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Byzantium's Balkan Frontier
This page intentionally left blank Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier is the first narrative history in English of the northern Balkans in the tenth to twelfth centuries. Where pre- vious histories have been concerned principally with the medieval history of distinct and autonomous Balkan nations, this study regards Byzantine political authority as a unifying factor in the various lands which formed the empire’s frontier in the north and west. It takes as its central concern Byzantine relations with all Slavic and non-Slavic peoples – including the Serbs, Croats, Bulgarians and Hungarians – in and beyond the Balkan Peninsula, and explores in detail imperial responses, first to the migrations of nomadic peoples, and subsequently to the expansion of Latin Christendom. It also examines the changing conception of the frontier in Byzantine thought and literature through the middle Byzantine period. is British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow, Keble College, Oxford BYZANTIUM’S BALKAN FRONTIER A Political Study of the Northern Balkans, – PAUL STEPHENSON British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow Keble College, Oxford The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcón 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org © Paul Stephenson 2004 First published in printed format 2000 ISBN 0-511-03402-4 eBook (Adobe Reader) ISBN 0-521-77017-3 hardback Contents List ofmaps and figurespagevi Prefacevii A note on citation and transliterationix List ofabbreviationsxi Introduction .Bulgaria and beyond:the Northern Balkans (c.–) .The Byzantine occupation ofBulgaria (–) .Northern nomads (–) .Southern Slavs (–) .The rise ofthe west,I:Normans and Crusaders (–) . -
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Chapter 12 Aristocrats, Mercenaries, Clergymen and Refugees: Deliberate and Forced Mobility of Armenians in the Early Medieval Mediterranean (6th to 11th Century a.d.) Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 1 Introduction Armenian mobility in the early Middle Ages has found some attention in the scholarly community. This is especially true for the migration of individuals and groups towards the Byzantine Empire. A considerable amount of this re- search has focused on the carriers and histories of individual aristocrats or noble families of Armenian origin. The obviously significant share of these in the Byzantine elite has even led to formulations such as Byzantium being a “Greco-Armenian Empire”.1 While, as expected, evidence for the elite stratum is relatively dense, larger scale migration of members of the lower aristocracy (“azat”, within the ranking system of Armenian nobility, see below) or non- aristocrats (“anazat”) can also be traced with regard to the overall movement of groups within the entire Byzantine sphere. In contrast to the nobility, however, the life stories and strategies of individuals of these backgrounds very rarely can be reconstructed based on our evidence. In all cases, the actual signifi- cance of an “Armenian” identity for individuals and groups identified as “Ar- menian” by contemporary sources or modern day scholarship (on the basis of 1 Charanis, “Armenians in the Byzantine Empire”, passim; Charanis, “Transfer of population”; Toumanoff, “Caucasia and Byzantium”, pp. 131–133; Ditten, Ethnische Verschiebungen, pp. 124–127, 134–135; Haldon, “Late Roman Senatorial Elite”, pp. 213–215; Whitby, “Recruitment”, pp. 87–90, 99–101, 106–110; Isaac, “Army in the Late Roman East”, pp. -
The Taktika of Leo VI and the Byzantine Eastern Frontier During the Ninth and Tenth Centuries[*]
