PSILOCYBIN AND SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE

A Clinical Dissertation

Presented to the Faculty of the

California School of Professional Psychology

Alliant International University

San Francisco

In Partial Fulfillment of

The Requirement for the Degree

Doctor of Psychology

By

Kevin Sean Bunch

August 2009 UMI Number: 3377437

Copyright 2009 by Bunch, Kevin Sean

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This clinical dissertation by Kevin Sean Bunch, has been approved by the committee members signed below who recommend that it be accepted by the faculty of the California School of Professional Psychology- San Francisco Campus in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PSYCHOLOGY

Dissertation Committee:

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Ed Bourg, Ph.D.

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ii © Copyright by Kevin Sean Bunch, 2009 All Rights Reserved

iii 1

ABSTRACT

PSILOCYBIN AND SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE

KEVIN SEAN BUNCH

California School of Professional Psychology San Francisco Campus

Alliant International University

Numerous reports indicate that psychedelic drugs can induce spiritual states of

consciousness (De Rios & Janiger, 2003; Harner, 1973, La Barre, 1972). Early

hallucinogenic research did not account for the influences of set and setting, and research

was nearly dormant after the hallucinogen abuse that took place in the 1960's. Human

psychedelic research has recently been renewed, and experimental models have

confirmed that psilocybin mushrooms can facilitate mystical experiences that have lasting

personal meaning and spiritual significance in religious or spiritually-inclined individuals

(Griffiths, Richards, McCann, & Jesse, 2006; Johnson, Richards, & Griffiths, 2008;

Pahnke, 1966). Expanding on previous studies, this research explored set and setting variables associated with these experiences. Five hundred and four participants responded to an anonymous questionnaire examining the effects of psilocybin in non- laboratory settings. The majority of users indicated that their psilocybin experience(s) were among the five most spiritually significant events of their lives. Participants claimed that psilocybin produced changes in their spirituality and increased their well- being. Over half of the participants met the criteria for having a "complete" mystical experience on the Pahnke-Richards Mystical Experience Questionnaire, and those 2 individuals rated their psilocybin experiences as more significant, unique, and personally meaningful when compared to the non-mystical group. Multiple variables were significantly correlated with having a mystical experience including mindset, age, frequency of use, dosage, and several expectancy, motivational, emotional, and environmental factors. Individuals who sought out psilocybin as a tool for growth more frequently reported having mystical experiences, which were associated with self-reports of increased life-satisfaction and personal well-being. DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to my loving wife Sarah. Thank you for always being supportive and for putting your work on hold to take care of our daughter. Thank you for motivating me and for understanding the process. I love you.

And to our daughter JoJo, your presence revitalized me, and I have loved that the dissertation gave me an excuse to stay home and play with you. Your smile and giggles have helped me get through this process.

IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, I would like to thank my parents who have supported me throughout the process of becoming a psychologist. Thank you for your thoughts, prayers, and love. I appreciate that you held any judgments about this work, and that you have always wanted to see me succeed. You have modeled a nurturance that I hope I can pass along to my own family.

I would like to acknowledge my chairperson, Frederick Heide, Ph.D. for always supporting this research and for expressing his general interest in my study. Thank you for guiding me through the process, and helping me narrow my scope of focus. I greatly appreciate your responsiveness and willingness to work during your personal time, especially when I cut deadlines very short.

I wish to thank my committee member, Ed Bourg, Ph.D. for always being available to me throughout this process. Thank you for your timely responses to my inquiries and your guidance in developing my study.

Thank you to Ray Paloutzian, Ph.D. for encouraging me to pursue graduate studies in psychology. You have been a mentor and wonderful friend to me over the years, and without your support I could not be where I am today. Thank you for believing in me and taking me under you wing right from the beginning. Your enthusiasm about the psychology of religion fueled my interest! A special thanks to Roland Griffiths, Ph.D. who has pioneered research on psilocybin and allowed me to utilize his questionnaires in my study. I could not believe how available you were for me, and your work gave me great motivation.

Finally, thank you to Randolph Hencken, M.A., Communications and Marketing

Director of MAPS, for helping distribute my questionnaire. Without your support, I would not have been able to attain these results.

VI TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Dedication iv

Acknowledgements v

List of Tables viii

I. INTRODUCTION 1

Literature Review 3

Entheogenic, Psychedelic, and Hallucinogenic Terminology 10

Psychedelic Drugs and Culture 19

Shamanism 25

Psilocybin Mushroom History 34

Religious/Mystical Experiences 56

II. METHODS 75

III. RESULTS 81

IV. DISCUSSION 93

References 108

APPENDIX A: MAPS Announcement 115

APPENDIX B: Recruitment Flyers 117

APPENDIX C: Internet Announcement 119

APPENDIX D: Anonymous Psilocybin Questionnaire 121

vii LIST OF TABLES

Page

1. Intercorrelations Between Scale Variables 85

2. Chi-square: Participant Use Factors 88

3. Chi-square: Setting Use Factors 90

viii 1

CHAPTER I

Introduction

There are a number of reports that psychedelic drugs have the ability to induce

states of consciousness that are religious or spiritual in nature (De Rios & Janiger, 2003;

Harner, 1973, 1990; La Barre, 1972). La Barre (1972) even proposed that all knowledge

of the supernatural is derived from statements made by visionaries or ecstatics, and highlighted the utilization of ancient hallucinogens and psychotropic substances in religious innovation. Researchers (i.e., James, 1985; Metzner, 1998; Pahnke, 1966;

Pahnke & Richards, 1969) have studied altered states of consciousness and proposed that many of the qualities of a drug-induced spiritual/mystical experience are indiscernible from genuine spiritual/mystical experiences. Anthropologists studying non-literate societies identified the use of hallucinogenic substances as a vital method for contacting and communicating with the supernatural, and Harner (1973) argued that this phenomenon is "an ancient and widespread human practice" (p. xi).

The use of psychedelic drugs to facilitate spiritual or religious enlightenment has been a human ritual throughout recorded history and has been well documented as a significant aspect of shamanistic tradition (Harner, 1973,1990). Harner (1973), discussing the necessity of experiential means to provide evidence of religious reality in non-literate societies, wrote, "In using a powerful hallucinogen, an individual is brought face to face with visions and experiences of an overwhelming nature, tending strongly to reinforce his beliefs in the reality of the supernatural world" (p. xi). Shamans in these societies often utilize psychedelic drugs to enter an altered state of consciousness in 2

which the shaman confronts the supernatural to accomplish tasks and gain spiritual

enlightenment.

Although participant-based psychedelic drug research in the United States was

banned in the mid 1960's and stayed dormant for decades, human administration research

was renewed in the early 1990's, and there are still a number of researchers and

organizations interested in understanding and exploring the potential benefits of

psychedelics (De Rios & Janiger, 2003; Griffiths, Richards, Johnson, McCann, & Jesse,

2008). Unlike many tribal hunting-and-gathering societies where every adult male had at

least one psychedelic experience in his lifetime (De Rios & Janiger, 2003), psychedelic

experiences are not an organized and guided ritualistic aspect in our society today. Many

individuals still have psychedelic experiences; however, these experiences do not tend to have the same amount of supervision and often lack a guide. Stuart (2004) reports that the majority of modern adolescents exploring psychoactive substances do so individually without any supervision. The role of a guide is imperative in ancient psychedelic rituals and is found in current institutions that utilize psychedelics within a religious context.

This movement away from supervision and guidance in individuals participating in psychedelic experiences was investigated in the current study.

This study explored the relationship between psychedelic drugs and spiritual experiences. It examined self-reports of individuals who have had psychedelic experiences, and analyzed the perceived effects, both immediate and lasting, on these individuals. The vast majority (about 95%) of Americans retain a belief in a spiritual reality (Miller & Thoresen, 2003). These researchers proposed that research on spirituality has been neglected due to the assumptions that spirituality cannot and should 3

not be studied scientifically. With such a great majority of the American population

affected by spirituality, it is important to explore how psychedelics impact

spiritual/religious factors in individuals and society. This project discussed the

components of both spirituality and religion and attempted to understand whether

psychedelic mushroom experiences can facilitate spiritual/religious experiences. It also

explored the different set and setting factors associated with mystical experiences.

Literature Review

Spirituality

Throughout recorded history, and likely since the beginning of time, humankind has assumed that our existence and reality is not restricted to the sensory and material world (Miller & Thoresen, 2003). Spirituality and religion comprise another source of reality that many individuals experience, and has been described as the most important

source of strength and direction in some of their lives (Miller & Thoresen, 2003).

William James (1985) wrote, "... The word 'religion' cannot stand for any single principle or essence, but is rather a collective name" (p. 30). Religion is a vague term, which could represent any number of meanings. This makes it impossible to give it a standard definition on which every group can agree. The difficulty in defining religion is universalizing a word to represent a subject which is responsible for identifying almost all of the differing worldviews.

The most useful definition of religion for our purposes is "the feelings, acts, and experiences of individual men in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to 4

stand in relation to whatever they may consider the divine1" (James, 1985, p. 34).

Divine, in this sense, does not insist on a transcendent being as its source, nor does it

eliminate the possibility of the transcendent. Religion is a response, in this definition, to

the source of a higher power or the divine; it is the total reaction of life, which is present

in every person, in which the person finds ultimate meaning. The subject's sense of

divinity does not necessarily have to correlate with God or a transcendent being; it is

even possible that this subject might deny any sort of religiosity and still be acting in a

"religious" manner. "Between transcendent and response; between Creator and creature;

between ultimately real and the individual person lies all the diversity that is religion"

(Hood, 1995, p. 569). Psychologists focus on the human response to the transcendent or

divine and how this response impacts the individual or the collective group. Personal

experience is a crucial factor in the development of religious beliefs.

It is important here to note that these authors are really identifying the spiritual aspect of religion. In understanding the difference between religion and spirituality, one must observe the focus of each of these constructs. Religious factors often focus on

"prescribed beliefs, rituals, and practices as well as social institutional features" (Miller &

Thoresen, 2003, p. 6). Spiritual factors differ from religious factors because they focus more on the individual's personal and subjective experience (Miller & Thoresen, 2003).

Although these subjective experiences may sometimes be shared with others, the focus is different from religion in the sense that spirituality is a personal journey. Murray and

Footnote1 James utilized the word "men" in this quote to refer to mankind, as this was the common terminology at the time that his book was written. This author understands this term to include both men and women. 5

Zentner (1989) proposed that spirituality is greater than religion, stating:

Spirituality is a quality that goes beyond religious affiliation, that strives for

inspirations, reverence, awe, meaning and purpose, even in those who do not

believe in any God. The spiritual dimension tries to be in harmony with the

universe, strives for answers about the infinite, and comes into focus when the

person faces emotional stress, physical illness or death, (p. 259)

The definition of spirituality differs among people due to variables of ethnicity, gender, class, and culture, and the common thread found in spirituality is that "there is a connection with a power greater than oneself which transcends temporality and the five senses" (Gotterer, 2001, p. 187). Spirituality is complex and involves an individual's personal philosophical beliefs. Spirituality has different connotations for different religions and atheists, and different cultures view the world, nature, and spirit quite differently (Carroll, 2001). Carroll (2001), citing Taylor et al. (1995), suggested

"religion is a narrow concept and is associated with codified beliefs about the meaning of life and the universe and is expressed through rituals and practices" (p. 83). The notion of spirituality, on the other hand, has a broader definition and focuses on a search for existential meaning. Spirituality may or may not be expressed through religion and is a force that "impels humans forward into living" (p. 83.) John Aiken (1971) suggested:

The word 'spiritual'...refers to that non-material reality that underlies material

reality; the depths of our being, as distinguished from the surface manifestation;

the awareness of ourselves as Being, or Life, rather than as the body or the

personality in which that life is expressing itself, (p. 167) 6

Spirituality cannot be easily defined, but most definitions include references to

motivation and experience (Thoresen, 1999). The motivation to seek meaning and

purpose may or may not involve the Sacred, and transcendent, unitive, or transpersonal

experience, and gives us a sense of connection that is beyond our individual selves

(Hartz, 2006). Hartz (2006) stated:

Such experiences are amoral: a person's experience of self-transcendence may be

what others would regard as 'good' or 'evil'. Spiritual experience can have a

demonic side, which has been neglected in most secular discussions of

spirituality. Whether a spiritual experience is deemed 'good', 'bad', or 'neutral'

depends upon how one evaluates the meaning and values that frame it. (p. 4)

The word spiritual is complex and cannot be completely operationally defined

because it "includes but transcends particular religions and particular kinds of religious

experience;... 'spirituality' is an experience of whole persons and whole groups and

communities and involves emotional and physical aspects of human experience as well as

cognitive aspects" (Jernigan, 2001, p. 417). Jernigan (2001) maintained that spirituality

continues to develop with age, and the context may change due to the variety of

experiences that people encounter in their lifetime. For example, elderly people may

experience retirement in a number of ways. They may experience more freedom while

also experiencing a number of losses and limitations that coincide with that freedom.

These individuals may identify spirituality as a way to increase quality of life as they begin to identify meaning and values, and cope with losses. Gotterer (2001) stated that

"spirituality often implies an intuitive knowing that there is meaning and order to the flow of life's events" (pp. 187-188). 7

Spirituality is intangible, and can only be explored through "reaching the inner

recesses of the mind" (Carroll, 2001, p. 84). Carroll (2001) asserted that individuals

achieve spirituality through being guided by their experiences rather than by following

inherited principles or taken-for-granted concepts. The concept of spirituality is

complex, has many dimensions, and "is not adequately defined by any single continuum

or by dichotomous classifications" (Miller & Thoresen, 2003, p. 6). These authors stated

that the term religion refers to an "organized social entity," and Smith (1994) maintained

that one of the historic purposes of religion is to explore spirituality.

Spirituality is often defined in contrast to religion and the movement toward

spirituality may be due to a trend toward deinstitutionalization and individualization

(Pargament, 2000). Pargament (2000) maintained that spirituality is "the most central

function of religion" having to do with "however people think, feel, act, or interrelate in

their efforts to find, conserve, and if necessary, transform the sacred in their lives" (p.

12). Furthermore, he argued that spirituality is connected to the sacred and proposed that

religion is more of a broadband construct that is more encompassing than spirituality.

Unlike many researchers he maintained that spirituality is a narrower concept than

religion.

Hill, Pargament, Hood, McCullough, Swyers, Larson and Zinnbauer (2000)

identified common characteristics between religion and spirituality. These authors stated that although the term spirituality has more recently become favored over the term religion, the sense of the sacred is the central experience that both terms value. Hill et al.

(2000) reported that, "The Sacred is a person, an object, a principle, or a concept that transcends self (p. 64). Durkheim (1965) contended that society teaches us what is 8 considered sacred and that every society has sacred objects. His teachings asserted that spirituality and each person's definition of sacred are influenced by culture and society

(Hill et al., 2000). Through this perspective, Paden (1992) stated:

Certain objects become laden with value placed on them by the group, whereas

for those outside the circle of the community they are not sacred at all. Their

holiness is relative to the community they serve. If Buddhists 'take refuge in the

Buddha, the Teachings and the Community,' Christians seek membership in

Christ and His Church, Jews are at home in the Torah recorded by Moses, and

Muslims submit to the Holy Qur'an as revealed through the Prophet Muhammed.

(p. 31)

Sacredness must be able to take on divine attributes (Hill et al., 2000). In order to elucidate this line of reasoning, these researchers gave the example of one individual's perception of sacredness in parenting. This example stated that although a religious person may not see his or her children as sacred, this person may see the role of being a parent as a sacred obligation given by God. This example illustrated the social and cultural influence of sacredness, and also pointed out the necessity for sacredness to take on divine attributes.

According to Hill et al. (2000), sacredness involves a search process. These authors stated, "Many religious traditions and contemporary approaches to spirituality emphasize the responsibility, even the struggle, of the individual to seek that which is sacred" (p.67). They further declared that sacredness does not impose itself on an individual; rather, sacredness is found through a manner of investigating that involves identifying the sacred, articulating what one has identified as sacred, "maintaining the 9

sacred within the individual's religious or spiritual experience", and transforming or

modifying "the sacred through the search process" (p. 67). In the search for the sacred

there are three domains of human existence that are identified: emotional/feeling,

cognitive/rational, and behavioral/way of living. The emotional domain of human

existence is characterized by an emotional experience as one encounters the "holy." The

cognitive domain reflects individual thoughts about one's purpose or the nature of reality.

The behavioral domain is identified by how one "behaves in the search for the sacred"

(Hill et al., 2000, p. 68). People searching for the sacred may utilize any combination of

these approaches, and likely all three domains will be affected.

Marty and Appleby (1991) identified a multifaceted view of religion, which has

many commonalities with spirituality. These authors contended that religion focuses on

the ultimate concerns of people and provides personal and social identity. They argued

that religion also entails behavioral patterns and encourages the practice of specific

religious expressions. This adherence to religious expressions is used as a differentiating

factor for multiple researchers (Carroll, 2001; Hill et al., 2000; Jernigan, 2001;

Pargament, 1999) when addressing perspectives on religion and spirituality. Jernigan

(2001) stated "Spirituality is the organization (centering) of an individual and collective

life around dynamic patterns of meanings, values, and relationships that are trusted to make life worthwhile (or, at least livable) and death meaningful" (p. 418). He went on to

state that cultural and religious traditions influence the meanings and organization of individual and collective lives. Jernigan argued that these patterns of meanings, values, and relationships are passed from generation to generation as a way of developing spirituality. 10

Although there are many differing definitions of religion and spirituality, there is one consistent viewpoint that appears to have been agreed upon: religion may include spirituality and spirituality may include religion. Aspects of spirituality cannot be operationally defined because these aspects of spirituality transcend words, and no words capture all aspects of this phenomenon (Jernigan, 2001). The purpose of this paper is to look at the search for meaning found in religion or spirituality and will avoid the controversy between terminologies by using the terms interchangeably. The focus will be on the individual process for seeking understanding, direction, personal transcendence, and the search for existential meaning in relation to the sacred through emotions, attitudes, and belief systems. This may or may not include rites of passages, and organizational traditions or practices, and will often be influenced by a person's culture.

Entheogenic, Psychedelic, and Hallucinogenic Terminology

Mind-altering drugs that produce changes in the ordinary functioning of consciousness have been called by a number of names throughout history including: hallucinogens, psychotomimetics, psycholytics, delirients, delusionogens, psychedelics, and entheogens (Stafford, 1992). To better understand the function of these substances, it is important to look at the history of terminology associated with them.

The term psychotomimetic (psychosis-mimicking) was originally used to describe what we now call psychedelic or entheogenic drugs. This term was coined in the first decade after the discovery of LSD, when researchers had the impression that these drugs mimicked deranged and psychotic states (Stafford, 1992). Ruck, Bigwood, Staples, Ott, and Wasson (1980) argued that, for the most part, the researchers who had described the 11

effects of psychedelic drugs as psychotomimetic had not had personal experience with

them.

Aldous Huxley, who had experience taking mescaline in the 1950's, believed that

he had experienced something similar to a mystical experience (Stafford, 1992). Huxley

and researcher Humphry Osmond had a regular correspondence from which Osmond

developed the term psychedelic, which came from the Greek words psyche (soul) and

delein (to make manifest), or deloun (to show or reveal). This term was then later

adopted by the Harvard psilocybin researchers, but due to associations with the

counterculture of the 1960's and the drug abuse that occurred during this time,

researchers have been somewhat hesitant to utilize this term (Metzner, 2004; Ruck et al.,

1979).

Hallucinogen is another commonly-used older term referring to substances that

create a psychedelic state (Stafford, 1992), however it was initially rejected by the

investigators who had experienced these substances because it was clear that they do not

produce hallucinations in the sense of illusions. Metzner (2004) argued that instead of

seeing illusions, one sees both the objects of the ordinary sense world, as well as a "range

of energies and phenomena" that are not normally seen (p. 4). Although Metzner (2004)

discussed the inconsistencies with the terminology, he asserted that the term

hallucinogenic would be appropriate because the original meaning of the Latin word

alucinare, from which hallucination is derived, means to "roam or wander in one's

mind." Stafford (1992) stated that there is some truth to the characterization of psychedelics as hallucinogens because, especially with eyes closed, users often see

visions. Ruck et al. (1978) stated that this term is not adequate because it is inherently 12

jugemental. These authors wrote, "The verb 'hallucinate,' however, immediately

imposes a value judgment upon the nature of the altered perceptions, for it means 'to be

deceived or entertain false notions" (p. 145). These authors argued that this term cannot

allow us to discuss the states that numerous people believe they attain through ingestion

of these drugs.

Another term that has been proposed to refer to substances that produce

psychedelic experiences is entheogen, meaning connected to the sacred within (Metzner,

2004; Ruck et al. 1979). This term was proposed by Ruck et al. in 1979, and describes

".. .states of shamanic and ecstatic possession induced by ingestion of mind-altering

drugs" (p. 146). Ruck et al. (1979) asseverated that the Greek word ".. .entheos means

literally 'god (theos) within,' and was used to describe the condition that follows when

one is inspired and possessed by the god that has entered one's body" (p. 146). These

authors declared that the word entheos "in combination with the Greek root gen-, which

denotes the action of 'becoming," results in the new term entheogen (p. 146).

Entheogens are "...a key to shamanism and the Mystery religions;..the use of these

entheogens goes back as far as history, linguistics, and archaeology can carry us, and we

must assume further" (Wasson, 1980, p. 224). Although the term entheogen is preferred

for this study because it evades the negative association with the drug abuse of the 1960's

and avoids being judgmental of these transcendent states, the terms psychedelic and

hallucinogenic will also be utilized interchangably, due to their presence in the literature.

Schultes and Hofmann (1979) divided psychoactive drugs into four categories: 1)

analgesics and euphorics, 2) sedatives and tranquilizers, 3) hypnotics, and 4) hallucinogens or psychotomimetics. These researchers indicated that the majority of 13 these substances modify only the mood by stimulating or calming it, but the category of hallucinogens "produces deep changes in the sphere of experience, in perception of reality, even of space and time and in consciousness of self (p. 13). Schultes and

Hofmann (1979) maintained:

The psychic changes and abnormal consciousness induced by hallucinogens are

so far removed from similarity with ordinary life that it is impossible to describe

them in the language of daily living. A person under the effects of a hallucinogen

forsakes his familiar world and operates under other standards, in strange

dimensions and in a different time. (p. 14)

Most entheogenic substances fall into one of nine main compound clusters in which each of the components of the cluster is unique (Stafford, 1992). The nine clusters include: (1)

The LSD family, (2) Peyote, Mescaline, and San Pedro, (3) Marijuana and Hashish, (4)

Psilocybin Mushrooms, (5) Nutmeg and MDA, (6) DMT, DET, DPT, and other short- acting tryptamines, (7) Ayahuasca, Yage, and Harmaline, (8) Iboga and Ibogaine, and (9)

Fly Argaric, Panther Caps, and "Soma" Although the substances in each of these categories are exclusive, there are common effects of entheogens. Individuals initially reach a "high plateau" shortly after the onset of action with these substances and this lasts for the first quarter to third of a psychedelic experience. After the plateau, the intensity of the experience builds up to the peak, which often occurs around halfway through the experience. In the second half of the experience, effects tend to gradually diminish and the individual continues to have mental stimulation for some time (Stafford, 1992).

Another common effect of psychedelics is that individuals have a sharp and detailed memory of their experience and feelings of elation are common and may 14

continue for over a day after the end of the experience (Stafford, 1992). Stafford (1992)

argued that no matter the duration of the experience, one's scope of awareness is

widened. He stated, "The environment perceived during ordinary states of mind isn't

altered, but the perception of it is" (p. 11). This perceptual transformation of the external

world is temporary, but the insights provided by it are often significant and lasting.

Stafford further remarked that during a psychedelic experience, thoughts ".. .seem to

occur simultaneously on several 'levels'—a dramatic demonstration of the mind's ability

to resonate at different frequencies. The linear nature of ordinary thought is replaced

with a more intuitive, holistic, and 'holographic' approach to understanding reality" (p.

12). He argued that this distinctive approach to understanding does not add to our

consciousness, but rather surfaces parts of our consciousness that have been dormant

throughout most of our lives.

Whether these compounds are termed psychedelic, hallucinogenic, or

entheogenic, the common ground is that these substances produce changes in the ordinary

functioning of consciousness (Stafford, 1992). The easiest way to distinguish a

compound as psychedelic is if it "induces enlargements in the scope of mind, and that these enlargements or new perceptions are influenced and focused by the user's 'mind

set' and by the 'session setting'"(Stafford, 1992, p. 10).

Role of Set and Setting.

Entheogenic drugs produce different effects in individuals which have been found to be parially due to the environment in which the drugs are taken and the mental state of the user. Since psychedelics have been studied there has been a great variation in individual experiences which is has been found to be partially accounted for by the 15 individual's mindset during the experience and the setting in which the individual partook in the drug (Cortright, 1997; Oss and Oeric, 1986; McKenna & Mckenna, 1975; Metzner,

2004; Stafford, 1992). Mary Barnard (1962) reported on how the external environment can affect individuals when taking psychedelic substances:

The effect of peyote or hallucinogenic mushrooms taken ceremonially to the

accompaniment of drums, songs, or the hypnotic chant of the shaman demanding

the descent of the spirit is naturally different from that produced in a laboratory or

office while a doctor sits beside his subject with a notebook, (p. 250)

The subjective effects of psilocybin can be at least partially accounted for by differences in the pre-existing mental state of the user, as well as by features of the immediate environment (Nichols, 2006). Every psychedelic experience is a mixture of three ingedients: the drug, the set, and the setting (Smith, 2003). Cortright (1997) discussed the importance of set and setting and stated that set refers to the "psychological expectations, hopes, fear, moods, intentions, and mind set that people approach the experience with," while setting refers to the "physical environment, as well as the interpersonal and emotional environment in which the drug is taken" (p. 186).

The mind set or set refers to user's "attitudes, preparations, preoccupations and feeings toward the drug and toward other people in attendance at a psychedelic session"

(Stafford, 1992, p. 10). Setting consitutes a complex set factors in the immediate surroundings of a session that include environmental aspects such as time of day, sounds or music, and weather. Cortright (1997) expanded on Stafford's definition of set and setting and maintained that the psychedelic experience grows into how the person approaches the experience inwardly (set), and explained that the interpersonal and emontional evironments factor into the experience (setting). Baker (2005) identified long 16 and short-term factors that condition an individual's set. He labeled the short term factor the "immediate set" and stated that these factors include the expectations that the user brings into the experience. Baker stated that the long-range factors include the basic personality traits as well as personal history of the user.

Baker (2005) discussed the role of culure in understanding the role of set and setting on psychedelic experiences. He declared that an additional perspective can be generated to understand why some psychedelic experiences are described as sacraments while others are characterized as sacramentals when set and setting are considered. To support his viewpoint, Baker stated, Psychedelic sacraments occur in ritual contexts that are embedded within a tradition. Here, a person's initial psychedelic experience provides an initiation into key beliefs and values of the society, while subsequent experiences can both recall and reinforce those beliefs and values, (p. 185) He argued that psychedelic sacraments are akin to Christian baptism and Eucharist in the sense that they "promote an individual's identity within the group and affirm the core values of the core values of a society " (p. 185). The set of the individual in these sacraments is shaped by the cultural values and attitudes, and the setting often includes members who possess similar values and knowledge. Baker further argued that psychedelics produce a suggestible state which elders can exploit to convey cultural knowledge. In contrast, Baker attested that in the contexts of modern Western societies, the prevailing attitudes around psychedelic use tend to be negative and psychedelic experiences often run counter to these postures. Baker proclaimed that in these cultures psychedelic experiences were better described as sacramentals. In these societies a person's set will often be critical of some aspects of the society including the laws that prohibit psychedelic use. He, further, argued that the setting for these individuals will be different from those who use psychedelics in ritual settings because they do not typically promote identification 17

with the society at large. Baker held that the psychedelic experiences in this culture will "tend to emphasize issues related to a person's individual identity and concerns" (p. 186).

In 1963, Leary, Litwin, & Metzner attempted to understand the role of set and

setting on the effects of psilocybin. These researchers administered psilocybin to 175

subjects from various backgrounds in a naturalistic environment (a warm, supportive

environment that was free from distractions and set up similar to a comfortable living

room). Ninety-eight of those subjects were given questionnaires to assess the major

dimensions of the experience and the contribution of background and situational factors.

In this early study, individuals who reported having previous experience with

psychoactives, disclosed being more flexible, and had lower apprehension about taking

psilocybin had more pleasant experiences than those who did not. Group size, dosage,

preparation, and expectancy were important determinants of the drug response (Leary et

al., 1963). Larger group (over eight) were seen as rejecting and less supportive by the

subjects and their experiences were less pleasant. On the other hand, smaller groups (less

than six) were seen as more supportive and subjects reported having more positive

reactions to the drug. These researchers also maintained that psychedelics including

psilocybin likely heighten suggestibility, which increases the response of an individual to

interpersonal interactions and to stimuli in the environment.." Leary et. al (1963) also

reported that dosage was related to duration of effect and to amount of learning or insight.

Examining creativity during psychedelic drug experiences, Berge (1999)

corroborated Leary et al.'s (1963) findings that dosage, set, and setting were instrumental

in determining the outcome of an experiment. Berge, an art historian, reviewed a number of European studies focused on investigating the role of psychedelics on artists' creativity. The studies utilized LSD, mescaline, and psilocybin; however Berge noted 18 that the researchers did not always take into account three factors that were of great importance to the success of an experiment in creativity: dosage, set, and setting. He highlighted the German study, conducted by Richard Hartmann, where LSD was administered to about 50 artists over a two-year period, and discussed the shortcomings of the experiment including the researcher giving dosages that were too high, and providing an "unfit" setting. He stated that a negative environment that was experienced as hostile, as well as anxieties about having to perform before a camera, limited artists' abilities to operate. He also maintained that the set, or expectations that a subject brought into the experiment was critical in whether or not the experiment was a success or failure.

For example, some of the artists in the Hartman study were anxious about their artistic credibility and sought to show themselves immune to the effects of the drug. This mindset may have restricted the artists' creativity and the overall ability to explore the effects of the drug.

In addition to dosage, set and setting, Leary et al. (1963) proposed that in a clinical setting the expectations of the investigator may have a profound impact on the subject, both through the kind of preparation the researcher provides and thorough the kind of setting and interpersonal interaction he arranges for. Metzner, Litwin, and Weil

(1965) explored the pre-experiment expectations of 82 participants who were administered psilocybin and correlated them with post-drug responses. Variables including the environment in which the drug was taken, the subjective set of the subject both prior to ingestion and after the experience, and pre-drug moods were assessed through a specifically designed questionnaire. Results indicated that the expectations of both the subject and the researcher can "exert a considerable influence on the nature of 19 the drug reactions" (Metzner et al., 1965, p. 4). Positive expectations in participants produced positive and educational psilocybin experiences, while negative and anxious experiences were produced in participants who were anxious about taking the drug or were preoccupied with other thoughts (Metzner et al, 1965).

When looking at the role of expectation of the researcher, Metzner et al. (1965) hypothesized that some of the divergence in results around hallucinogenic drugs can be attributed to experimenter bias, which they argue is almost impossible to eliminate from human experiments. For example, Metzner et. al. (1965) suggested that researchers who administered hallucinogenic drugs to individuals in a psychiatric hospital with precautions appropriate to psychosis were likely to consider hallucinogenic drugs to be psychotomimetic, where researchers who explored drug effects in a setting such as a religious ceremony were likely to have much different results. This body of research has led to conducting double-blind experiments with psilocybin to decrease the role of experimenter bias (Griffiths, Richards, McCann, & Jesse, 2006; Pahnke, 1966). These double-blind experiments will be discussed in a later section.

Psychedelic Drugs and Culture

It is important to address the extent to which culture determines the effects of psychedelic drugs on humans. Human psychedelic drug research was outlawed in the

United States in mid 1960s, and human-based research was not resumed until the early

1990's (De Rios, & Jangier, 2003; Griffiths et al., 2006). The inactivity of human research during these decades made it important to explore anthropological reports of psychedelic practices among indigenous people, and the reports of individuals who utilize psychedelics within the context of protected religious institutions (De Rios & Janiger, 20

2003; Johnson, Richards, & Griffiths, 2008). Marlene Dobkin de Rios is a medical anthropologist who has specialized in studying psychedelics throughout a variety of cultures and maintained that plant psychedelics have played an important role throughout human history and prehistory, while Oscar Janiger is known for his experiments that explored the spiritual and creative process associated with LSD. De Rios and Jangier

(2003) asserted that even with effort, culture cannot be factored out of psychedelic experiences. These authors highlighted the magnitude of culture on any particular individual and on all aspects of human behavior. They stated that culture is

"demonstrable in the gait with which we walk, in the language we speak, in the emotions we feel, in the food that we taste and the odors we smell, in the music we like" (p. 152).

Throughout history humans have used substances to alter their states of consciousness, searching for means to reduce pain, alter moods, enhance senses, explore feelings, escape boredom, treat mental illness, and stimulate creativity. Many of the drugs available in contemporary life have antecedents in plants that have existed for hundreds of millions of years (Inaba & Cohen, 2000). For centuries, shamans have been known for their knowledge and utilization of plants to induce mystical states. This section will explore the consumption of psychedelics to facilitate spiritual/mystical experiences and the cultural impact on societies' perspectives around psychedelics.

According to Inaba & Cohen (2000), the use of psychedelics likely spans back to the origin of man due to the fact that many are found in plants. Psychedelics have been associated with ceremonial and religious uses found with Neanderthal men and women, progressing through shamans, witches, healers, all the way to contemporary individuals.

These researchers reported that the use of mescaline dates back to 1300 B.C., and was 21 utilized by a Chavin temple to facilitate communications with supernatural beings.

Ancient Greek and medieval European literature refers to psychedelic mold found in ergot, and historians suspected that it was being used to communicate with the gods.

These researchers also noted that when Columbus arrived in the Americas, the indigenous Mexican Indians were using peyote cactus, psilocybin mushrooms, and ololiuqui seed for sacred ceremonies. Missionaries wrote that these North American

Indians were utilizing these plants to communicate with the devil.

The cultural biases of early European and American scholars, travelers, missionaries, and botanists hindered our knowledge about the cultural contexts in which hallucinogens were used (De Rios, 1984). De Rios (1984) argues that early anthropologists avoided discussing the use of mind-altering plants because of the attitudes of their own societies, and because of the ritual secrecy inherent in the utilization of psychedelics in these cultures. She also maintains that mind-altering plants in non-Western societies have had a greater impact than was first imagined, and these psychedelic plants have influenced both human evolution and ethical and moral systems.

The term psychotropic is employed as a synonym to psychedelic, and this term is utilized by professionals in scholarly circles to represent substances "which cause psychological change or modify mental activity either by the use of a plant or else by a chemical synthesis" (De Rios, 1984, p. 5). The physiological effects of psychedelic drugs are diverse and variable, and similar effects can occasionally be produced through a variety of other substances, human activities, and physiological conditions (Grinspoon &

Bakalar, 1979). Psychedelic drugs do not have any common chemical structure, produce 22 diverse effects, and "their pharmacological mechanisms are poorly understood"

(Grinspoon & Bakalar, 1979, p. 8).

Although the effects of psychedelics can be diverse and variable, there is a cultural component commonly associated with these substances. Grinspoon and Bakalar

(1979) contrasted the alcohol drunk by bacchants in the rites of Dionysus in ancient

Greece and the alcohol drunk by the American sports enthusiast while watching television. These authors suggested that the alcohol drunk by bacchants in ancient

Greece might be considered a psychedelic drug, while the alcohol used by the American sports enthusiast is not. Grinspoon and Bakalar (1979) further suggested that although most common psychedelics can be divided according to their chemical structures, it is also important to examine the drug's cultural role along with its range of psychopharmacological effects.

When discussing mind-altering substances in Western society, it is almost impossible to avoid the negative connotations and assumptions that have been embedded into the thought processes of the general public. Dr. Timothy Leary advocated using psychedelic drugs in the 1960's to alter the mind, and is known for saying, "Turn on, tune in, and drop out" Around this time different groups began to experiment with LSD, including the psychiatric community and the Army. Currently, there has been an upsurge in the use of psychedelics partially due to the "rave" and club culture (Inaba & Cohen,

2000; Stafford, 1992). MDMA, LSD, and psilocybin mushrooms are some of the psychedelics on the rise within this culture.

It is important to look at how our culture affects our attitude on whether a mind-altering substance can have any potential positive attributes. 23

The fact of the matter is that the existence of any social problem, including the

use of alcohol and drugs, depends to a great extent on certain social definitions

held within a society. These definitions in turn depend on social attitudes and

behavioral norms, which are often reflected in and reinforced by law and

government regulations. Currently, considerable conflict exists within American

society concerning the appropriate use of drugs, and this conflict is manifested in

a lack of consensus about the very nature of the drug problem. (Scarpitti &

Datesman, 1980, p. 9)

Although the nature of drugs as a social problem is not the focus of this paper, it is important to note that the social attitudes and definitions held within societies do affect the research about and understanding of certain phenomena. Americans have been using vast amounts of chemicals at an ever-increasing rate, often to facilitate experiencing

"alternative psychic states" (Scarpitti & Datesman, p. 10). Some individuals use drugs for exploratory purposes. Much like rituals, the effects of a drug experience often produce altered states that can alter one's beliefs, behaviors, opinions, and understanding.

The experiences that result from psychedelic drug use are often described through religious or spiritual terms; however, Western societies do not readily accept drug- induced mystical experiences. Watts (1971) argued that states of consciousness induced by psychedelic drugs are virtually indistinguishable from genuine mystical experiences, and stated that our vocabulary is too vague to describe and discuss these types of experiences. Western societies resist accepting the idea of drug-induced mystical experiences, and that this has been revealed through our difficulty in describing these experiences in traditional religious vocabulary (Watts, 1971). Watts declared, "The Westerner must borrow such words as samadhi or moksha from the Hindus, or satori or kensho from the Japanese, to describe the experiences of oneness with the universe" (p.

138). According to Watts, the lack of vocabulary is due to the Western history of

Christian and Jewish theologies, which deny that an individual's inmost self can be identical with the Godhead. Therefore, he maintained that, "The Western man who claims consciousness of oneness with God or the universe thus clashes with his society's concept of religion" (p. 140). On the other hand, he pronounced that in most Asian cultures, such a man would be congratulated for having found the true meaning of life.

Watts (1971) suggested that the Western cultural tradition has a fascination with the value and virtue of man as an individual who controls himself through conscious effort and will without using drugs. Interestingly, the literature on shamanism noted that the movement from the ordinary state of consciousness into an altered state of consciousness is performed through conscious effort and will by a shaman, with or without the utilization of entheogenic drugs. The Western culture's misunderstanding of the conscious effort required for shamans to enter altered states of consciousness may be due to what Laughlin, McManus, and d'Aquili (1992) called "monophasic consciousness." This term refers to the lack of consideration of other possible forms of consciousness. Western culture tends to deny the possibility of multiple forms of consciousness and has gone as far as calling altered states of consciousness a regression to an infantile state (Winkelman, 2000).

Human cultures have viewed psychedelics as a double-edged sword, which on one edge can "provide access to authentic spiritual realms," and on the other edge can potentially deceive individuals (De Rios & Janiger, 2003, pp. 154-155). De Rios and 25

Janiger (2003) stated, "In the rational world of European/American heritage there is no spirit realm to access, so psychedelics are seen merely as tricksters of the mind" (p. 155).

In sum, psychedelic drug use has been stigmatized in Western culture, and the anthropological reports and scientific research have been affected by our ethnocentricity.

However, the possibilities for spiritual enlightenment through the use of psychedelic drugs and altered states of consciousness have been demonstrated in shamanistic cultures.

Present-day Oaxacan Indians attested that the sacred mushrooms were bestowed by God because God needed to speak to them directly and they were illiterate (Stafford, 1992).

In order to more completely understand the influence that psychedelic drugs have had on spirituality, it is important to investigate these cultures. Shamans have utilized psychedelic drugs to facilitate spiritual experiences for thousands of years and connection between shamanism and these substances will be explored in the next section.

Shamanism

The practice of shamanism has existed throughout recorded history and since the beginning of time shamans have responded to life needs of individuals (Matthews, 1995).

McKenna and McKenna (1975) stated, "...of all the diverse religious institutions which man has elaborated since before the beginning of recorded history, that of shamanism is one of the most singular and is probably one of the most archaic as well (p. 8).

Long before there were science-based health care professions, people were served

by culturally defined healers. The functions of healing were often blended with

those of spiritual leadership within the community, as in the native shaman, the

Mexican curandero and curandera, and pilgrimage shrines such as those at

Lourdes and at Chimayo, New Mexico. (Miller & Thoresen, 2003, p. 3) Preindustrial and indigenous societies that lacked the technology of modern medicine turned to the shaman to work as a doctor, priest, mystic and poet (McKenna & McKenna,

1975). In discussing the history of shamanism, Walsh (2001) asserted:

Shamanism is one of humankind's most venerable traditions and includes

medical, psychotherapeutic, and religious elements. It has endured for tens of

thousands of years, spread around the world, and even today remains a vital

practice in many cultures. Shamans were the first people known to devise a

technology to systematically modify and explore consciousness and to use altered

states of consciousness for healing, (p. 32)

The term shaman is derived from the word saman in language of the Tungus people of Siberia, and its origin in the English language is borrowed from German

(Harner, 1990; McKenna & McKenna, 1974; Walsh, 1990; Winkelman, 2000). The original meaning of the word saman in the Tungus language is "one who is excited, moved, raised" (Walsh, 1990). Walsh (1990) asserts that the term may have been derived from "an ancient Indian word meaning 'to heat oneself or practice austerities' or from a

Tungus verb meaning 'to know'" (p. 8). Walsh (1990) cited Shirokogoroff (an early explorer of the Tungus people) who stated:

In all Tungus languages this term (saman) refers to persons of both sexes who

have mastered spirits, who at their will can introduce these spirits into themselves

and use their power over the spirits in their own interests, particularly helping

other people, who suffer from the spirits, (p. 9)

Walsh (1990) further maintains that no matter the origin, anthropologists have widely adopted the term to refer to "specific groups of healers in diverse cultures" (p.8). This 27 term is preferred by anthropologists because it lacks the negative connotations of

"witch," "witch doctor," "sorcerer," "medicine man," and "wizard" (Harner, 1973,

1990). A shaman can be defined as "a man or woman who enters an altered state of consciousness-at will- to contact and utilize an ordinarily hidden reality in order to acquire knowledge, power, and to help other persons" (Harner, 1990, p. 20). Eliade

(1964) equated shamanism with ecstasy. He stated, "The shaman specializes in a trance during which his soul is believed to leave his body and ascend to the sky or descend to the underworld" (p. 5). Shamanism refers to any set of practices that involves going into an altered state of consciousness for divination or healing (Harner, 1973).

Walsh (2001) declared that there are three "key features" to shamanism. The first is that shamans voluntarily enter into altered states of consciousness. Secondly, shamans experience a "journey" into other realms in these altered states of consciousness. The final key feature is that these individuals utilize the "journeys" to acquire knowledge or power, and to help individuals in their community. Walsh also asserts that two other features of shamanism need to be considered including "the shaman's interaction with spirits", and the shaman's "contact with an ordinarily hidden reality" (p. 11). Shamans are said to utilize spirits that are at their command. They enter into a controlled altered state of consciousness (ASC) and utilize this ASC to journey into realms that are not ascertainable in the normal state of consciousness (Walsh, 2001).

Harner (1990) called this state the Shamanic State of Consciousness (SSC) and contrasts it with the Ordinary State of Consciousness (OSC). The SSC involves both a

"trance" or transcendent state of awareness, and a component that is learned while in an altered state of consciousness, including shamanistic methods and assumptions. While in 28 the SSC, shamans begin to perceive a "nonordinary reality" that is purposefully entered to accomplish the work that they have set out to execute. Shamans enter the SSC as a way of contacting the supernatural and as specialists they become "seers" enabling them to become enlightened. Harner (1990) stated, "shamanic enlightenment is the literal ability to lighten the darkness to see in that darkness what others cannot perceive" (p. 22).

Shamans may access the SSC through a variety of means: psychedelic drugs, chanting, fasting, whirling, flagellation and self-torture, breathing exercises, yogic meditation, ritual dancing, and drumming (Harner, 1973).

Although shamans operate in the SSC a minority of the time, this state of consciousness is one defining characteristic of these healers. The SSC is considered to be a light trance, which shamans can remember when they return back to the OSC.

Shamans are noted to be in control of their state of consciousness and vacillate between the SSC and OSC (Peters & Price-Williams, 1980). They are two distinct realities to these healers, and because shamanism is only a part-time activity and shamans only enter the SSC to perform shamanistic tasks, they must follow the precepts of shamanism when engaged in that work, and the precepts of ordinary reality when engaged in other activities. The ability of shamans to operate successfully in both types of reality has been noted as evidence of power (Harner, 1990).

Shamans purposefully move back and forth between each state of consciousness depending on which is appropriate for the situation. For example, if shamans are engaged in economic, social, or political affairs, they will stay in the OSC. When they are called to heal a person, shamans will move into the SSC. Master shamans are aware of which reality is appropriate for each situation, and vacillate between the two realities 29 in order to fully exercise their potential. The distinction between SSC and OSC may or may not be discernable by an outsider, but what is definite is that some degree of alteration of consciousness is necessary to the practice of shamanism (Harner, 1990).

The SSC is a state in which shamans experience what could otherwise be considered fantasy. When these individuals are in the SSC, they experience animals, plants, humans and other phenomena as real within the context of nonmaterial or nonordinary reality, whether or not these are experienced as real in the OSC (Harner,

1990). Therefore, it is possible that shamans may encounter and interact with forms in the SSC that are not visible when they are in the OSC. Shamans may interact with dragons or other entities in the SSC, but they view their experiences in this altered state of consciousness as an ultimate reality for which they have deep respect. Shamans enter the SSC with a great reverence for nature, which is seen as a facilitator of revelation that would not have otherwise been ascertained in an OSC. Harner (1990) stated, "the learned component of the SSC includes the ascription of full reality to the things one sees, feels, hears, and otherwise experiences in the altered state of consciousness" (p. 53).

Eliade (1964) maintained, "Shamans are of the "elect," and as such they have access to a region of the sacred inaccessible to other members of the community" (p. 7).

While shamans are in the SSC, their souls are believed to leave the body and travel upward into the sky or downward into the underworld. The shamans' souls take a journey to a place where they encounter spirits, animals, and other entities from which they learn or with whom they battle. These healers actively participate in a deeply religious and intense mystical experience during the SSC. It is through these trances that shamans cure, mediate between humans and their gods, and direct their community's religious life (Eliade, 1964).

The shamanistic practice of utilizing altered states of consciousness provides a dualistic viewpoint of consciousness (Winkelman, 2000). The SSC is different than an ordinary waking consciousness and is comparable to more recent theories on the unconscious. Winkelman (2000) contrasted waking consciousness with altered states of consciousness, and argued that Western civilization appreciates consciousness and devalues altered states of consciousness. From a Western perspective, consciousness is seen as a function of the left hemisphere of the brain and is responsible for rational, logical, and linear thinking. This perspective views altered states of consciousness as inferior processes. Winkelman (2000) proposed that shamanistic altered states of consciousness are arguably different from the usual characteristics of unconsciousness, pointing out the shaman's intentionality, self-awareness, and memory as features of the rational mind.

The utilization of hallucinogenic plants in shamanistic practice has been documented as an important aspect in facilitating the SSC. McKenna & McKenna

(1975) pointed out that shamans' use of narcotic plants is commonplace and can be found everywhere that these plants grow. These researchers argued that psychoactive substances are essential to the practice of shamanism:

The presence of psychoactive substances is a primary requirement for all true

shamanism, and...where such substances are not exogenously available as plants,

they must be endogenously available, either through metabolic predisposition to

their synthesis, as may occur in schizophrenia, or through the various techniques 31

of shamanism: dancing, drumming, singing, and the confrontations of situations

of stress and isolation, (p. 14)

"Classic shamanism" originates from the native Siberians of northeast Asia, where there is a relationship between shamanism and the psychedelic mushroom, fly- agaric (Harner, 1973). Although there is overwhelming evidence of the use of psychedelic substances, and anthropologists are beginning to pursue investigations on the use of these hallucinogens, theoretical literature has overlooked the use of hallucinogens, likely due to anthropologists' ethnocentrism (Harner, 1973). Non-literate societies often

"rely upon direct confrontation with the supernatural for evidence of religious reality"

(Harner, 1973, p. xi). Harner (1973) maintained that the use of hallucinogens allows individuals to encounter the supernatural and come face to face with overwhelming visions and experiences. Shamans have mastered these confrontations and often utilize psychedelic substances to facilitate their journeys.

Metzner (1998) identified five common features among indigenous societies that utilize hallucinogenic plants. The first feature involved "the role of the guide" (p. 337).

First, shamans act as a guide to those who are seeking healing or training, and often shape the experience through singing. The second feature is that "the experience can be healing" (p. 337). Metzner (1998) stated,

Shamanic healing experiences, with entheogens or other means, have three main

variations: one is the extraction of a toxin that may have been implanted by means

of sorcery; the second is the retrieval of a split-off psychic fragment or "soul";

and the third is the experience of being dismembered or destroyed, and then

reconstituted with a healthier, stronger "body." (p. 337) 32

The third feature is that the "experience can provide access to hidden knowledge" (p.

337). This is where shamans become "seers" and have visions, prophesize, and their experiences have an aspect of divination. The fourth feature is that "there is a feeling and perception of access to metaphysical realms or worlds" (p. 337). Harner (1973, 1990) referred to these metaphysical realms as nonordinary reality. The fifth feature entails

"the perception of non-material, normally invisible, spirit beings or entities" (Metzner,

1998, p. 338). Shamans are known for having certain spirits in their power and battle with other spirits while in the SSC.

The experiences of the altered states of consciousness that shamans enter into "are often associated with feelings of insight, understanding, integration, certainty, conviction, and truth, which surpass ordinary understanding and tend to persist long after the experience, often providing foundational insights for religious and cultural traditions

(Winkelman, 2000, p. 4). Although they do not typically enter into altered states of consciousness to facilitate understanding or to provide treatment, contemporary priests, psychotherapists, and doctors are all seen as modern day versions of the shaman.

Eliade (1964) identified the shaman as a specialist in the human soul, who has the ability to see it and know its form and destiny. In this sense, shamans can be considered the originators of modern day psychotherapy, and Walsh (2001) reported that shamans were pioneers in the field of consciousness studies. Jerome Frank (1961) discussed the role of shamanism in the development of current psychotherapy and stated "modern psychotherapies are rooted in two historical traditions of healing—the religio-magical and the naturalistic, or scientific" (p. 3). Frank further maintained that religious healing in both primitive and Western societies occurs in conjunction with naturalistic treatment 33 including manipulations, medicines, and surgeries. According to Frank, the healing rituals in shamanistic history were usually resorted to after other more simple methods had failed, and he asserted that Western philosophy parallels this sentiment.

In all cultures the treatment of illness has important emotional components, and all illnesses have "overtones of anxiety, despair, and similar emotions" (Frank, 1971, p.

39). Frank likened the primitive healing methods to contemporary psychotherapy stating:

Methods of primitive healing involve an interplay between patient, healer, group,

and the world of supernatural, which serves to raise the patient's expectancy of

cure, help him harmonize his inner conflicts, reintegrate him with his group and

the spirit world, supply a conceptual framework to aid this, and stir him

emotionally. In the process they combat his anxiety and strengthen his sense of

self-worth, (p. 53)

The healing power of the shamanistic procedures likely "lies in the patient's expectation of help, based on his perception of the shaman as possessing special healing powers, derived from his ability to communicate with the spirit world" (Frank, 1971, p. 46).

Frank's perspective indicated that primitive healing methods are similar to those of modern therapeutic processes with the exception that in contemporary psychotherapy the therapist does not, typically, enter into a "spirit world" to evoke change within the patient.

Parallel to group or family psychotherapy, shamans often conduct healing rituals that involve both the participation of the patient and members of the patient's family or tribe. Shamans do not only conduct brief group and individual sessions, but have also been found to have long-term patient-shaman relationships analogous to individual psychotherapy (Frank, 1971).

From shamans who enter into altered states of consciousness to heal individuals to the participants who experience drug-induced mystical states, it is apparent that mystical states have been found to be healing and the spiritual experiences that have been attained through these states may impact health in humans. The study of shamanism through anthropological reports is useful for understanding the correlation between psychedelic drugs and spirituality. Grof (1988) maintained that "more direct and obvious insights into the spiritual aspects of plants are related to those specimens that have been considered sacred and have been used ritually by different cultures and groups because of their psychedelic or entheogenic effects" (p. 60). Entheogens have been used in ceremonies to attain spiritual visions of the land, the dead, and for communication with spirits for healing and knowledge (Schultes and Hofmann, 1979). Metzner (2004) maintains that the practice of utilizing psilocybin mushrooms in shamanistic ceremonies has been ongoing for hundreds and perhaps thousands of years in Mesoamerica.

Psilocybin has aided shamans throughout time to attain the ASC and SSC. These mystical states have been found to be elicited by psilocybin mushrooms in shamanistic religious ceremonies, and will be discussed in the next section.

Psilocybin Mushroom History

Psilocybin or psilocybian mushrooms have been used in indigenous Mexican and

Central American cultures for centuries and the incorporation of a divine mushroom into religious ceremonies dates back to 1500 B.C. (United States Department of Justice,

1986). