bills of ex change had been farmed out for an annual s\:im of 500 pagodas" 2 to a Shroff. Ihe English also depended on sarrafs for the testing of coins. Some difficulty in realising bills was faced when the agem: of a particular sarraf was not available. In one ins- tance tne English at Kasulipatom then had to go to Golconda 4 for cashing tneir bills, and this caused much delay. lb seems that in the transactions of the dianond trade the sarrafs played an important role. The miners al- ways preferred to receive payments in the presence of sarrlfs, v;ho used to examine the value of pagodas and claimed ^ percent Qs tneir charges. 1. Ibid. 2. I^.f .1./ pc. 275-76. 3. .'-JTasaratnani, p. 305. ^' E.j'.I., 1637-41, p. 26 2. 5. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 71. ...138 (138) At times, the sarrgfs tested and sealed money worth, 1,000 or 2,000 pagodas in bags and put their seals on the bags; these bags were accepted as currency by the diamond miners. 1 We find evidence of large transactions through bills of exchange carried on by the English Company at MasulipataT. Ihey "renitted to Kasulipatam 10,000 pagodas (at 410 rupees per 100 pagodas) besides accepting bills from that place of 2 2,000 pagodas. " Bills ot exchange were not only used by merchants but also by the nocles and rulers. We find that the ruler of Golconda in 1662, paid tribute to the Mughal emperor through bills of exchange. Out of the annual peshkash (tribute) of 10 lakhs of 1-,. 1, 25,987.8 were remitted by a bill of exchance (hundl) to Amanat Khan for the central treasury at Auranga- •. ^ 3 The practice of sending snaller amounts through bills was costly and also time consuming. 5o the English factors some times preferred to insure despatch of bullion from I'^asulipataa to -Jolconda, for which the charges amounted to 4 or 5 percent. 1. Ibid. 2. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 300. 3. Selected Waqai of the Deccan, p. 13. 4. E.S.I., 1637-41, p. 262. (139) (a) Items of Export for Over-sea Markets Agricultural Products: Agricultural products such as rice, sugar, wheat, clove, tobacco, gingili and cotton-yarn used to be ea^orted from Golconda during the 17th century. Rice being the staple food of that region was culti vated widely. Tom Pires speaks of the abundance of rice in 1 2 thdt region. It was, therefore, often exported, 3 The Ehglish, IXitch and French exported rice to 4 Malacca, Batavia and Java, In 1618, 1,000 lasts were ex ported by the Dutch to Java; in 1624-25, 536 lasts; and 7 in 1624, 700 tons were exported to Batavia, This was main ly due to the fact that Batavia and Java suffered from scar- g cities during that period. In the 16 30s the Dutch started 1. Tome Fires, Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, Hakluyut Society, London, 1947, Vol, I, p. 52, 2. Anonymous Relations, pp. 80-81; E,F,I,, 1624-29, p. 18; Thevenot, p. 148; Master, Vol. II, p. 96. 3. E.F.I., 1624-29, p. 16; 1634-36, p. 196; Thevenot, p. 148; Master, Vol, II, p, 95; Martin, VDI . I, Part II, p. 263; Raychaudhuri, p. 167, 4. Raychaudhuri, p. 167. 5. A last was equivalent to 2 tons. Cf, D.F.I., p, 66, fn. 1. 6. Raychaudhuri, p. 167, 7. E,F.I., 1624-29, p. 18. 8. Raychaudhuri, p. 167. ,.,140 (140) making distilled liquor ("ark") from rice; and because of this the demand for rice Increased in Batavia. Cotton yarn made in Golconda was in demand at Amster- 2 dam and in South East Asia (Pegu, Tenasserim, Maluccas, 3 4 Achin, Bantam and Java) as well as Mocha and Persia. The price in 1614 was 14-23 pagodas per bale. In 1618 it varied between 14 and 16 pagodas per bale. Tobacco was next in importance as an itan of export. 7 Hamilton mentions its export from the region of Negapatam, D It was exported to Aracan, Pegu, Tenasserim and Mokha. Coromandel tobacco was not of a very good quality as, "it is but weake, yet sure more care in curing and making it up would help that fault; they only dry the leaves in the sun, and use it so, without further sophistication." Perh^s be cause of its inferior quality it ceased to be a significant item of export in the subsequent years. 1, Raychaudhuri, p. 167. 2- D.F.I., pp. 30, 44. 3. Ibid., pp. 44, 65. 4. Master, Vol. II, p. 112. 5. D.F.I., p. 65. 6. D.F.I., p. 65. 7. Hamilton, p. 389. 8. Methwald in Relations, pp. 36, 37; Schorer in Relations, pp. 59-60. 9. Methwald in Relations, p. 36. (141) The other minor agricultural items of export included sugar (exported to Persia), gingili for making oil and v^eat. Indigo and Chayroot: Indigo was a blue powder obtained from the plants of the genus indigofera and was used as a dye and for bleaching. It was a major item of export from India during the 17th cen tury. Besides Masulipatam, indigo was also exported from 4 Nizampattan and Pulicut. The Dutch were the main exporters of the Golconda 5 indigo. In 1614, 300 fardels of indigo were exported by the Dutch from Masulipatam; while in 1615-16, 200 bahars from 7 Pulicut were exported. 1. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 42; 1642-45, p. 65. 2. Abbe Carre, Vol. II, p. 484. 3. E.F.I., 1661-64, p. 178. 4. E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 41; Raychaudhuri, p. 163. 5. Floris, p. 127; Schorer in Relations, p. 61; Anonymous Relations, p. 79; E.F.I., 1618-21, po. 41, 49; 1622-23, p. 229; 1630-33, p. 55. 6. Floris, p. 127. 7. Raychaudhuri, p. 163. . ..142 (142) The sale price of indigo at Nagalvancha was about 28-39 pagodas "the little" in 1614. In Holland the Pulicut variety of indigo fetched 41i5 stuivers per pound. The Dutch had to face some setbacks in the indigo trade between 1612-14; due to the political condition of Gol- 3 conda/ but these were later overcome anid indigo exports continued unhampered. The Dutch trade in indigo at Masulipatan was adversely affected by the opening of a new factory at Tierepopelier, which became their main centre of indigo supply; but by 16 36 the Masullpatam trade had recovered due to the Company's de- 4 mand for increased supply. Chayroot, the red dye, was produced in areas around 5 Pulicut, Nizampattan and Masulipatam. Pulicut exported what is reputedly the best chayroot; while that obtained 7 from Nizampattan was next in quality. Masulipatan too was 1. Schorer in Relations, p. 61. 2. Raychaudhuri, p. 164, 3. Anonymous Relations, p. 79. 4. Raychaudhuri, pp. 163-4. 5. Schorer in Relations, p. 54; Anonymous Relations, pp. 80-81; E.F.I., 1630-31, p. 55; 1642-45, p. 79; Master, Vol. II, p. 138. 6. Schorer in Relations, p. 5 3. 7. Hamilton, p. 397. . ..143 (143) an important centre of trade and we find the English bring ing chayroot to Masulipatam from Nizampattan for comparison with samples obtained there. The dye was also exported 2 trom Masulipatam to Madras. It seans that this particular dye was not to be had in other regions since the English factors at Surat request ed Masulipatam factors for specimens of the dye and also en~ 3 quired about the mode of using it. It is interesting to note that the plant was in abundance in some parts of Bengal; 4 but there it was not onployed as a dye. The earliest reference to the export of chayroot occurs in 1583-91, v^en Ralph Fitch referred to it as 'Saia' 5 and said it was in great demand at Pegu; the demand that continued till the second decade of the 17th century. The English were also interested in exporting it; and in 1656 7 purchased considerable quantities. It seems that the Dutch 1. Letters Received, Vol. I, p. 15; Schorer in Relations, p. 55; E.F,I., 1618-21, p. 47; 1630-33, p. 233. 2. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 45. 3. E.F.I., 1630-33, p. 55. 4. Watt, Vol. V, p. 481. 5. Early Travels, p. 34. 6. Methwald in Relations, p. 38. ^' E.F.I., 1655-60, p. 94. ...144 (144) preferred to dye the cloth and export dyed textiles rather than chayroot itself. Chayroot remained as an item of e>:port in English trade till at least 1679, v^en Master notes its export from Masulipatam. Textiles: Textile products of the Coromandal Coast, dominated its export trade during the 17th century. The nannes ot various localities in the Golconda King dom frequently occur in the sources as centres of cloth pro duction. At Narsapur near Kasulipatam apart from long cloth, coarse and painted cloth was also manufactured as weavers 2 and painters were settled at Narsapur. At Viravasarum, 40 miles to the north of Masulipatan, 3 there was a large community of weavers. Masulipatam, Nizampattan, Pulicut and Madras were important centres for the supply of 'chintz' v^ich was ex- 1. Master, Vol. II, p. 138. 2. Letters Received, Vol. I, p. 155; Schorer in Relations, p. 33; E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 47. 3. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 45. ... 14 5 (145) ported to different directions. Cotton textiles which made up the bulk of export, can be divided into two main categories/ (a) Plain white cloth. This included calico, a stout, procured in different varieties depending on fineness of yarn, v^ile muslin was a thin transparent cloth of fine quality. Both could be dyed, (a) Patterned cloth, the cloth being either calico or muslin, with coloured patterns ootained either by dyeing, block 3 printing or brush painting. Stripped cloth was also made. Different varieties of these cloths were distinguish ed. The following information is compiled from the evidence 4 collected by Irwin and Arasaratnam. (a) Bethil a or bethile, a very fine muslin. The length varied from 15 to 25 yards, and the breadth was usually Ih yards; it was some times dyed red or stripped or enbroidered. The best bethiles were procured from V/arangal and Khamma- mmet districts. 1. For further details see chapter on Industries, pp.66-94. 2. Methwald m Relations, pp. 49, 50, 53-55, 63; E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 41; 1622-23, pp. 229, 336; 1624-29, pp. 135, 180; 1630-33, pp. 82, 86; 1655-60, p. 103; 1661- 64., p. 159; Master, Vol. II, p. 112; Thevenot, p. 148. 3. Methwald in Relations, pp. 35, 39; Schorer in Relations, pp. 49-50; E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 229, 336; 1630-33, pp. 8 2, 86; Master, Vol. II, p. 112. 4. Indo-huropean Textile History, pp. 57-72; Arasaratnam, pp. 100-101. . . .146 (146) (b) Dronqans, cotton cloth in red and v^ite, black and red, red and green, red and blue or v^ite and green. It was most in demand in Java. (c) Ginghams were woven in different patterns for the dif ferent markets of South East Asia. This type of cloth was produced in Masulipatam, Pelakallu and Pulicut. (d) Muri a fine yellowish white cloth with a red stripe across the middle; it was often used in paintings and were sold in South Last Asia as painted chintz. Its sheets were 10 yard long and 1 yard broad. ( e) Pare all a was a plain cotton cloth of good quality, a sort ot fine white cambric. It was produced at Pulicut and i^iylapur. (f) Salampurl, white cloth with red borders. It was of vary ing length from 16 to 22 yards. The best saiampores were re puted to be produced in the Nellore district and round about iMasulipatan. This variety was much in demand in South East Asia and later to Europe. (g) Tapi, a general name of coloured piece-goods, it was woven with many coloured patterns, decorated with flowers, in demand mostly in South East Asia. (h) Long Cloth was made of staple cotton, and was the longest ol the locally vfoven varieties. Its standard measuc ementij were 37 yards length and one yard breadth. ...14-7 (147) (i) Alleglas were cxstton fabric mixed with silk or gold thread/ made in two colours, red and white or blue and white. They were made near Masulipatan and Palakullu. The variety- was exported to South East Asia and Mokha. (j) Romals were an all cotton or silk piece. They were woven around Masulipatam and Palakallu. (k) Kottawanys were of cotton woven with red stripes made out of red oil-dyed threads with painted borders. They were exported from Masulipatam. It seems that the Europeans engaged middlemen to main tain contracts with the weavers, washers and painters: "We buy all of five or six men, who carry the whole trade between 2 the weavers and us." The middlemen apparently appropriated 20% to 25% of the profit.^ Cloth produced in Golconda in the 16th century used tc 4 be exported to Pegu, Malacca and Sumatra. In the l7th cen tury the main market for Golconda cloth was South East Asi c, though the trade was monopolized by the IXitch. The Dutch 1- E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 47. 2- E.F.I.^ 1622-23, p. 128. 3. Raychaudhuri, p. 156. 4. Barbosa, Vol. II, D. 3 32. ...148 (148) used to exchange cloth with spices from Aracan, Pegu, Sian, Tenassirim, Malacca/ Bantam, Batavia, Java, Anboina and Jambi. Golconda cloth was also exported to Persia, France, 2 Holland and England. From 1665 Golconda cloth began to be much in demand in England. The painted chintz of Masulipatan was especially 3 popular among the English aristocracy. After 1685 the Masulipatam factors were not able to meet the orders perhaps 4 due to the political instability of the region. As a result Madras came to be used more and more by the English to meet 5 the new demand. Diamonds; The diamonds procured from the Golconda mines were an important item of export. They were weighed by Mangeline 6 equal to 1\ carats or 7 grains. 1. Methwald in Relations, pp. 38-39; D. F. I., pp. 26, 28-29, 35, 44, 51-2, 68, 74. 2. Raychaudhuri, p. 160. 3. Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, p. 5. 4. Journal of Indian Textile History, Uo. II, p. 31. 5. Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, p. 32. 6. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 69. ...149 (149) The diamonds were greatly in demand in the Mughal empire. At times Qutbshah himself took interest m its ex port to the Mughal STipire. The IXitch and the English often purchased Golconda 2 diamonds. They exported them to Holland and England; as 3 4 well as to Achin and Jakarta. The Dutch and English invested a considerable anount in the trade. The English invested 1,419 pagodas in 1622, 24,000 pagodas in 1623; and 20,000 rials in 1624. The Dutch invested 100,000 florins in 1629; 45,566 florins in 1635; 150,000 florins in 1639-40; 86,143 florins in 1642 7 and 100,000 florins in 1652. Saltpetre: Saltpetre for v^ich there was much demand was produced p in many localities of Golconda Kingdom. Both refined and vn- 1. Selected Wagai of the Deccan, p. 3. 2. E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 221, 247; Raychaudhuri, pp. 171-72 3. Methwald in Relations, p. 38. 4. E.F.I., 1618-21, pp. 207-8. 5. E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 118, 221, 247. 6- E.F.I., 1624-29, p. 25. 7. Raychaudhuri, p. 172. 8. For details see Chapter on Industries. ...ISO (150) 1 refined saltpetre were exported. The European demand for saltpetre was especially fuelled by the Thirty Year War (1618-48), since saltpetre was the prime material in making gun-powder. It was also exported to fulfil the demand of the Amboina gun-powder 2 mills of the Dutch. The English and the Dutch used to export it to Bantam, ~ 3 4 5 6 tiatavia, Jakarta, Persia, Ormuz and Ansterdam. Since local wars wDuld increase local demand for salt petre, they could cause a curtailment of export, as in 1623. "It had not been possible to send 200 bahars of saltpetre be- 7 cause of the wars efnong the nayaks," The market price of saltpetre in 1617 was 7 to 8 rials per kandi in Masulipatam, and in 1623, 8 larins per coroman- 1. D.F.I., p. 247. 2. Ibid., p. 75; Raychaudhuri, p. 168. 3- D.F.I., pp. 52, 75, 179. 4. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 40. 5. D. F.I., pp. 287-8. 6. Ibid., pp. 166, 169; E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 229. ^' D.F.I., p. 247. 8. D.F.I., p. 52. . ..151 (151) del mound in Ormuz. In 1625 it was sold at 6 to 8 rials per bahar in Tierepopelier. In 1628 in Holland the price 3 was 1 florin per pound. The available quantitative evidence with regard to saltpetre exports is patchy, but such as it is, it may give some impression of the scale of sea-bom exports of salt petre from the v^iole of coromandel by the Dutch: Year Place Volume Destination 1622 Pulicut 40 tons Holland^ 1623 Masulipatam 42, 977, lbs (refined) Delftchamber 1623 Masulipatam 44,181, lbs (unrefined) Del ftch ember 1624 Coromandel 270,000 lbs 7 Batavi a 1625 Coromandel 286,4 34 lbs Bat aVI a 1634 Coromandel 300,000 to 400,000 lbs Holland^ in 1634 Masulipatam 100,000 lbs Batavi a 1638 Coromandel 40, chests Balasore 1. Ibid., pp. 287-8. 2. Raychaudliuri, p. 168. 3. Ibid. 4. E.F.I., 1622- 23, p. 128. 5. D.F.I., p. 247. 6. Ibid. 7. Raychaudhuri, p. 168. 8. Ibid. 9 . Ibid., p. 169 • 10. Ibid. 11. J=:.F.I., 1637- 41, pp. 51-2. ...152 (152) After 16 38 we do not find much evidence about the export of saltpetre from the region; pre53umably because the European buyers had started procuring it mainly from Bengal. Iron and Steel? Iron was procured from the hinterland of Masulipatam 2 and Nizampattan. The different types of iron in demand were pig-iron, 3 iron-bands, iron-bars and cannon-balls. Some of the Coromandel iron was apiparently not of very good quality. We hear the complaint that "the iron received earlier from Coromandel could not be sold because of its 4 thickness and heavy weight. " Yet the Dutch preferred to obtain it from Coromandel rather than to procure it from Japan; as the Japanese iron cost much more than that of Coro- mandel. 1. Raychaudhuri, p. 168. 2. For details see Chapter on Industries. 3. Raychaudhuri, p. 174, 4. D.F.I., p. 199. 5. Ibid., p. 251. . ..153 (153) The Datch/ the English and the Indian merchants, were all involved in the export of iron and steel over seas 2 3 4 5 6 to Arakan, Pegu, Tenassirim, Achin, Balasore, 7 8 9 Mocha, Ormuz and Amsterdam. The greatest centre of don and in South East Asia was Batavia. Coromandel iron was re-exported from Batavia to Manila.•'••^ Persia provided another market for the iron and the Dutch and the English ejqjorted it there. 12 !• D.F.I., pp. 199, 239, 251, 26 2, 281, 287-8; Schorer in Relations, p. 59; E.F.I., 1624-29, p. 6; 1634-36, p. 42; 1642-45, p. 65; Master Vol. II, p. 134. 2. Methwald in Relations, p. 38. 3. Schorer in Relations, p. 59; Bowrey, pp. 55, 60. 4. Ibid; Master, Vol. II, p. 113. 5. Master Vol. II, p. 113. 6. E.F.I., 1642-45, p. 65. 7. Master, Vol. II, p. 113. 8. D.F.I., pp. 287-8. 9. Ibid., p. 281. 10. Ibid., pp. 199, 251, 239, 262; E.F.I., 1624-29, p.6. 11. Raychaudhuri, p. 174. 12. D.F.I., p. 239. ...154 (154) As fdT as the volume of export was concerned 96,000 pounds of iron and 20,000 pieces of steel were exported by the Dutch in 16 2 3 to Batavia. The export to South East Asia was reduced in the 16 30s; but Persia emerged as a new market and in 1634 the Dutch exported 6,684 pieces of steel and 9,600 2 pieces of iron to Persia. In 1635 no less than 15,440 pieces of steel and 5,039 pieces of iron were exported to Persia by 3 the Dutch. In 1636, 18,000 to 20,000 pieces of steel were 4 exported by the Dutch to Batavia. In the 1660 s the ejiport of iron to South East Asia increased owing to shortage of sup plies from Europe. By 167 2 the Coromandel JTbon was yielding the Dutch profits in South East Asian markets from around 80% to 100%.^ Slaves; The Dutch factors seen to have realised a greater margin of profit in the slave trade than in any other item of export. "Inspite of the fact that Coromandel textiles were in 1. Raychaudhuri, P' 174. 2. Ibid. 3. Raychaudhuri, P- 174. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. ...155 (155) great demand, the interest of the Company would be served better by the procurenent of slaves, vfno were likely to afford a much higher profit. " The demand for slaves was mainly due to the fact that the Dutch wanted to settle certain areas under their own do- 2 minion in South East Asia. 3 4 5 Masulipatam, Pulicut and Tegnapatam appear to have been the chief places from where the Europeans used to procure the slaves. These were obtained mostly by kidnapping 6 on the highways, while sometimes the English claimed that "we took from their owners for notorious crimes to make them 7 from severe punishments." As a result at Pulicut, "many of the people of the town have withdrawn themselves with their wives and children into resnote places to avoyd a supposed deinger. " 1. D. F.I., p. 201. 2. Raychaudhuri, p. 166. 3. D.F.I., pp. 201, 209-10, 212, 214; E.F.I., 1634-36, pp. 4 2, 328; 1668-69, p. 137. 4. D.F.I., pp. 119, 121; E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 85, 105, 127, 127, 133, 138, 227. 5. E.F.I., 16 22-_2J, pp. 127, 147. 6. Ibid., pp. 127, 147. 7. E.F.I.. 1668-69, p. 283. 8. E,J\J., 1622-23, p. 106. ...156 (156) During the time of famine the export of slaves naturally increased as parents sold their children to save than from starvation. The available data regarding export of slaves from Coromandel may be tabulated as follows: l>Jumber of Exported Year Place Destination Slaves Reference 1619 Pulicut Jakarta 19 D.F.I., D. 121. 1619 Pulicut Bantam 19 Ibid. 1621 Pulicut Araikan 124 Raychaudhuri, p. 1622 Pulicut Jakarta 3, 025 E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 127. 16 22 Coromandel Jakarta 2, 327 D.F.I., DD. 191, 201, 212. 1623 Coromandel Jakarta 1, 100 D.F.I., p. 259. 1624 Coromandel Jakarta 928 Raychaudhuri, p. 16 28 Coromandel Jakarta 73 Ibid. 1646 Coromandel Jakarta 2, 118 Ibid., p. 166. 1652 Coromandel Jakarta 19 Ibid. 1669 Coromandel Ceylon 5, 000 Ibid. 1661 Madras Jakarta 30 E. F.I., 1661-64, p. 50. 1668 Kadras Jakarta 20 1668-69, p. 129. 1. Ibid. ...157 (157) These figures are obviously very incomplete and there are none for many years; still we find that due to the famine in 1622, there was a noticeable increase in the export of slaves. VJhen the famine was over the slaves exports declined. Prices of slaves also varied. This may be seen from the following table. Year Place Price per head (in rupees) 1621 Coromandel 16-20"^ 2 1622 Coromandel 18.2 1628 Coromandel 48-59^ 1635 Coromandel 10.70-11.40^ 1646 Coromandel 3= 1659-61 Coromandel 2.20* 1. Raychaudhuri, p. 165. The price stated as 4-5 pagodas, 1 pagoda = Rs. 4 in 1621. 2. D.F.I., p. 203. The price stated is 8 rials; 1 rial = 48 stuviers and 84 stuviers = 1 pagoda. 3. Raychaudhuri, p. 165. The price stated as 12-14 pagodas. 4. Ibid., p. 166. Stated price is 18-20 rials. 5. Ibid. Given price is h pagodas. 6. Stated price is 1 rial. ...158 (158) Slaves of the age gro^up 15-20 years were in especially great danand, since they were most suitable for hard labour. 2 Women slaves were also exported. The Dutch seem to have been the major slave exporters; 4 though the English were also exporting them. The Dutch in making their purchases preferred to deal through private mer chants as "private traders were efficient in buying slaves." Apart from the Dutch and the English factors, the Indian mer chants also took part in export of slaves to South East Asia, particularly AraJcan, Si am, Maluccas, Batavia, Java, Amboina, Band a and Petani. After 1668 we do not find any reference to the export ot slaves from Coromandel, The English factors were not able to meet the demand of slaves for Bantan since, "we can make 7 no supply from this place. " !• E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 85, 105. 2. D.F.I., p. 121. 3. D.F.I., pp. 103, 191, 199, 212, 214, 221, 255, 259; E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 127, 133, 227; E.F.I., 1668-69, p.283. 4- E.F.I., 16 2 2-2 3, pp. 105, 127-26, 138; 1661-64, pp. 50-51; 1668-69, pp. 129, 137, 283. 5. D. F.I., p. 212. 6. D.F.I., pp. 201, 212, 214, 255, 259, 283; E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 127; Raychaudhuri, pp. 166-67. 7. E.F.I., 1668^1, p. 282. ... 159 (159) (b) Items of Import Spices; During the 17th century the Dutch"^ and the English^ imported considerable quantities of cloves, pepper, mace and nutmeg into Golconda. Golconda itself was an important consumer of cloves; it also re-ejqjorted cloves to northern India through Burhan- 3 pur. Agra seems to have been an important market for cloves sent up overland. We are informed that in 1626, Agr^a consum ed "300 maunds of cloves at 11 pagodas per maund. " The English factors also used to re-export cloves from Coromandel to Persia; as it fetched large margin ot profit there, "cloves taken out of the Providence were sent to Persia in 5 Thomas for the Company's benifit. " During the last three years of the second decade of the 17th century cloves were much in demand as the import by the Dutch at Masulipatam consisted of 150 bahars in 1617, 7r 7 8 to 80 bahars in 1618 and 70 to 80 kandis in 1619. The 1. D.F.I., pp. 34, 39, 47, 65, 99, 118, 212, 231. 2. E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 41; E.E.I., 1622-23, p. 136; E.F.I., 1637-41, pp. 47, 71. 3. Raychaudhuri, p. 19 3. 4. Francisco Pelsaert, Jahanqir's India, translated by ^loreland and P. Geyl, Cambridge, 1925, p. 22. 5. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 71. 6. D.F.I., p. 39. 7 . Ibid., p. 65. 8. Ibid., p. 99. ...160 (160) demand continued in the early twenties the imported quanti ties being 7o to 80 bahars in 1620 in Coromandel, "'• 10,000 2 Dutch lb in 1621 in Masulipatam and 6,000 lb in 1622 in 3 i^lasulipatam. Our sources do not tell us about the quanti ties in the thirties; and there might have been a decline because of wars and famine. About 84,000 lbs were imported in 1640 and 160,000 lbs in 1650 in Coromandel by the Dutch.'^ Pepper was the next in importance and was in consi derable demand. It was mainly procured from Achin, Anboina, Maccasar and Dueda. The Dutch faced much competition from the Indians in the pepper tr'ade. There seens to have been some discrimination against them in favour of Indian merchants on the part of East Asian rulers. "In 1621, for instance, the King of Achin allowed pepper to be sold at comparatively cheao- 7 er rates to the Masulipatam merchants." This may be due to the fact that Indians had long standing commercial relations with these areas. 1. Raychaudhuri, p. 19 3. 2. D.F.I., p. 167. 3. D.F.I., p. 231. 4. Raychaudhuri, p. 194. 5- D.F.I., p. 120; Raychaudhuri, pp. 120, 175; Giamann, Dutch Asiatic Trade, 1620-1740, Copenhagen and the Hague, 1958, p. 84. 6. Raychaudhuri, p. 120. 7 . Ibid. ...161 (161) The Dutch imported into Coromandel 41 lbs in 1677, 46 lbs in 1683, 6 lbs in 1684, 41 lbs in 1685 and 857 lbs in 1686.^ Mace and Nutmeg were also in demand and frequently 2 3 4 5 imported from Bantam, Batavia and Amsterdam. In 1618, 20 bahars of nutmeg and the same quantity of mace were import ed by the Dutch in Masulipatam. The imports increased in 1619 the quantities ceing 100 bahars of nutmeg and 200 bags 7 of mace in Masulipatanv In the twenties the annual supply by the Dutch was 100 bahars of nutmegs and 50 bahars of mace 8 in Coromandel. Horses; A Dutch factor, writing in 1614, says, "All the horses of the country /^Golconda/ are of small size, but they are bet- 1. Glamann, p. 84, 2. Schorer in Relations, p. 49; D.F.I., p. 65. 3. E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 136. 4- D.F.I./ pp. 69, 99. 5. Ibid., p. 182. 6. Ibid., p. 69. 7. D.F.I., p. 99. 8. Raychaudhuri, pp. 192-93. ...162 (162) ter for travelling than large horses, because here large horses may not be ridden but they are imported. Horses from 1 9 Arabia or Ormuz are highly esteemed." Horses from Arabia 3 and Persia were mainly brought by sea. The Uitbshah himself was an important buyer of import- 4 ed horses. The Surat factors objected to a sale of four horses taken out from a ship at Madras and sold to local buy ers, on the ground that they should have been sent to the 5 wutbshah. The Shah of Persia being on friendly terms with the wutbshah used to send horses as presents to the latter. Tavernier tells us of one voyage, where on his vessel there were "fifty-five horses which the King of Persia was sending 7 as a present to the King of Golconda. " Gifts of horses were used by foreign traders as an important means to win favours. In 1659 the Masulipatan fac- 1. Anonymous Relations, p, 86. 2. Methwald in Relations^ p. 37; Anonymous in Relations, p. 86. 3. E.F.I., 1634-36, pp. 14, 19; 1637-41, o. 263; 1655-60, p. 406; Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 205. 4. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 263. b. E.F.I., 1655-60, p. 406. 6. Selected Waqai of the Decc^, p. 36. 7. Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 205. ... 16 3 (163) tors of the English Company asked for them for presentation to Cutbshah "in order to obtain a confermation of the Company's privileges. " The English merchants also presented horses to the 2 Mughal ambassador at Galconda. Unfortunately we do not find any reference to the prices of the imported horses or the number imported. There was also import of horses overland^ a commerce in vshich Afghans seem to have been the main carriers. In 1661 we read of Darwesh Muhammad an Afghan horse-dealer who was going to Golconda along with his horses through "Bhulta, 3 Devagarh and Chand. " Miscellaneous; The other items of over sea imports included copper, porcelain, coral, tortoise shells and elephants. Copper was in considerable demand and its importance increased with the passage of time owing mainly to the needs of artillery. Japan was the chief source of supply, and the 1. E.F.I., 3655-60, p. 406. 2. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 173. 3. Selected Wagai of the Deccan, p. 47. ...164 (164) Dutch were the main carriers. During the second decade of the 17th century, copper 2 was sold at 90 to 108 rials per bahar in Coromandel. In the 1650s the Ctitbsh3h restricted the sale of copper since he * 2 wanted to monopolize it for minting 'navals'. The ruler of Japan banned the export of copper in 1660. Both these mea sures affected the supply of copper in the fifties and six- 3 ties. Later in 1669 Japan gave penrlssion for unlimited ex port of copper. By this time the King of Golconda had also 4 rt-laxed his monopoly. Indian merchants would seem to have procured copper from the Dutch factors. A merchant of Gol conda 'Zierun Chodena' in 1684 contracted with the Company £Dutch/ for the purchase of Japanese copper bars equal to l.b s miillion copper annually, mainly for coinage of navals. Porcelain was purchased by Persian merchants at Nizam- pattan. It was imported to Golconda by both the English and 7 the Dutch from China. 1. Raychaudhuri, p. 196. 2. Ibid. 3. Kaychaucil-:iuri, p. 196. 4. Ibid. 5. Glamann, p. 177. 6. Schorer in Relations, p. 55. 7. L.F.I., 1618-21, p. 156. ...165 (165) Lead was in considerable demand, and it was imported into Golconda by the English and the Oitch.^ Often the Dutch appear to have sold 50, COO lbs of lead in a profitable year.^ The English sold 1,600 cwt in 1630 at Masulipatam. ^ Vermi-lion was imported from China/ Its prices varied between 20 pagodas and 16 pagodas per man.^ In 1630s English imported 1,500 lbs of Vermi-lion each year.^ Chinese silk was imported largely for the aristocracy/'' Imported coral was sold at the rate of 45 pagodas per g man in 1634 at Masulipatam. Tortoise shells were also imported. 9 Siam and Arakan often used to supply elephants t o Golconda, They came sometimes as presents for the ruler; 1. Ibid., p. 41; D. F.I., p. 94; Schorer in Relations, p. 62; Thevenot, p. 148. ~ 2. Raychaudhuri, p. 196. 3 . b.F.I., 1630-34, p. 84. 4. Ji.F.I., 1618-21, p. 41; Schorer in Relations, p. 52. 5. E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 41. 6. E.F.I., 1630-33, p. 84. 7. Wethwald in Relations, p. 37; E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 156; Raychaudhuri, p. 195. 8. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 49. 9' E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 49. 10. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 66; Abbe-Carre, p. 345. 11. Abbe-Carre, Vol. II, p. 66. ...166 (166) 1 at other times for sale. The Mughals often use to procure elephants from the port of Masulipatam by bringing through 2 their cigents. The reported sales in 1662 indicated that prices for one elephant at that port varied from 1250 pagodas"^ 4 c to 913.3 pagodas; an elephant also fetched 792.8 pagodas. A female elephant was at the sane time sold for 8.90 pagodas. Gold; A major item of import, though vdth fluctuations, was 7 D gold. It was imported largely by the Dutch and the Eng- 9 lish. Increased demand of gold was mainly due to the "limited" market of import items in Golconda. It was also the metal of the basic minted currency (hun or pagoda). 1. E.F.I.^ 1637-41, p. 66. 2. Selected Waqai of the Deccsn, pp. 18, 26. 3. Selected Waqai of the Deccan, p. 18. One elephant costs five thousand rupees and four rupees equal to one pagoda or hun. 4. Ibid., p. 14. As three elephants cost 2740 huns. 5. Ibid. As 7 elephants cost 5550 huns. 6. Ibid. '''• D.F.I., p. 65; Raychaudhuri, pp. 183-4. 8. Ibid., pp. 26, 34, 39, 65, 120, 212-13; Glamann, p. 63. 9' £.F.I.. 1624-29, pp. 148, 181; K.N. Chaudhuri, p. 176. . ..167 (167) South East Asia seans to have been the major immediate source of gold; as the frequent references to Pegu, Si am, Malacha, Sumatra, Bantam/ Batavia, Java^ and Patani"^ in the Dutch and English records clearly show. Apart from South East Asian countries, gold came also directly from Far- mosa, Ja^an and Holland. Gold was imported in different quantities according to 11 the demand. Mostly it was sold as bullion. "Gold and sil ver are not valued in India except by their standard.""^ 1. Raychaudhuri, pp. 187-8, 191. 2. D.F.I., p. 257; E.F.I., 1624-29, p. 181; Eal Krishna, Commercial Relations between India and En gland (1601- 1757) , London, 1924, p. 3. 3. D.F.I., p. 123; E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 304, 107; 1624-29, pp. 148, 180-81; 1637-41, p. 73. ^' I^.^.I./ pp. 26, 29, 34, 39, 65, 120. 5. Ibid., p. 123; E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 104, 107. 6- E.F.I., ]624-29, p. 181; Raychaudhuri, p. 183. 7. D.F.I., p. 257; E.F.I., 1624-29, p. 181; Bal Krishna, p. 3. 8. Raychaudhuri, p. 191. 9. Ibid., pp. 187, 189. 10. h.F.I., 1622-23, p. 259. 11. D.F.I., pp. 34-39, 65; E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 73; Glamann, p. 63; Raychaudhuri, p. 187. 12. Tavernicr, Vol. II, p. 33. ... 168 (168) Apart from bullion golden thread and golden ear-rings were also in demand. It is not possible to form any precise idea of the si^e of imports. In 1517 the Dutch imported 80,000 rials of 2 eight at Masulipatan; though unminted Chinese gold was pre- 3 f erred to gold coin, v^hich cost 1 rial per pice at Bantam 4 but did not fetch more than half a pagoda at Masulipatam. Unminted gold fetched the Dutch a profit of 20% in the same 5 year. In 1622 the Dutch imported gold worth 100,000 florins 5 in Masulipatam. In the early twenties the profit on gold varied from 3% to 4%. Later at Pulicut it rose to 6% to 7"/, 7 while in 15 26 it yielded 11% to 12% at Pulicut. The faxiiine during the thirties affected the gold supply though we do not find any reference to the amount of gold imported during the period. Conditions became slightly 1. D.F.I., pp. 30, 212. 2. Ibid., p. 26. 3. Ibid., p. 34. 4 . Ibid., p. 29. 5. D.F.I., p. 26. 6. Raychaudhuri, p. 186. 7. Ibid. ...169 (169) better in the fifties, but gold did not fetch profit even then partly due to shortage of gold supply from Farmosa, "'" and partly to the deterioration in the quality of alloy. The ' sixties witnessed a great improvanent in the demand for gold; firstly because the jutbshah had to pay tribute to the Mughal emperor in gold coins instead of silver, which greatly in creased demand for gold; and, secondly because in 1668, Japan permitted unlimited export of the metal. 3 Silver: Silver constituted the bulk of imports to the Coroman- del CO dot during the 17 th century. In Golconda, European ccm- rnodities had limited demands; end so precious metals notably 4 silver v/ere supplied by the Dutch and the English. As in the case of gold, silver coins too, when brought to India, were valued at their metallic content. 1. Raychaudhuri, p. 189. 2. Ibid., p. 190; Arasaratnam, p. 301. 3. Raychaudhuri, p. 191; Arasaratnam, p. 301. 4. D.F.I^, pp. 26, 34, 120, 257; E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 107; 1624-29, p. 180; 1630-33, p. 84; Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 33; Raychaudhuri, pp. 18 2-185. 5. Tavernier, Vol. II, p. 33; Raychaudhuri, p. 186. ...170 (170) Amsterdam, Mocha, Pegu, Siam, Achin, 6 7 8 9 10 oumdtra, bantam, Batavia, Patani and Japan were the main places from where silver was supplied to Golconda. The silver market in Golconda ^pear to have been subject to sharp fluctuations from time to time. In 1517 the value of silver in relation to gold dec lined to an extent that the Dutch preferred the import of gold over silver. "De-Haze suggested that unminted Chinese gold rather than silver rials he sent to Coromandel because while the former afforded a profit 20 20% the loss of the same magnitude had to be increased. " A rial which was valued 10 to llij fanum earlier fell to 8h / ^h fanum in 1616- 1. D.F.I., p. 231. 2. Ibid., p. 257. 3. Methwald in Relations, p. 39. 4. D.F.I., p. 257. 5 . Ibid. , p. 231. 6 . Ibid., p. 257. 7 . Ibid., pp. 26, 34. 8. E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 107; 1624-29, p. 180 9. D.F.I., p. 257. 10. D.F.I., p. 120; Raychaudhuri, pp. 18 3-5. \\. D.F.I., pp. 34-5. ... 17 1 (171) 17 in Masulipatam. The imports, however, continued and in 1619 the Dutch brought 18,800 rials of silver to Masulipatam.'' In the late twenties silver prices fell so much that merchants 3 refused to accept it. This may have been due to the fact that at this time Golconda was facing a famine situation due to scarcity of food stuffs which "led people to disgarge their hords of precious metal creating a situation comparable to in flationary condition, in so far as it led to a fall in the 4 value of the media of exchange. The silver rial which yield ed 74'2 fanum in 16 26 fell to 7 fanum per rial in 16 27 at Masuli- patan, ' while its value continued to be Ih fanum in 16 28 at Pulicut. The lower value of silver continued in the thirties. 7 Still the Lhglish imported 5,000 lbs of silver in 1630. This was perhaps because the silver gold ratio in India was till higher than in Europe. The value improved between 1639-4 2 whe: Q silver yielded some profit. In the early fifties the Gol- !• D.F.I., p. 26; Raychaudhuri, p. 185. 2. Ibid., p. 120. 3. Raychaudhuri, p. 186. 4. Kaychaudhuri, p. 186. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. E.F.I., 1630-33, p. 84. 8. Raychaudhuri, p. 187. ...172 (172) conda ruler had stopped minting silver coins as the value had declined due to large supplies by the English. In 1656 when the Uutbshah had to pay a large anount of tribute to the Mughal emperor in silver coins, silver minting again started. As a 2 result silver yielded 7% profit at Masulipatam in 1659. But the situation proved to be short lived as the Mughal court subsequently refused to accept tribute in silver and preferred 3 gold coins. The demand for silver again fell. The Dutch lost 4 8 to 9 percent on the sale of this metal. This may have also been due to the large import of silver in Hughal enpire through the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. In 1678 again the need to pay tribute to the Mughal enperor in silver coins by the Qutb- shah helped to improve silver imports. There is no informa tion about silver imports during the remaining years of the Golconda Kingdom. 1. Ibid. 2. Raychaudhuri, pp. 189-90. 3 . Ibid. 4. .•uTasaratnam, p. 301. 5. Raycnaudnuri, p. 19 2. ...17 3 Ch^ter - IX SHIPPING AND COMMERCE WITH ASIAN COUNTRIES (173) Shipping; English, Dutch, French and Indian ships used to sail to and from different ports of Golconda during the 17th century. At Masulipataii, ships arrived from, or sailed to Eng land, Holland, France, Persia and South East Asian countries. The ruler of Bant an, who himself was involved in com mercial pursuits had trading relations with Golconda and at the port of i^iasulipatam had the privilege of trading duty-free. In spite of the fact that sea-borne commerce was now dominated by the Dutch, English and other European shipping, 7 Indians continued to own and operate their ships. The Indian merchants vho participated in the long distance trade may be divided into tvo categories (a) Merchantr 1. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 187; 1637-41, D. 80; 1642-45, p. 67; 1647-50, pp. 98, 139. 2. D.F.I., p. 212; E.F.I., 1646-50, p. 139. 3. Martin, Vol. I, Part I, p. 6. 4. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 187; 1637-41, p. 80; 1642-45, p. 67; 1646-50, pp. 98, 139; Selected Waqai of the Deccan, p. 50. 5. Raychaudhuri, p. 160; Arasaratnam, pp. 119, 127-8. 6. Arasaratnam, pp. 127-128. 7. E.F.I., 1637-41, p. 80. ...174 (174) belonging to the ruling class and (b) local merchants. (a) The aristocratic merchants were Persians such as Mir Jumli.^ Mir Kamiluddin,2 and ^Abdulla Baqir. ^ Mir Jurali had arrangements vdth Francisco Vieira de Figueirado, a Portu guese merchant with whom he jointly organised voyages bet ween Mecassar and Masulipatam.^ Another Portuguese merchant Antonio Viera also had trading relations with Mir Jumla hav ing his agents in Malacca, Macassar and Macao.^ Mir Kanaluddin, a Masulipatam merchant used to trad e with Persia. The Dutch could not compete with him in the tex tile trade. Not only do we have reference to ships owned by the noble merchants, but we also find them building large ships 7 for their use. ^* K.F.I.> 1642-45, pp. 69, 81, 234; /urasaratnam, pp. 128, 224-225. 2. Raychaudhuri, pp. 121-122. 3. Martin, Vol. I, Part I, p. 88. 4. Arasaratnam, p. 128. 5. Arasaratna/n, pp. 224-225. 6. Raychaudhuri, pp. 121-122. 7. fi.F.I., 1637-41, p. 80. ...175 (175) (b) The other class of merchants may be called the Telugu merchants/ among whom two groups Chetties and Komatties were the more important. Among the Chetties/ Malaya alas 9 Astr^pa Chetty was an important merchant at Pulicut. Ke owned ships and traded with Ceylon and South East Asian countries namely Arakan, Pegu, Tenasserin, Kadah and Achch. Chinnanna a brother of Malayas expanded his commer cial activities further and had partnerships with Kings of 4 Arakan and Kandy in trade. At Madras, Veeranna and Timanna were two important merchants, vho used to supply textiles to the English. When San-Thome was recaptured by the Golconda ruler in 1674 from the French, it was rented out to Veeranna for some years. Veeranna also represented English interests in Golconda court and secured many favours for them. Though Indians owned ships they also used English and Dutch ships. Mir Jumld sent his goods on their ships at the Ardsardtnan, pp. 215-216. Ibid., p. 222. Ibid. Arasaratnam, p. 223. Arasaratnam, p. 230. ..176 (176) time v^en he was a minister at Golconda. He also hired En g- lish sailors for sailing his Junks. 2 In 1670's the French factors used "a ship v*io belong ed to a man named Mir ^Abdullah Baqir one of the principal 3 Hoorish merchants of Masulipatam. " The Qu^bshah also owned ships which he used for com- mercxal purposes. Tfpan Raychaudhuri furnishes information regarding Indian shipping in 1681-82 and gives us the number of Indian ships which sailed from Masulipatam and Pulicut to different places during the period. Destination Masulipatam Pulicut Achich 1 Arakan 1 1 Pegu 2 1 M ac ao 1 - Tenasserim • 2 — 1- ii.F.I., 164 2-45, pp. 69, 81, 234; 1646-50, pp. 98, 139; Bowrey, p. 103. 2. E.F.I., 1646-50, pp. 98, 1?9; Poger Adams, Pichard Walyn, John Goyton and Thomas Bastock 3. Martin, Vol. I, Fart I, p. 88. 4. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 16; 1637-41, p. 80. 5 . Raychaudhury. ...177 (177) Commerce with Asian Countries (i) Trade vath Persia; In the 17th century Golconda had a flourishing commerce with Persia. There are also references to Persian traders 2 who settled in Golconda. The Outbshah maintained cordial relations with the Shah of Persia as is evident from the fact of his sending presents 3 to the wakil of Shah. The Persian King consistently recipro- 4 cated this friendship. The main item of ej Q Cotton yarn was also ej^orted to Persia. 1. Schorer in Relations, pp. 54-5; £.F.I., 1634-36, p. 16; Tavernier, Vol. I, p. 142; Master, Vol. II, p. 112. 2. Schorer in Rel ations, pp. 54-5; Irwin, p. 16. 3 . Selected waqai of the Deccan, p. 3. 4. Selected Waaai of the Deccan, p. 136. 5- E^F.I., 16 30-31/ F- 288; 1634-36, p. 40; Master, Vol. II, p. 112. 6. E.F.I., 16 34-36, p. 40. 7. Master, Vol. II, p. 112; Iiwin, p. 25. 8. Master, Vol. II, p. 112. ...I7i (178) Grain and sugar-powder, were otlier items of export from Golconda to Iran. So too saltpetre"^ and sandalwood.^ The imports of Golconda from Persia mainly consisted ot horses, vhich were sold at high prices. Other items of import from Persia included 'rarities'^ 7 Q goods of best sort, and several rich commodities. o Besides the English and the Dutch,"" the Indian mer chants also participated in the Persian trade. Mir Muhammad Saiyid in 16 38, was reported to have built a junk "to despatch her to Persia. " We find a reference to immigrant Persian weavers, who had settled at Ellore in Golconda; and this must naturally have influenced local carpet design. 11 1. Ibid. 2. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 42. 3. E.F.I./ 1637-41, p. 40. 4 . Ibid. 5. E.F.I., 1634-36, pp. 14, 17, 19; 1637-41, p. 263; 1655-60, p. 406. 6. E.F.I., 1634-36, pp. 14, 17. 7. Ibid., p. 19. 8. Ibid., p. 17. 9. lUL 10. E.F.I., 1636-41, p. 80. 11. Journal of Indian Textiles History, No. II, p. 37, ...179 (179) (ii) Trade with South East Asia Commerce between Golconda and South East Asia was important in the 16th and the 17th century. Of these ports it was said in the sixteenth century, that here "come many shipps out of India, Pegu and Sumatra very richly laden with pepper, spices and other commodities." 2 During the l7th century the Indian merchants, as well 3 4 as thie Dutch and English engaged in trade between Golconda and South East Asia. The ports and countries involved were Arakan, Pegu, Si am, Malacca, Achin, Pantam and Batavia. The Dutch soon established their control over the South East Asian trade and seem to have monopoli^ied the trade in Spices which they used to bring to exchange with Coromandel cloth. But they were not able to expel the Indian merchants from South East Asian market. 1. Ralph Fitch in Early Travels, p. 34. 2. Raychaudhuri, p. 120. 3. E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 136; 1624-29, pp. 6, 12, 119; 1634-36, pp. 317, 328; D.F.I., pp. 116, 199, 201; Master, Vol. II, p. 112. 4. D.F.I., pp. 166, 199, 201, 208-9, 21?; E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 136; Raychaudhuri, p. 166. 5. E.F.I., 1622-23, pp. 85, 136; 1624-29, pp. 12, 16; 1634-36, pp. 317, 328; 1637-4 1, p. 66; Tavernier, Vol. I, pp. 141-14 2; Abbe Carre, Vol. II, p. 345; Master, Vol. II, p. 112; Raychaudhuri, pp.122, 166. 6. Raychaudhuri, p. 120. ... 180 (180) In the commercial exchange with South East Asia, cloth was the most coveted article of export from Golconda. Differ- 2 3 ent types of cloth, such as painted, plain and white cloth were exported by the English and the Dutch. 4 Dyed cotton yarn was also in demand at Pegu. Slaves were another item of export to South East Asia 5 6 through the Dutch and the English, as they were exported for use in labour; "even hundreds of thousands of such persons 7 would be welcomed. " Iron and steel were also exported from Golconda to Achm. 9 Dianonds were exported to South East Asia. 1. Ralph Fitch in Early Travels, p. 34; Letters Received, Vol. II, p. 75; E.F.I., 1624-29, pp. 119, 135; 1642-45, p. 79; Master, Vol. II, p. 112. 2. Ralph Fitch in Early Travels, p. 34; D.F.I., pp. 28,29, 51; Methwald in Relatlons, p. 38; E.F.I., 1624-29, p. 119. 3. D.F.I., p. 74; hethwald in Relations, p. 38. 4. Ibid; Master, Vol. II, p. 112. 5. D.F.I., pp. 119, 201, 203, 209, 214. 6. E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 85; 1634-36, p. 328; 1668-69, pD. 129, 134. 7. D.F.I., p. 201. 8. Schorer in Relations, p. 38; Master, Vol. I, p. 112; Raychaudhuri, p. 174. 9. I'iethwald in Kelations, p. 38; E.F.I., 1618-21, pp. 207-8; 1624-29, p. 25. ... 18 1 (181) 1 Powdered sugar was in demand at Bantam. Ihe bulk ot imports from South East Asia consisted of 2 Spices such as cloves, pepper, nuts and mace. j= . 3 4 kpaxt from spaces, sandal-wood, elephants teeth, and elephants from Arakan and Siam (Thailand) were brought to 5 Golconda. Japanese silver was an important itan of import from 6 oouth East Asia. Last but not the least came gold both unminted from 7 8 China and minted from Jakarta; some times gold thread was 9 also imoorted from Batavia. 1. L.F.I., 1634-36, p. 42. 2. I^sl^' PP- 26, 99, 118, 167, 212. 3. D.F.I., pp. 26, 99, 118, 167, 212. 4. Abbe Carre, Vol. II, p. 345. 5- £.F.I., 1637-41, p. 66; Abbe-Carre, Vol. II, p. 345. 6. i-'. F. I., pp. 26, 34, 120. 7. Ibid., p. 34. 8. Ibid., pp. 120, 123. 9. Ibid., p. 212. ... 18 2 (18 2) The Dutch East India Goirpany The Dutch reached Golconda in 1605 and established their factory at Masulipatam, after obtaining permission 2 through a royal farman. After two years (1607) they ob tained the privilege of establishing their factory at Puli- 3 4 cut, having expelled the Portuguese. Next year (1608) they opeied a factory at Tegnapatam. A factory was also opened at Petapuli or l^Jizampattan. In the beginning, the two factories at Masulipatam and Nizampattan were independent of each other, but in 1608, 7 Nizampattan was placed under the authority of Masulipatam. The Dutch faced constant problems with the local officials in 1607 at Masulipatam the local officers (the Havaldar and Shahbandar) forced the Company to lend them 1. Morel and in Relations, p. XXII. 2. Raychaudhuri, p. 16. 3. Morel and in Relations, p. XXII; D.F.I., p. 6. 4. Ibid. 5. Methwald in Relations, p. 49. 6. hethwald in Relations, p. 49. 7. Raychaudhuri, p. 17. . ..183 ( 183) 3,000 pagodas without interest, as the price of ratification of the royal fann^n. In 1626 when the English East India Company firmly es tablished their factory at Masulipatam the Dutch were prohibit- od by the Qutbshah to trade in Masulipatam. As a result on the arrival of some of their own ships, they sent off all their cargo to Pulicut and enforced a regular seige of Masulipatam."^ ^ome important citizens of Masulipatam visited the Dutch agent Yasbrantsz and requested the Dutch to return. The request was accepted owing to the importance of Masulipatam good-for Dutch tr aae. The Portuguese raided the EUtch factory at Pulicut in 1612. The Dutch factor Wemraer decided to complete the Company's fort at Pulicut to protect the factory from Portuguese raids. Later the I>itch captured two Portuguese ships at Pulicut in 1622. As the Portuguese power declined, aJ.l threat to Dutch from them disappeared. 1. Ibid. 2. E.F.I., 16 24-29, p. 133. 3. Uaychaudhuri, p. 33. 4. Raychaudhuri, p. 33. 5. Morel and in Relations, p. XXIII. 6. E.F.I., 1622-23, p. 70. ...184 (184) The rivalry of the English and Dutch was not new, but in the beginning they made mutual agreonents regarding trade. In 1619 the two Companies agreed to share the trade and com bine their forces. In 16 21 there was another agreement bet ween the tvvo Companies regarding trade at Pulicut, according to which the English were allowed to share the facilities of the Dutch fort at Pulicut, subject to necessary rent. Fur ther the English factor "would inform the Dutch v^ai. particular variety of cloth they desired to buy." Lastly the servants of both the Companies were prohibited from indulging in private 2 trade in cloth. But this agreement was not of much consequence in the long run, as we fino the English complaining that "the Dutch 3 did not offer them half of the total textiles procured." On the other hand, the Dutch factors wrote to the Directors in 1622 that "it was impossible to deal with the English. They 4 would do as much damage to the Dutch interest as possible." Still v.e find that in 1622 the English often sent their goods on Dutch ships. In return for allowing them to stay at 1. Morel and in Relations, p. XXIV. 2. D.F.I., p. ]57. 3. Ibid., p. 13. 4 . Ibid. -. E^F.I., 16 22-23, p. 134. ...185 (185) Pulicut, tne Dutch Governor at Masulipatam demanded from the English factors half of the value of the gifts presented to 1 certain important officials. The Dutch acquired considerable prosperity during the early decades of the second half of the 17th century. Master in 1676 informs us that "the IXatch have nine places and facto ries upon triis coast and in the King of Golconda dominion undei 2 the direction of their Government at Pulicut." It is interesting to note that the Dutch had obtained the town of Palakullu on rent, paying 2,000 old pagodas per 3 annum. Here they had a large building Vi^iere 8 to 10 officials 4 and about 70 Indian labourers worked. A piece of land was granted to the Dutch at Narsapur by the Outbshah, where they built a house, a cai::pentry workshop and an iron-anithery. 1. Ibid., p. 182. 2. Master, Vol. II, p. 15. 3. Ibid., p. 164. 4. /jrasaratnani, p. 68. 5. Master, Vol. II, p. 160; Arasaratnam, p. 69. ... 186 (186) The Dutch at Masulip atam had a factory vathin a compound wall. In one of the villages ot Masulipatam, the Dutch cons tructed a building in which the officials retired for anusement. Here too there were store-houses for textiles. Near Pulicut^ certain villages namely Erikan, i^angieva- kam and Anverivakam, v/ere granted to the Dutch by a Uutbsh'ahi f arman. It seems that the Dutch were not again on cordial terms with the local officials at iMasulipatam in tlie seventies. "Zafar beg dislike the Dutch because they had refused to give him loan 3 for one." At Pulicut too the Dutch were opposed by the local authorities. Still we find that some of the officials could be in league with the Dutch. For instance in 1661, v;hen the Dutch captured the ship of i^ialik Beg, the Outbsh"ah ordered the haval- ,d"ar of Masulipatam to force the Dutch to release the ship. In his reply the havaldar stated that the Dutch were subject to their own authority and the faujdar, Haidar was in league with the Dutch, 1. Arasaratnam, pp. 67-8. 2. Ibid., p. 66. 3. Martin, Vol. I, Part I, p. 28. 4. Abbe-Carre, Vol. II, p. 636. 5. Selected Waqai of the Deccan, p. 5. ...187 (187) Master informs us that the Company carried on its trade at Masulipatam by raising money locally and owed thousand pago das to Indian merchants for vhich they did not directly pay the interest but paid it by buying at higher rates, "Their way of trading here is upon creditt soe that at present they owe some hundred thousands of pagodas in this country, for which they do not pay interest but the men to whom they owe it are the Mer chants of whom they buy their goods, end in recompence for the interest, they over rate their goods from 30 to 50 percent more, the interest of this country being 24 percent per annum," In this period the rivalry between the Dutch and the French anerged as a new commercial phenomenon. In the early seventies when a dispute arose between Golconda authorities and the French, the Dutch tried to prevent Golconda officials from making peace with the French, as they saw threat that the French 2 could turn into serious rivals. In this effort, "the IXitch had completely won over the chief minister (Madanna) and ensured his opposition to any negotiations attanpted by us (French) at 3 court. " Eut in spite of their efforts the Dutch were not able to prevent the French from establishing their commercial centre 1. Master, Vol. I, p. 297. 2. Martin, Vol. I, Part I, p. 159. 3- Ibid. ... 188 (188) at Masulipatam along with other privileges. Ihe commercial activities of the Dutch seem to have been affected by the political condition of Golconda in the 1680's. ihe Mughal conquest of Bij apur in 1685-86 affected trade between oolconda and the other regions. The Dutch decided to move from Masulipatam to Pulicut as Masulipatam was no more a secure port 2 due to the Mughal military operations. Hamilton described the Dutch factory in Nizampattan al so to be practically deserted, 3 the Uitch concentrating their commerce to Pulicut, The extent of operations of the Dutch Company is well brought out in the subjoined table, derived from T. Raychaudhur.; Ihe profits (both gross and net) ascend over the century, reach ing their apex in early 1680's. A decline thereafter is probacl to be ascribed to the Mughal military operations against Golkond 1. Ibid,, p, 763. 2. Raychaudhuri, p, 70, 3. Hamilton, pp. 397-98. The following statistics are taken from "Generale Missiven". All fractional amounts have been left out. The figures for 1631-32, 1669-70 and 1680-8 2 are not available. Cf, Raychaudhuri, p, 219, . . .189 (189) Dutch Company's trade in Coromandel ( figures in florins) Y e ia r Gross Profit Expenditure Net Profit Loss -_ 2 3 4 5 1626-• 27 80/ 000 50, 000 30, 000 - 16 27-• 28 1, 56, 135 60. 995 95, 140 - 1628--29 1/ 32, 804 60, 4 38 7 2, 366 - 1629-•30 1/ 50, 94 3 6 2, 478 88, 465 - 16 30-• 31 I, 78, 902 87, 60 3 91, 299 - 1632--33 1, 42, 000 - 1633--34 1, 21, 898 58, 634 63, 264 - 1634-• 35 1, 54, 7 34 - 1635--36 3, 30, 839 78, 8 28 2., 5 2, Oil - 1636--37 4, 62, 6 27 85, 394 3, 77, 233 - 1637-• 38 2, 85, 000 87, 927 1, 97, 07 3 - 1638-• 39 I, 47, 2 27 71, 918 75, 309 - 1639--40 3, 04, 838 1,78, 141 1,,26 , 697 - 1640--41 1,, 8 5, 913 - 164 1-.42 2, 7 2, 660 83. 183 1, 89. 477 - 1642--4 3 2, 17, ,940 97, 87 1 1,.20 , 069 - 1643--44 2. 19, . 104 99, 0 24 1,. 20, 080 - 1644--45 \, 86, ,8S4 1, 14, 87 2 72, 012 - 1645--46 I, 95, , 168 1,46, Oil 49, 157 - 1646--47 \, 51, ,767 1, 25,,64 7 26, , 119 - ...190 (190) Year Gross Profit Expenditure Net Profit Loss 1 2 3 4 5 1647-48 58,416 1,26,309 - 67,98,3 1649-50 3,02,049 - - - 1650-51 2,30,830 1,38,464 92,366 1651-52 1,13,146 2,37,269 - 1,24,123 1652-53 2,33,799 1,90,907 32,892 1553-54 1,38,832 2,26,022 - 87,190 1654-55 3,96,681 2,43,279 1,53,402 1655-56 2,67,513 2,22,555 44,958 1656-57 1,36,117 1,56,386 - 18,269 1657-58 3,44,203 2,15,764 1,26,439 1658-59 3,95,314 1,98,400 1,96,914 1559-60 3,89,299 2,16,839 1,72,460 1660-61 2,09,659 1,69,233 40,424 1661-62 1,93,459 2,31,679 - 38,220 1662-63 3,59,191 2,62,742 96,449 1563-54 4,28,010 2,31,041 1,96,969 1664-6b 7,94,473 2,06,005 5,88,468 1665-66 6,72,757 2,83,893 3,88,864 1656-67 6,99,448 2,29,571 6,69,877 1667-68 10,15,090 2,26,855 7,88,235 1566-59 12,89,919 2,30,757 10,59,162 1670-71 7,88,807 2,28,277 5,60,530 1671-72 8,30,901 2,50,190 5,80,711 1672-73 2,60,855 3,14,467 - 53,612 ...191 (191) Year Gross Profit Expenditure i\^et Profit Loss 1673-74 4,86, 992 3,41,058 1,45, 934 1674-75 4, 37,745 4,51, 056 13,311 1675-76 4,48, 940 2,75,758 1,73, 182 1676-77 5,03, 164 2,49,622 2,53,542 1677-78 6,35,331 2,65, 14 3 3,70, 188 1678-79 8,86,843 2, 10, 986 6,75,857 1679-80 10,01, 316 1,85,066 8, 16, 250 1682-83 12,73,955 2.47, 131 10, 26,824 168 3-84 15, 20,667 2,45, 364 12,75, 303 1684-85 14,93, 192 2.48, 466 12,44,726 1685-86 7, 24,936 2,79, 319 4,45,617 168D-87 3,48,024 3,69,665 21,641 1667-68 3,04,012 43,642 2,60, 370 1688-89 10,48,004 3,48, 225 6,99,779 1689-90 7, 15,026 2,95,454 4, 19, 572 ...192 (192) The English East India Company A nev; phase started in Indian overseas trade in the I7tr century v;ith the establishment of the English East India Com pany. In 3611 the English established their factory at Masuli- patani. Gradually they established other factories at differer.t ports in Golconda e.g. at Nizampattan in 1611 and in Narsapur."^ The English factors at ^asulipatarn were initially sub- orainate to Bantajn. They were warne^d repeatedly by the Corrpany ir^^rn England not to make any independent step without the per- 3 mibsicn of the President and Council at liantam. The English officials from the very beginning carried on private trade attracted by high profits. This was resented by some of their own colleagues who sent complaints to the 4 company. The East India Company used force as part of its com mercial practices vAienever the situation permitted this. V.hen they wished to realize debts claimed from a high official in 1615 they planned "to seize upon Governor's son when he was in 1. Methwald in Helations, p. 12. 2. iDid., E.F.I., 1624-29, p. 115, 3. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 46. 4. E.F.I., 1622-23, o. 118. ...193 (193) custom house and carry him until we had ail our debts aboard or in order to obtain control over the trade of particular area, they intended in 1633 "to seize the Kasulipatam junks" 2 to secure their objectives. A factory was established later by the English at Moda- pallaiTi near Narsapur, v^ere cloth supplies were to be had. "^ Master says that it was "under Government of Metchlepatam and has the command of all the river for the customs."'^ The English dealt with Indian merchants/ who acted as middlemen. In 1676, for example, the merchants of Masulipataii 5 agreed to work for them on 8%. Again in 1679 "they were call ed before the Counci] and after the tedious debate they were brought to offer 7>2 abatement upon thie prizes of goods"; these terms were to continue in future without any alteration.^ The merchants of Mudapallam were also asked to reduce their usual prices. At least they agreed to lower them by 8% on finer cloth. Letters Received, Vol. Ill, p. 130. E.F.I., 1630-33, p. 309. Bowrey, p. 100; Master, Vol. II, p. 160; Fryer, p. 99; Hdjnilton, p. 371. Master, Vol. II, p. 160. Ibid., vol. I, p. 14 6. .'loster. Vol. II, p. 44. Ibid., p. 163. ...194 (194) The practice of tne English factors' obtaining money frQ-n Indian merchants on their personal accounts created prob- lans for the Cbmpany. When a factor Robert died in 1676, owing large suiTis of money, the creditor merchants appealed to the 1 'Jompany to pay them back. The merchants preferring the claims were Mullah All, Mir Nasir, H5jT Umar, Inayat Mir, Kiir *"Abul - - - - 2 baqir, Mir Jamah and Haji Muhammad. Our sources do not throw much light on the relations of the English with the Dutch and the French during this period. Lut it is clear that there was much mutual suspicion and ri- 3 Vdir y. Hamilton visited the English factories in the 1690's, both at rlasulipatam and at NizaTipattan. These were then in de- 4 cay. The main commerce was apparently shifting to Madras. The commerce of Masulipatam ana Nizampattan declined Put the commercial activities of the English Pased on the port of Madras continued as before. This is well illustrated by 5 tne figures of the Company's imports from Madras. The low figures of the period 1690-97 are, perhaps to be assigned to the effects of the Mughal campaigns against Golconda and in the Carnatic. 1. Master, Vol. II, p. 99. 2. Ibid., pp. 100-101. 3. £..F.I., 1655-60, p. 302. 4. Hamil-con, p. 397. 5. K.N. Chaudhuri, p. 508. ...19' (195) Imports from Madras by the English Company ( in £ Sterling ) Percent of total of imports Year V a ]. u e from Asia by the Company r~ 1) 1664 48, 4 96 23.1 1665 53, 100 33.4 1666 1667 3, 766 7.8 1668 1669 30, 056 21.7 1670 70, 182 32.4 1671 41, 152 20.4 1672 1, 08, 810 33.3 1673 8 5, 204 33.0 1674 70, 432 39.5 1675 58, 568 34.6 1676 87, 510 26.2 1677 80, 376 25.1 1678 1..09 , 685 33.7 1679 1.. 4 5, 481 40.9 1680 L , 31, 532 36.9 1681 1,,25 , 816 31.9 36.0 168 2 1,,51 , .860 168 3 2,,09 , .6 58 40. 1 1634 3,, 18,. 5 27 39.7 ...196 (196) Percent of total of imports Year V a 1 u e from Asia by the Company 1~ 2 3 1685 1.,71,24 0 29.3 1686 1-, 28, 687 39.9 1687 1,,74,62 9 51.3 1688 57,006 35.9 1689 88,055 65.9 1690 19,376 16.0 1691 4,556 5.5 1692 1,888 7.2 1693 5, 99"1 10.0 1694 18, 305 23. 1 1695 - - 1696 16, 134 10,4 1697 16,960 11.5 1696 68,382 26.2 1699 1, 00,604 26.0 1700 53,932 10.8 . ..197 (197) The French East India Company The first organized attempt made by the French to enter the Indian trade dates back to 1664, vhen Colbert formed the "Compagnie des Indes Orientales". The period 1669-70 saw the arrival of the French at Masulipatam in search of profitable trade with the intention of establishing a factory there. As the licence for trade in the territory of Golconda could be obtained at the capital, a French representative 'i^lous Morcara' went to Golconda in 1669, negotiating for the necessary farman on the same terms as had been granted to the 2 English and the Dutch. In 1671 the French obtained the pri- 3 vilege to establish a trading post at Masulipatam. As the major European nation trading in this region, the Dutch were prooably the most concerned at the arrival of the French fleet and began energetically to conspire against 4 the French at the court of Golconda. The main source of attraction for the French was cloth and especially Chintz for which ready cash amounting to 1. E.F.I., 1668-69, p. 284. 2. ii^.F.I., 1668-69, p. 284. 3. Abbe-Carre, Vol. II, p. 302. 4. Kartin, Vol. I, Part II, p. 489. . .. 198 (196) 1 'j. 5,000/- V;LIS given out by them as advances in 167 1. Ihe other commodities in which they were interested were ginyili 2 (oil seed), saffron and long pepper. Tne interest rate at Masulipatan was rather high. The French v;erc able to take loans at a monthly interest of 2% in 1671.-^ The French merchants seem to have been welcomed by the local merchants of MasulipataiTi as is shown by the attitudf - t 4 or Vdi Abdul Eaqir and Viranna. The wasulipatam merchants were prepared to permit the French to load cargo on their ship on payment. However, due to insufficient capital the French v.ere not in a position to accept the offer. 1. Ibxd., Vol. 1, Part I, p. 11. 2. ^hoe Carre, Vol. II, p. 484. 3. Martin, Vol. I, Fart I, pp. 191-2. 4. Martin, Vol. I, Part I, p. 6. 5. Ibid., Vol. II, Part I, p. 530. Destrumean an influential factor of the French Company was in constant contact with the Golconda Court regard ing different matters and disputes. ...199 (199) In the early years whien the French were seeking another farm an from the Qutbshah for liberty of trade through out the Kingdom, the Governor of Masulipatam promised to help them; Dut later he demanded 1,000 pagodas for procuring this f_armjn. On this demand as a measure of orotest the higher French officials decided to leave Masulipatan though they left a minor official Malfosse and a clerk to conduct commercial activities. Later on the local authorities desired the re turn of the French offici&ls from San-Thome, but the French 2 refused to respond to this invitation. Relations ' with Masulipatam authorities deteriorated to the extent that in 167 3, De-La-Hay a French official at San-Thome made up his mind to lead an expedition against Masulioatara to destroy the shipoing of the port and to bring pressure upon the Qutbsh'ah 3 to concede to French demands. But the plan did not fructify. 1. S.P. Sen, The French in India, First establishment and struggle, Calcutta, 1947, p. 208. 2. Abbe-Carre, Vol. II, p. 481. 3. I'lartin, Vol. I, Part I, p. 142. . .. 200 (200) San-Thome was the other point of dispute between the French and the local authorities. The availability of cloth and rice of Sanlhome induced the French to establish them selves tnere. In 1571 an anbassy was sent with presents worth R5. 1,50,000 to the court of Golconda to secure the cession of 2 San-Thome. Failing peaceable means, the French seized it 3 4 in 167 2. This was greatly resented by the Dutch. The French therriselves were in constant contact with the Cjolconda oiticials with a view to reaching agreement on the question of San-Thome, but the presents demanded by the offi- cidls proved to be beyond the capacity of the French. In the meantime the Golconda authorities reached an agreement with the lAitch to help them against the French in an attempt to re- 7 cover San-Thome. On 22nd August 167 2, the Dutch put tv/elve harlin. Vol. I, Part 1, pp. 15, 141, 261, 263. Ibid., p. 15. Ibid., pp. 62, 81. Ibid., pp. 241, 289. Martin, Vol. I, Part I, p. 154. Ibid., Vol. I, Part II, p. 474. Ii>ici., p. 468. ...201 (201) 1 vessels oiid eight ketches against San-Thome. After a long Dlockade and seige the French surrendered on 5th September 1674.^ Attei a few days on 19th September the Uu^psYiain sent a letter and presents for De-La-Hay, offering the French general very advantageous terms if he entered his service. But De-La- nay did not agree and ignore the oifer." The French had already made a settleirient at Fondichery in 167 3. They decided to settle down permanently here after tl-ieir expulsion from San-Thome by the joint forces of the _ 4 Dutch and the Uitbshah. Though the French left San-Thome they were not ready to re-establish themselves at Masulipatarri. They now constant ly harassed Hasulipatari trade through piracy against the ships belonging to that port. by 1681 the situation becaine so bad that the Governor of Masulipatam was compelled to write to the court of Golconda 1. i^iartin. Vol. I, Part I, p. 256. 2. Ibid., p. 434. 3. Ibid., Vol. I, Part II, p. 440. 4. Sen, pp. 34 2, 348. 5. Hartin, Vol. I, Part II, pp. 2, 47 2, 521-2, 706-718. . . .20 2 (202) that the hostilities vath the French should be terminated, for otherwise it would bring total ruin to the cominerce of Masuli- patam as none of the merchants dared to send ships out to sea any longer. In 1686 the Cutbshah granted a farman to the French according to which "the privilege of opening trade in any part 2 of the Kingdom" was granted to them. But the French again declined this offer as "the Kingdom was in a bad state and it appeared highly unlikely that the present rule would continue ..3 tor long. 1. Martin, Vol. I, Part II, pp. 725-26. 2. Ibid., Vol. II, Part I, p. 1011. 3. Ibid. ...20 3 (203) The economy of Golconda was predominantly agrarian in nature .ind resources extracted from this sector mainly sus tained the structure of the state. The notable features of its at^roTian organisation was the widespread use of tax fanning. Under this syston the assignment of rcvL.nue collect ing riuhts to the highest bidder naturally led to the rapacio'u demand on the peasants. As a part of their monetary policy the Qutbshah insist- ec] tlioL tlie tax collection should be made in old pagodas. 'l\ii dariand increased the burden on the tax payers. As a part of ii^is policy/ the prices of commodities were fixed in the old nagodas/ v^iile payments were made in the new pagodas accordins_ to the ratio prevailing from time to time. The Mughals extracted tribute (from 1636 till the rinnexdtion) from Golconda Wiich was initially fixed at is.8 IciKns annually. It appears from the letters of Aurangzeb written as a Viceroy of the Deccan that as much as half of the aiiiount of the tribute v;as accepted in elephants, v;hich means that the money drain from Golconda into I'^iughal Empire was pro bably much Itss tnan 6 laks. Ihe amount of tribute was assic'"- ed to the Piuohal edministration in the Deccan, at least till the reign of ShahjahiSn. The exact significance of these fact,, for the economy of Golconda could be established only if more data were available. The magnitude of revenue realized by the uu^^bshshi rulers is not clearly stated in the sources, but it seems that ... 204 (204) a considerable anount of revenue was realized. >^art from ocriculture, revenues from dianond mines and the ports added to taxation-revenue. A constant expansionist policy was pursued in the soutr by .^dulloh Uit^bshah (1626-72). By 1650 important places lik Gandikota, iMellore/ Sriharkota, Fulicut, Fort St. George and San-Thome became the part of the kingdom. These annexations also led to enlargement of the revenues. Among the industries, textiles and diamonds were the most flourishing. The diamond mines were faimed out to big merchants. The mining sector generated employment for a cor- siaerable number of people. Golconda textiles were famous 1 over the v/arlo. The overseas demand sustained considerable number of v;eavers and painters, though exact calculations art not possible. With the arrival of the European Company external con-'- merce grew considerably. The Dutch took cotton textiles of Golconda in exchange for South hast Asian spices; but how fa: they merely replaced an older trade is not certain. The Europeans especially the Dutch seem to have tried to introduce the "manufactory" modelled after European lines. Thus at Palakallu, the Dutch organised chintz production by bringing together weavers, dyers and painters. So also at Fonnepilly they eriployed large numbers of iron-smiths and labourers. ...20^ (205) Steensgaard in his Asian Trade Revolution of the 17th Century has stressed that the pedlars provided the basic ele ment in sea-trade of Asia before the dominance of the European Companies. Unluckily, the data we have on the Indian mer chants in Golconda's over-sea trade do not enable us to either support or contest Steensgaard's thesis. We find a few names of Persian and Indian merchants participating in the overseas trade, such as Mir Jumla, Mir Kamaluddin, Abdullah Baqir, Malaya alias Astrappa Chetty, Chi nn an a, Veranna and Tim anna. In all probability the total volume of over-seas trade of the local merchants was not as large as the European Chartered Companies during the latter half of the 17th century„ After the annexation of the Kingdom the immediate eco nomic consequences were obvious: The trade suffered, the routes were not safe and the Europeans shifted their commer cial centres furtner south. In the long run the standard currency of Golconda hun or pagoda disappeared. The rupee became the main currency. Between the years 1687-94, 12 mints were opened in s"uba Hydera- bad, v^ile previously there was only one rij^jee mint in Golconda. Apart from this change, it is not clear whether the annexation could be said to have any long-range effects. Golconda had only a brief history as part of a centralised Indian anpire, since after 1724, Nizanul Mulk Asaf Jah became for all practi cal purposes, an independent potentate, and Golconda becane the area of his dominions. ...206 v206) Appendix - I Fargana-wi.se Jama' and Hasil-figures based on I. J. C. Jama higher than Hgsil > Jama D/No . S a r k a r Pargana with Hasil = l 1 2 3 •4 104 Muhaininadabad Bakura 19.99 104 Muhammadabad Khairatabad 19.94 124 Waloorkunda - 13.78 122 Kahyan Haveli Kahyan 13.77 • 100 Warangal Sukgiri 10. 12 118 kajmundari l^aap-Nak 9.78 110 Mu r tu z an ag ar Vjelkonda 9.39 109 Elkondal Koimpilly 9.37 106 Mustu fan agar Kuldari 8.52 107 Llkondal riaveli Elkondal 6.76 * 110 Murtuzanagar Alurkunda 6.5 101 Kahyan Paibaqi 5.81 98 Pangal - 5.51 106 Mustuf anagar Kandkaroo 4.79 123 Ellore - 4.2 121 Rajmundari Mahl at-e-Khal sa 3.55 105 Mustuf anagar iXakj ahool 2.94 109 Elkondal harrrikonda 2.74 112 Warangal Kosair 2.52 ... 207 (207) D/No S ark a r Pargana Jama with Hasil == 1 1 2 3 4 • 122 Kahyan Akalkoodkal 2.23 106 Mustuf anagar riamabad 2. 14 113 Medak Narsapur 2. 11 114 Bhongir Vel lore 2.07 125 Deverkonda Mawarkuli 2.03 115 Bhongir Haveli Bhongir 2.02 122 Kahyan Barikundla 2.01 104 Muhammadabad hussainsagar 2.01 108 Elcondal Dellala 2.00 98 Pangal Paibaqi 2.00 103 Muhammadnagar Muhawm&dabad 2.00 104 MuhaTunadariad Paibaai BalaDur 2.00 112 Warangal P adm an ag ar 2.00 114 Medak Ibrahimpur 2.00 115 Bhongir Baramul a 2.00 116 Bhongir Mundkunda 2.00 121 Pangal Sakoor 2.00 122 Kahyan Kahdwar 2.00 125 Deverkunda Kundabad 2.00 125 Deverkunda Ahirkunda 2.00 104 Muh amiTi ad aD ad Lunkul 1.99 104 Muh amm ad aD :d iMot identified 1.99 100 warangal Kundikund 1.99 103 Muh arnm adn ag ar Paibagi 1.99 « 113 Medak Kadoor 1.99 ...208 (208) D/No S a r k a r Pargana Jama' vath Hasll = 1 1 2 3 4 • 121 Pangal Makooskund 1.99 122 Kahyan Matware 1.99 122 Kahyan Ahirkund 1.99 125 Deverkunda Daluliya 1.99 115 Bhongir Korabad 1.98 125 Deverkunda Dilhal 1.91 115 Bhongir Rainalkonda 1.91 114 Bhongir - 1.82 100 War an gal Yolkonda 1.66 98 Pangal Hastyouf 1.56 115 Bhongir Kalyak 1.53 126 Deverkonda P aib aqi 1.49 100 Warangal Sadira Khalsa-Sharif a 1.49 96 Miih aTun adn a g ar Khalsa-Sharifa 1.46 * 113 Medak P aib aqi 1.46 96 Muh amm adn ag ar - 1.36 « 102 Masulipataii Nawaidroz 1.36 103 Muh amm adn ag ar Haiderabad 1.35 117 Warangal Kahjiha 1.35 119 Rajmundari Kasi-Mado-Yak-Pak 1.35 102 Masulipatam Loindi 1.34 121 Pangal Haveli Pangal 1.34 97 Pangal ~ 1.21 127 Kcaias Kamad riars 1.17 105 Mustuf anagar Karwar 1.17 ...209 (209) D/No S a r k a r Pargana Jama' with Hasil » 1 1 2 3 4 122 Kahyan ATiar abad 1. 16 121 Pangal Sakoor 1.16 119 Rajmundari Beilauf 1.13 118 Rajmundari Beilauf 1.12 109 Elkondal Diljal 1.09 114 Rajmundari Dabram Damoor 1.06 109 Elkondal Kankoor 1.06 110 Mustuf anagar Mustufanaqar (Paibaqi) 1.06 109 Elkondal Dehvalkonda 1.05 126 Deverkonda - 1.04 108 Elkondal Villas 1.04 107 Elkondal - 1.04 114 Bhongir - 1.03 99 Warangal Khalsa-Sharif a 1.02 106 Mustuf anagar Handowar 1.02 106 Mustuf anagar Bajwan 1.01 Jama' equal to Hasil 109 Elkondal Deverkonda 1.05 97 Medak Udloor 1.02 118 Rajmundari Makri 1.01 105 Mustuf anagar Jalai 1.01 106 Mustuf anagar Ibrahim sag ar 1.01 ..210 (210) D/No S a r k a r Pargana Jama' with Hasil == 1 ___ 2 3 4 • 111 Warangal Kh al sa- Sh ar i f a 1.01 97 iMedak Medak 1.01 105 Mustuf anager Kanadwar 1.01 98 Pangal Sakoorkoota 1.00 99 SickaXal Khalsa - Sharif a 1.00 102 Masulipatam Haveli - 1.00 102 Masulipatam Ankoor 1.00 102 Masulipatam. Deloor / Adlekond 1.00 102 Masulipatam Baidana 1.00 102 Masulipatam Narsapur 1.00 103 Muh amm adn ag ar Janababad 1.00 103 Muh amm adn aa ar Atoor 1.00 105 Mustuf anagar Diloorkunda 1.00 105 Mustuf anagar Tashlem 1.00 106 Mustuf anagar Meirkar 1.00 106 Mustuf anagar Koofyab 1.00 106 Mustuf anagar Dilhary 1.00 106 Mustuf anagar Sarhali 1.00 108 Elkondal Sauk ar am 1.00 108 Elkondal Masulipatam 1.00 109 Elkondal Sahadri Nalionda 1.00 109 Elkondal Namalkonda 1.00 109 Elkondal Rajrala 1.00 110 Mur tuz an ag ar Kaloredaram 1.00 ...211 (211) D/No S a r k a r Pargana Jama' vdth Hasil=l "1 2 3 4 113 Medak Banoor 1.00 117 Warangal Haveli Warangal 1.00 • 118 Rajmundari Akraharsa 1.00 118 Rajmundari Xo bh a- W al -K obh a 1.00 119 Rajmundari Bedloory 1.00 119 Rajmundari Nimoor 1.00 120 Rajmundari Hamsibaloor 1.00 120 Rajmundari Rupkoma 1.00 123 Ellore Haveli Ellore 1.00 • 123 Ellore Unidentified 1.00 123 Ellore Tar dab ad 1.00 123 Ellore Jalori 1.00 123 Ellore Kalooha 1.00 123 Ellore Hastabad 1.00 124 Ellore Awendi 1.00 127 Kollas Haveli Kollas 1.00 • 127 KOllas Adeloor 1.00 97 Medak Khalsa-Sharifa 1.00 97 Medak Takmak 1.00 100 Murtuzanagar Paibaqi 1.00 102 Masulipatam Noolnoor 1.00 123 Ellore Sadrala 1.00 101 Mai ankoor Rajgopalpur Khal 0.99 Khalsa-Sharifa 103 Muh amm adn aq ar Bankharoo 0.99 ...212 (212) D/No S a r k a r Pargana Jama' with Hasll=l 1 2 3 4 105 Mustuf anagar Haturee 0.99 109 Mustuf anagar Hajoor 0.99 106 Mustuf anagar Demkohiya 0.99 107 Elkondal Korila 0.99 105 Mustuf anagar Kotkonda 0.99 109 Elkondal Bandkiri 0.99 111 War an gal Royla 0.99 •117 Warangal Mohamnapoor 0.99 117 Warangal Mubarak Husnabad 0.99 117 Warangal Namkal 0.99 lie Rajmundari Ha veil Rajmundari 0.99 • 118 Rajmundari Koorkunda 0.99 119 Rajmundari H am el y ale 0.99 120 Rajmundari Hulorocm 0.99 120 Rajmundari Boodsakoor 0.99 124 Waloorkunda Indoowar 0.99 125 Deverkunda Ibrahimpattan 0.99 126 Deverkunda hakoo f 0.99 126 Deverkunda Khalsa-Sharif a 0.99 127 Kollas Baikohra 0.99 127 Kollas Saloolay 0.99 100 Warangal Kalwari 0.99 117 Warangal ISl apkul 0.99 118 Rajmundari Arbab Kasoot 0.98 ...213 (213) D/No S a r k a r Pargana Jama' with Hasil = l 1 2 3 4 • 98 Warangal - 0.98 109 Welkondal Arbihkoy 0.97 123 Ellore Maharhale 0.97 107 Elkondal Koor Hayal 0.97 107 Elkondal Khalsa-Sharif a 0.10 123 Ellore Koorur 0.10 Hasll more than Jama' 120 Rajmundari Hakulnav 0.94 101 Mai ankoor - 0.85 116 Bhongir Shahnagar 0.83 122 Kahyan - 0.83 113 Medak Hamloon 0.82 101 Mai ankoor Paibaai 0.82 101 Mai ankoor Mai ankoor 0.80 101 Mai ankoor Husnabad 0.80 113 Medak Lobar an 0.80 116 KhatTunamet Kankgri 0.80 124 Deverkonda Haveil Deverkonda 0.80 100 Warangal Khalsa-Sharif a 0.79 106 Mustuf anagar Bandwarkarhat 0.79 111 Warangal Kafekunda 0.79 111 Warangal Kop-Kaip 0.79 108 Elkondal Wilimgir 0.65 .. .214 (214) D/No S a r k a r Pargana Jana' with Hasil == 1 1 2 3 4 98 Pangal Khals a-Sharif a 0.57 116 Khamemet Paibagi 0.44 99 Sickakal Kan-Aim as 0.35 110 Murtuzanagar Haveli Murtuzanagar 0.35 127 Kollas Paibagi 0.33 115 Bhongir Rajkonda 0.32 126 Deverkonda Kollas 0.29 100 Warangal Husnabad Paibiaq i 0.24 100 VJarangal Retgiri 0.22 113 Medak Kojabad 0.20 112 Warangal Vvetkonda 0. 19 97 Medak Kolhapur 0. 17 122 Kahyan Loorki 0.11 109 Welkondal Unidentified 0. 10 123 Ellore Lood Koab 0.10 105 Mustu fan agar Adloor 0. 10 116 Khamamet Haveli Khamam 0.08 114 Bhongir Paibagi 0.01 125 Deverkonda Daridabad 0.01 ...215 (215) Appendix - II Weights and Measure? A diversity of weights and measures prevailed in Golconda. The common traditional scale of weights seems to have been as follows: 5 Sers = 1 Viss 8 Viss or 40 Sers = 1 man (maund) 20 maunds = 1 bahar or kan^di The English factors used avoirdupois weights, while the I^atch used -the Amstardam pond, equal to 6.495 kilograms 2 or 1.09 lb avd p. Special units of weight were used for certain commodi ties. Indigo was bought and sold by 'little' containing 12 Masulipatam maunds or 314 lbs avourdupois; wliile rice and wheat were sold oy 'last' containing 80 paisa or 3840 Dutch 3 lbs at Pulicut and 72 Paise or 3240 Dutch lbs at Bimlipatan. The otner units of weight for indigo and sugar were the 'bale' and 'fardel'. These signified convenient load packs and so had varied v/eights for different commodities. 1. Moreland in Kelations, p. 88; Martin, Vol. II, Part II, p. 1649; Raychaudhuri, p. 223. 2. Ibid. 3. Raychaudhuri, p. 223. ...216 (216) Moreland cites the Dutch records as giving a value of 145-155 lb avoirdupois to the bale. For bullion transactions the weight usually used was •chest'. One 'chest' of bar silver usually weighed 100 toel to 10 kan. According to Martin 100 toel = 1 kan = 8.27 pounds .2 avoirdupois. Dia-nonds were weighed by the Manoline, which was re- 3 3 ported to be 5— to 7 grains. 5 For length the cubit or covid was used. It was a measure with large local variations. The English appear to have adopted the term as equivalent of the local gaz.4 The local gaz at Masulipatam was equivalent to 1.25 Dutch ells = 5 33.46 inches. !• Akbar to Aurangzeb, p. 340. 2. Martin, Vol. 11, Part II, p. 1618.'<^' 3. Tavernier,, Vol. I, p. 393. 4. E.F.I., 1618-21, p. 21. 5. Morel and in Relations, p. 88. ...217 (217) Abbreviations •Ihe abbreviations are arranged alDhabttically. Tlie number en-cerec against each abbreviation in the list is thie number assigned to that work in the Bibliography: Abbe Carre 38 Adab-i 'Alairqiri 7 Ain-i Akbari 19 Akbar to Aurangzeb 66 Arasaratnam 53 Atlas of the Mughal anoire 61 Eal Krishna 54 Barbosa 27 Bilgrami 55 Bowrey 39 D.A.S. 25 Deh-ba-Dehi 10 D.F.I. 30 Documents preserved in A.P. Archives 1 Documents of Samasthan 8 Early Travels 28 E.F.I 37 Farmans and San ads of the Pace an Sultans 6 Fifth Report 58 ...218 (218) Floris 32 Fryer 40 Glamann 59 Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms 48 Hadiqatul ^Alarn 15 Hadiqatus Salatin 13 •Hamilton 43 I.J.C. 9 Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics 62 Imperial Gazetteer 64 Ishrat Alam. 5 2 Journal of Indian Textile History 65 Khulasa-i Tarikh-i i;utbshahl 18 K.N. Chaudhuri 56 Kulliygt 11 Lahori 22 Letters Received 29 Ma^asir-i Jahanqiri 21 Mah-N5ma 16 Martin 44 Master 4 2 Mughal Records 2 Muhammad Salih 24 . . .219 (219) Murthy 67 Nuskha-1 Ciutbshahl 14 Philosophical Transaction 4 1 Haychaudhuri 69 Relations 31 Sarkar 70 Sen 71 Sherwani 7 2 Spate 73 S.W.D. 5 Tavernier 35 Thevenot 34 Tuzuk-i Qutbshahi 17 V.O.iu. 45 Wg-ris 23 Watt 74 ...220 (220) The bibliography is divided into two sections: Soxirces and Modem work. The section on sources is arranged under each category in a chronological order. Modem works are arranged alphabetically on tlie basis of names of authors. A. Primary Persian Documents 1. Qutbishahi documents preserved in Andhra Pradesh State Archives, Hyderabad. (The documents are un-numbered and un-catalogued) . 2. Mughal Records, Andhra Pradesh State Arc'.lives, Hyderabad. -_— _ — - «•/ 3. Daftar-i Diwani o Mai o Mulki-i Sarkar-i Ala, photographic plates of specimen documents from Shahjahah's reign and subsequent times. Official publication, Hyderabad, 1939. 4* Selected Documenrs of Shahi'ahan's Reign, ed. Yusuf Hussain Khan, Hyderabad, 1950. 5. Selected Waqai of the Deccan, 1660-71, ed. Yusuf Husain Khan, Hyderakiad, 19 53. 6. Farmans and Sanads of the Deccan Sultans, 1408-1687, ed. Yusuf Hussain Khan, Hyderabad, 1963. 7. Ad5b-i Alamqiri, ed. Abdul Ghafur Chaudhuri, Lahore, 1971. Letters of Aiirangzeb, mainly v^en Viceroy of the Deccan during Shahjahan's reign. ... 221 (221) 8. DDCuraents ol Samasthan unpublished documents in the possession of Raja of Wan^arthy, Hyderabad. I was able to study tnese oy courtesy of the owner. 9. Inayat Janq Collection, National Archives of India, New Delhi. A massive collection of Mughal documents relating to the provinces of the Deccan. 10. Kitab-i Deh-ba-DehT, Ms in Andhra Pradesh, State Archives, Hyderabad. Microfilm in the Department of History, AMU., Aligarh. B. Histories of the QutbshahT Kingdom 11. Kulliyat-i Sultan Muhammad Qull Qutbshah, 1578-1611, - - — ed. Muhairmad Qadri Zoori, Usmania, 194 0. 12. Tarikh-i Sultan Muhammad C'utbsh'ah/ 1616, anonymous. MS. No. 85, Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad. 13. Nizamuddin Ahmad, Hadigatus Salatin, 164 2, MS. No. 214, Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad. 14. Shah Qudratullah Muhammad Uadiri, Nuskha-i Qutbsh"ihi, 1807-8, MS No. 3644, Central Library, Hyderabad. 15. Mir Abul Casim, Hadiqatul^ Alam, 1813, MS. No. 215, Sal-ar Jang Museum, Hyderabad. 16. Gulshan Hussain Knan Jauhari, Mah-Namd, 18_14, MS. No. 364, Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad. ... 222 (222) 17. Tuzuk-l Uutbshahi, 1858_. anonymous, MS. No. 488, Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad. 18. Khulasa-1 TarTkh-i (^utbshahi, undated, anonymous, MS. No. 231, Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad. C. Mu gh al Hi s to r i es. 19. 'Abul Fazl, A'in-i Akbari, 159 5, ed. K. Blochmann, 2 vols.. Bib. Ind. Calcutta, 1867-77. 20. Mutamad Khan, Jqb"al Kama-i Jahangiri, 1627-28, Nawal Ki shore, Lucknow, 1870. 2 1. Khwaj a Kamagar Husaini, Ma'"aslr-1 Jahangiri, ed. Azra Alavi, Bombay, 1978. 2 2. Abdul Hamid Lahori, Padshah Mama, ed. Kabiruddin Ahmad and Abdur Rahean, Calcutta, 1866-72. 2 3. Muhammad Waris, Padshahn'ima. Transcript ol Rampur MS, No. 86-87, Department of History, AMU., Aligarh. 24. Muhammad Salih Kambu, Amal-1 Sllih, ed. G. Yazdani, 4 vols, Calcutta, 1912-46. 25. Brij Rai, Dasturul '^Anal-i Shahanshahi, revised and en larged by Thakur Lai, MS. Br. Museum, Add. 22831. Ro- tograph No. 52, Department of History, AMU., Aligarh. ..223 (223) D. European Sources 26. Tom Pires, Suma Oriental of Tom Pires, Hakluyt Society, London, 1947. 27. Duarte Barbosa (1518). The Book of Duarte Barbosa, An Account of the Countries Bordering on Indian Ocean other In?)abitants, translated by Long Vforth Dames, 2 vols., London, 1918. 28. Early Travels in India, 1583-1619 (Accounts of Ralph Fitch, John Mildenhall, William Hawkins, Willi an Finch, Nicholas v;ithington, Thomas Caryet and Edward Terry), ed. William Foster, London, 19 21. 29. Letters Received by the East India Company from its Servants in the East (1602-17), 6 vols, ed. F.C. Danvers (Vol. I) and 'w. Foster (Vols. II-VI), London, 1896-1902. 30. The D-itch Factories in India, 1617-23, ed. Cm Prakash, New Delhi, 1984. 31. Relations of Golconda in the Early Seventeenth Century, ed. / tr. W.H. Moreland, Hakluyt Society, 1931. The 'Relations' are those of Hethwald (1615), Schorer (1615- 16), and an anonymoush Dutch factor (1614). 3 2. Peter Fieris, Peter Fjoris His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe, 1611-25, ed. W.H. Moreland, Hakluyt Society, 19 34. ... 224 (224) 33. Franciso Pelsaert (1626) Remonstrantic, translated by W.H. Morel oJid and P. Geyl, Jah_anqir ' s Indi a, Cambridge, 1925. 34. Jean de Thevenot, R.e_l_atl_ons_ de Indostan 1665-67, Lovell's translation of 1687, reprinted with corrections and annotations in Indian Travels, of Thevenot and Careri, ed. Surendranath Sen, New Delhi, 1946. 3 5. Jean Esptiste Tavemier, Tavemier's Travels in India, 1640-67, translated V. Balls, ed. ''/\'illiam Crooke, 2 vols, London, 1889, revised in 1925, London. 36. Fracois Bemier, Travels in the Mughal Empire, 1656-68, translated from French by Irving Brock, revised by V. Smith, London, 1914, 1916. 37. The English Factories in India, 1618-69, ed. Willi an Foster, 13 vols, Oxford, 1906-27. Each volxime gives the period it covers after the main title, e.g. Enqli sh Factories in India, 1618-21. 38. Abbe Carre, The Travels of the Abbe Carre in India and the Near East, 167 2-74, translated by Lady Fawcett, ed. Charles Fawcett, 3 vols, riakluyt Society, 1947-48. 3 9. Thomas Bowrey, A Geographical Account of the Countries round tl-ie Bay ot Bengal, 1669-79, ed. R.C. Tennple, Hakluyt Society, 1905. 225 (225) 4 0. John Fryer, A New Account of East India and Persia being Nine Years' Travels, 1672-81, ed. v;. Crooke, 3 vols, Hakluyt Society, 1909, 1912 and 1915. 4 1. The Right Honourable Earl Marshal of England, A Descrip tion of the Diamond Mines (in the Kingdom of Golconda and Visiapure) printed in Philosophical Transaction, issued for the Royal Society, XII, No. 136, June 25,1677. 4 2. The Diaries of Streynsham Master, 1675-80, ed. R.C. Temple, 2 vols, London, 1909. 4 3. Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, 1690-93, piinted in John Pinkerton, General Collection of the Best and the Most Interesting Voyages and Travels in all Parts of the \^brld, VIII, London, 1811. 44. Francois Martin, India in the 17th Century, translated and annotated, Lotika Vardarajan, 1670-94, 2 vols. New Delhi, 198]. 4 5. Vestiges of old iMadras, 1640-1800, ed. Henry Davison Love, London, 1913. E, Dictionaries 46. Munshi Tek Chand Bahar, Bahar-1 '^Aj an, Persian Dictionary, 17 39-40 A.D., Lithographed, Nawal Ki shore, Lucknow, 1916. 47. Firhang-i Istalahat-i Peshawaran, by Zafar Rahman, Anjuman Taraqqi Urdu, 194 0. ... 226 ( 226) 48. A Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms and of Useful Words Occurring in Official Documents by H.H. Wilson, London, 1855. 49. Persian-English Cdctionary by F. Steingass, London 1892. F. Coin Catalogues 50. C.J. Brov.Ti, Catalogue of Coins in Provincial Museimi, Luck now, Oxford, 1920. 5 1. V.P. Rode, Catalogue of Coins in Central Museum, Nagpur, Bombay, 1969. G. Modern Works 5 2. Ishrat Alam, 'Iron Manufactures in Golconda in the 17th Century', presented at the Indian History Congress, Dharwad Session 1988 (cyclo styled copy in the Department of History, AMU, Aligarh) . 53. Sinnappah Arasaratnam, Merchants.,Companies and Commerce on the Coromandel Coast, 1650-1740, New Delhi, 1986. 54. Hal Krishna, Commercial Relations between India and England (1601-1757), London, 1924. 5 5. Sayed Ali Asgh ar Bilgrami, Land Marks of the Deccan, Hyderabad, 19 27. 56. K.N. Chaudhuri, The Trading Vforld of Asia and the English East India Company (1660-1760), Cambridge, 1978. ... 227 ( 227) 57. A.I. ChicneroY, India/ Economic Development In the 16th to 18th Century, Moscow, 1971. 58. The Fifth Report from the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the Affairs of the East India Company Ordered by the House of Commons, to be printed in 1812 ed. W.K. Firminger, 3 vols (Vol. I, Finminger's Introduc tion), Calcutta, 1917-18. 59. K. Glamann, Dutch Asiatic Trade, 1620-1740, Copenhagen and Hague, 19 58. 60. Irfan Habib, Agrarian System of Mughal India, New Delhi, 1963. 6 1. Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, Delhi, 1982. 62. John Irwin and Margaret Hall, Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, Ahmadabad, 1917. 6 3. Aziz a Hasan, 'Mints of the Mughal Empire', Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 1967. 64. The Imperial Gazetteer of India (25 vols). New edition. 6 5. John Irwin 'Indian Textile Trade in the 17th Century, Coromandel Coast', Journal of Indian Textiles History, 1956, Number II. 66. W.H. Morel and, From Akbar to Aurangzeb, New Delhi, 197 2. 67. A.V. Narsimha Murthy, The Coins pf Karnatak_a, Mysore 1975. ... 228 (228) 68. A.J. iLaiser, ' oni|,-nui lamg in the Muchal Empire during the I7tb Century', IESHR, Vol. 2. 69. Tap an kaycb auchuri, Jan Company in Cpromendel 1605- 1690/ S. Grevenhage, 196 2. 70. J.N. Sarkar, Lj f e of i-jjr Juml a^ New Delhi, 1979. 7 1. S.P. Sen, Ine French in India, First Establishment and Struggle, Calcutta, 1947. 72. H.K. Sherwani, History of GTitbshahi Dynasty, New Delhi, 1974. 73. H.K. Spate, India and PaXistan/ A General and Regional Geography, U.?.. 1967. 74. George V.att, Dictignary of the Economic Products of Inaia, 6 vols. Vol. VI in 4 Parts, London, 1890. •k -i-T •* *-k-i. tc-k-k-k •k f /< ii f * k i :k •k -k k -k A •* -x *k -k -kk •k -k k •k Q iQ iQ 'Q tQ >Q \