a a SPICILEGIUM Online Journal of Japan Society for Medieval European Studies, Vol. 1 (2017) * * * * * * a a The Taktika of Leo VI and the Byzantine Eastern Frontier During the Ninth and Tenth Centuries[*] Kosuke Nakada [*] I should like to thank the editors and anon- Abstract ymous reviewers of Spicilegium for comment- ing on an earlier draft of this article. I should also like to thank Dr Koji Murata for revising Recent studies on the political and military history in the reign of Leo VI (r. 886–912) tend to my draft. emphasise his role as a central authoritative figure. However, close scrutiny on the emperor’s At the outset, I would like to mention that I have already published another article on the military treatise called the Taktika and collation with the actual situation offers a different pic- Taktika in Japanese (“The Taktika of Leo VI and ture concerning his view on the warfare in the eastern frontier. In chapter XVIII of the Taktika the Byzantine Eastern Frontier in his Reign,” on the manoeuvres against the raiding Arabs, Leo emphasises the importance of autonomous Mediterraneus: Annual Report of the Collegium Mediterranistarum 36 [2013], pp. 3–24), in regional defence undertaken by local forces. When understood collectively with other sources, which my focus was on the nature of the whole this can be an attestation of Leo’s willingness to delegate power to potentates in order to resist text as a military treatise, and the meaning of the incessant raids more effectively, despite the possible centrifugal effects. This sort of interac- the chapter on the Arabs. -
BYZANTIUM, BULGARIA and the PEOPLES of UKRAINE in the 890S
Материалы по археопогии, истории и этнографии Таврии. Вып. VII J. HOWARD-JOHNSTON BYZANTIUM, BULGARIA AND THE PEOPLES OF UKRAINE IN THE 890s This paper offers some observations about the context of Crimean history at the end of the nintti century. It continues the story of developments in the steppe world outiined elsewhere in this volume by Alexander Aibabin and Constantine Zuckermann. Attention is first directed at the Balkans where war broke out between Byzantium and Bulgaria in the 890s. Associated diplo matic activity by both belligerents reached deep into the steppes beyond the Danube. There it triggered, or at any rate conbibuted to a dramatic set of interrelated events, which transformed the face of ukraine. The Pechenegs replaced the Hungarians as the dominant power between the Don and the Danube and, consequently, as the people who thenceforth wielded authority over the greater, steppe part of the Crimea. The ramifications of this geopolitical change ex tended to central Europe, where the Hungarians, ejected from their previous homeland in ukraine, established a durable state in the Carpathian basin and secured their position there by a flurry of wide-ranging, devastating raids further west and south. But before we can observe these events, let alone interpret them, we must subject the principal historical source, which reports them to close critical scrutiny. The beginning of wisdom for the historian of the steppes as for the historian of Byzantium is willingness to look at every piece of scarce evidence with a cold, clinical eye and, if necessary, to discard what ever is demonstrably or probably unreliable - although such a procedure will inevitably de plete yet further our already meager store of primary matehaP. -
Arab Civilian and Military Captives in the Light of Byzantine Narrative Sources and Military Manuals from the 10Th Century
Studia Ceranea 8, 2018, p. 253–283 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.08.14 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Szymon Wierzbiński (Łódź) Prospective Gain or Actual Cost? Arab Civilian and Military Captives in the Light of Byzantine Narrative Sources and Military Manuals from the 10th Century is safe to say that the 10th century was a military renaissance for the Byzan- It tines. During this period, the Eastern Empire waged numerous wars, broad- ened its boundaries and regained much of its formerly lost prestige. For the Byzan- tine emperors of the 10th century, the eastern front was the crucial one, due to the constant struggle with the Abbasid Caliphate1. In the course of this conflict – from which Byzantium emerged victorious – the capturing and enslaving of soldiers and civilians alike was an everyday reality. The main objective of this paper is to define the role of prisoners of war in the strategy and tactics of Byzantine generals. First, I will attempt to determine whether the latter treated the captives as a potential gain under various aspects (i.e. financial, prestige-related, or diplomatic). Next, I will focus on those situations in which prisoners were nothing more than a bur- den. With the help of narrative sources and military manuals, I will try to clarify why both sides occasionally decided to execute their captives in certain episodes of the 10th century Arab-Byzantine conflict. Finally, I will specify how Byzantine generals made use of prisoners in order to get the upper hand over their Arab rivals. It should be emphasized that the present research was carried out mainly on the basis of the written sources. -
Bizánci Terjeszkedés a X. Században - Ostromtechnikák Elméletben És Gyakorlatban
KÖZLEMÉNYEK TŐSÉR MÁRTON BIZÁNCI TERJESZKEDÉS A X. SZÁZADBAN - OSTROMTECHNIKÁK ELMÉLETBEN ÉS GYAKORLATBAN Habár Róma örököseként a bizánciak tekintélyes hadtudományi irodalmat birtokol tak, az ostromokról szóló módszertani értekezések eltűntek a középbizánci időszak kato nai témájú írásai közül. Maurikios és Bölcs Leó is csupán általánosságban tért ki erre a témára. A magyarázat tulajdonképpen egyszerű: a VII. századtól kezdődő „sötét korban" a bizánciak inkább ostromlottak voltak, mint ostromlók. Az arabok elleni hosszas küzde lemben a VIII. századtól a portyázó harcok váltak uralkodóvá, az ostromok ritkák voltak - akkor is inkább az arabok ostromoltak. A X. században azonban, a bizánci hadtudo mány megújulása idején készült értekezésekben újra előkerült a téma, bizonyos sajátos ságokkal, melyek a korabeli helyzetet jellemzik. Bár az ostromharcászat módszerei a klasszikus kortól a puskapor elterjedéséig keveset változtak, a jellemzők variációi jól tükrözik az ostromlók lehetőségeit, gazdasági és társadalmi hátterét az adott korban. Ezért is érdemes gyakorlati példákat tanulmányoznunk. A középkorban (amiképpen később is) két módon lehetett bevenni egy falakkal védett helyet: ostrommal vagy blokáddal. Az előbbi az erővel történő várvívást jelenti, mikor az ostromlók a védők ellenállásának leküzdésével, veszteségek árán törnek be a falak mögé, az utóbbi közvetett módon, a védők ellenállási hajlandóságának felőrlésével próbálja el érni azok megadását; általában az élelemhiány, vagy a felmentés tartós elmaradása volt a védelmezett erősség feladásának oka. Az ostrom mikéntje a rendelkezésre álló eszközö kön múlt: a legegyszerűbb a város kapujának rohammal történő bevétele volt (klasszikus példája a trójai háború), és a római korszak sokféle faltörő gépezetéig, várvívó eszközéig, illetve az aknaharcászatig terjedt. A blokád az előbbiektől eltérően a védőket szorosan el szigetelte a külvilágtól, főleg az élelmiszerektől, és az egyéb szükséges ellátmánytól, végső soron a reménytől fosztotta meg őket. -
Симеонова България Emperor Symeon's Bulgaria
СИМЕОНОВА БЪЛГАРИЯ В ИСТОРИЯТА НА ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ ЮГОИЗТОК: 1100 ГОДИНИ ОТ БИТКАТА ПРИ АХЕЛОЙ I EMPEROR SYMEON’S BULGARIA IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPE’S SOUTH-EAST: 1100 YEARS FROM THE BATTLE OF ACHELOUS EMPEROR SYMEON’S BULGARIA IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPE’S SOUTH-EAST: 1100 YEARS FROM THE BATTLE OF ACHELOUS I Edited by Angel Nikolov Nikolay Kanev St Kliment Ohridski University Press Sofia • 2018 СИМЕОНОВА БЪЛГАРИЯ В ИСТОРИЯТА НА ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ ЮГОИЗТОК: 1100 ГОДИНИ ОТ БИТКАТА ПРИ АХЕЛОЙ I Съставители Ангел Николов Николай Кънев Университетско издателство „Св. Климент Охридски“ София • 2018 Първият том от материалите на Международната научна конференция „Симеонова България в историята на европейския Югоизток: 1100 години от битката при Ахелой“ (Поморие, 25-28 октомври 2017 г.) се издава с финансиране от Историческия факултет на Софийския университет „Св. Климент Охридски“, договор по НИС № 80-10-86 от 20. 04. 2017 г. Редакционна колегия: Ангел Николов Антон Карабашев Георги Николов Милен Николов Николай Кънев Пламен Павлов © 2018 Ангел Николов, Николай Кънев, съставителство © 2018 Анастасия Добычина, Ангел Николов, Владимир Ангелов, Десислава Найденова, Дмитрий Полывянный, Женя Жекова, Иван Йорданов, Ивелин Иванов, Камен Станев, Красимир Кръстев, Лиляна Симеонова, Павел Георгиев, Петър Ангелов, Сашка Георгиева, Тома Томов, Aleksandar Uzelac, Daniel Ziemann, Jonathan Shepard, Milica Radišić, Mirosław Leszka, автори © 2018 Университетско издателство „Св. Климент Охридски“ ISBN 978-954-07- СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ CONTENTS ПЛЕНАРНИ ДОКЛАДИ PLENARY PAPERS Jonathan Shepard Symeon’s confrontation with Byzantium c. 917: diplomatic ripples across Eurasia / 11 Дмитрий Полывянный Деяния царя Симеона в истории и исторической памяти болгар / 22 Иван Йорданов Битката при Ахелой през 917 г.: Численост и състав на византийската армия. -
Armenian Neighbours (600–1045)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository CHAPTER 8 ARMENIAN NEIGHBOURS (600–1045) t. w. greenwood introduction Anyone wishing to unravel the history of the relationship between Byzan- tium and Armenia from late antiquity into the eleventh century has to confront a series of historical and historiographical challenges. The most immediate, and intractable, of these is one of definition: what does ‘Armenia’ mean? Although Armenia is used to express a territorial entity in contemporary texts, both Armenian and non-Armenian in origin, its precise meaning varies according to the date and the context in which it is used. Far from finding a single, stable definition of Armenia, one discovers multiple ‘Armenias’.1 Thus a seventh-century Armenian geographical com- pilation depicts ‘Great Armenia’ as comprising not only regions currently recognised as Armenian but also those with historic associations.2 Successive provinces of Armenia were imposed and superimposed by external powers, each with a particular scope. The kingdom of Armenia, re-established in 884, bore little relation to its Arsacid precursor and increasingly represented only the Bagratuni kingdom centred on Ani, excluding rival kingdoms in Vaspurakan, Siwnik‘ and elsewhere. Given the absence of stable territorial boundaries and in the light of significant Arab settlement in certain districts from the end of the eighth century, there have been attempts to construct Armenian identity in terms of a blend of confessional, -
Leo the Deacon
The History of Leo the Deacon Byzantine Military Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction, translation, and annotations by Alice-Mary Talbot and Denis F. Sullivan Dumbarton Oaks Studies XLI THE HISTORY OF LEO THE DEACON THE HISTORY OF LEO THE DEACON Byzantine Military Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction, translation, and annotations by Alice-Mary Talbot and Denis F. Sullivan with the assistance of George T. Dennis and Stamatina McGrath Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection Washington, D.C. © 2005 Dumbarton Oaks Trustees for Harvard University Washington, D.C. Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Leo, the Deacon, b. ca. 950. [ History. English] The History of Leo the Deacon : Byzantine military expansion in the tenth century / introduction, translation, and annotations by Alice-Mary Talbot and Denis F. Sullivan ; with the assistance of George T. Dennis and Stamatina McGrath. p. cm. History translated into English from the original Greek; critical matter in English. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-88402-306-0 1. Byzantine Empire—History, Military—527-1081. I. Talbot, Alice-Mary Maffry. II. Sullivan, Denis. III.Title. DF543.L46 2005 2005003088 Contents Preface and Acknowledgments vii Abbreviations χ Introduction A The Byzantine Empire in the Tenth Century: Outline of Military and Political Events 1 Β The Byzantine Military in the Tenth Century 4 C Biography of Leo the Deacon 9 D Leo as a "Historian" 11 Ε Manuscript Tradition of the History 50 -
24, 30 Ali~Ar, 5 Alpaslan, 29 Amasya, 29 Ambo, 82
Index Abraham , 90 , 107 Amida , 28 , 160 Antioch - on - the - Meander , Architecture , in Basilian Ac;:Tk Saray , facades at, 65, Amisos (Samsun ), 6 battle at , 30 Rule , 77 ; rockcut , 18 , 45 66 (ill .), 69, 75; monasteries Amphilochios , bishop of Apocalypse , beasts of the , Architecture , Late Antique , at, 58, 60 Iconium , 24 , 164 83 , 181 69 , 75 Ac;:Tkel Aga Kilisesi , see Ampullae , 185 Apocalypse , Elders of the , Architecture , Muslim , 70 Peristrema Anargyroi , 157 at YTlanlr Kilise (Cat . no . Architecture , Persian , 70 Acts of St . Hieron , 19 , 80 Anastasis (Descent into 31), 107, 109 Arethas, bishop of Adam , 133 , 181 Limbo ), 122, 127, 133, 136, Apocalypse (Revelation) Caesarea , 27 Adoration of the Magi , 137, 169, 174, 181; at Ac;:Tkel of St. john the Divine , 83, Arianism , 24 , 164 127 , 177 , 198 , 199 , 224 ; at Aga Kilisesi (Cat. no . 9), 188 ; cited , 106 , 107 Armenia , 6 , 18 , 23 , 28 , 112 , Tokalr (Cat . no . 39), 217 206 ; at Karanl Tk Kilise Apocalyptic visions , 84, 120 , 140 , 151 , 186 , 202 , Aegean , 3, 5 (Cat . no . 59), 133; at 141 ; see also Christ in 203 , 218 , 225 Aesop , fables of , 155 Purenli Seki Kilisesi (Cat . Majesty; Lastjudgment ; Art , Armenian , 59 , 202 Africa , North , Late no . 33), 200; at St. Barbara Second Coming Art , Byzantine , 59, 145, Antique facades in , 69; (Cat . no . 40), 222 Apostles , Benediction of 151 , 152 , 185 , 206 , 225 trefoil chapels in, 118 Anatolia , 3, 25 , 28 , 30 , 32 , the , 127 ; at Karanlrk Kilise Art , Coptic , 59, 112, 194, Agatharchides , 18 33 , 45 , 106 , 112 , 118 , 120 , (Cat . no . 59), 153 202 Aght'amar, church of the 123 , 140 , 190 , 230 ; see Apostles , Communion of Art , Hellenistic - Roman , Holy Cross, 112 also Asia Minor the , at St. -
The Medieval Mediterranean ;: Brill
rI'II?IS Ile NVHNV2I2IHZIQHW'IVAHIQH1 'dHZ j or THE MEDIEVAL MEDITERRANEAN;:BRILL THE REIGN OF LEO VI (886-912) THE MEDIEVAL MEDITERRANEAN PEOPLES, ECONOMIES AND CULTURES, 400-1453 EDITORS MICHAEL WHITBY (Warwick) PAUL MAGDALINO, HUGH KENNEDY (St. Andrews) DAVID ABULAFIA (Cambridge) BENJAMIN ARBEL (Tel Aviv) MARK MEYERSON (Noire Dame) VOLUME 15 9 Qr r- lX683.S THE REIGN OF LEO VI (886-912) Politics and People BY SHAUN TOUGHER NEG1 1683 BRILL LEIDEN NEW YORK KOLN 1997 This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tougher, Shaun. The reign of Leo VI (886-912) : politics and people/by Shaun Tougher. p. cm. - (Medieval Mediterranean ; v. 15) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004108114 (cloth :alk. paper) 1. Byzantine Empire-History-Leo VI, 886-911. 2. Leo VI, Emperor of the East, 886-912. I. Title. II. Series. DF592.T68 1997 949.5'02DC21 97-22089 CIP Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Tougher, Shaun: The reign of Leo VI : (886 - 912) ; politics and people / by Shaun Tougher. - Leiden ; New York ; Koln : Brill, 1997 (The medieval Mediterranean : Vol. 15) ISBN 90-0410811-4 ISSN 0928-5520 ISBN 90 04 10811 4 © Copyright 1997 by Koninkl#ke Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS CONTENTS Acknowledgements ........................................................................vii Abbreviations.................................................................................ix Map: The Empire of Leo VI, c. -
Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 123. Évf. 1-2. Sz. (2010.)
TŐSÉR MÁRTON KATONACSÁSZÁROK ÉS HADURAK A bizánci hódítások és a polgárháborúk kora A bizánci történelemben a X. század közepén lezajlott események nem csak a biroda- lom, hanem közvetve-közvetlenül a tágabb térség történetére is hatással voltak. Az ara- bok ellen vívott harcok során a haderő átalakulása olyan politikai következményekkel járt, melyek a birodalom hagyományos belső rendjét is megváltoztatták. A katonai re- formok nyomán Bizánc tradicionálisan védekező politikája a század második felében, főleg keleten, támadóvá vált. Nagyszabású hódító hadjáratok indultak az évszázadok óta állandó határt jelentő Taurus-hegységen túlra. A sikeres keleti hadvezérekből lett császá- rok, II. Nikephoros (963–969) és I. Ioannes (969–976) uralma a birodalom addig példát- lan militarizálásával járt. Ennek olyan nemkívánatos következménye is volt, hogy végül a legitim császár, II. Basileios (976–1025) két ízben is harcolni kényszerült a trónjára tö- rő másik két keleti arisztokratával, Bardas Sklerossszal, majd Bardas Phokasszal. Mire a polgárháborúk befejeződtek, nem csak a haderő, hanem Bizánc társadalma is nagy mér- tékben átalakult. A bizánciak még 948-ban lerombolták al-Hadath (Adata) erődjét, de 953-as szíriai betörésük után Aleppó emírje, Szaif ad-Daula (944–967) valószínűleg jobbnak látta, ha újjáépíti falait, mivel a vár jó helyen feküdt ahhoz, hogy Szíria és Kilikia felé is elzárja a támadók útját. Az építkezés 954. október 19-én kezdődött, de hamarosan megérkezett a bizánci főparancsnok (domestikos ton scholon), Bardas Phokas serege –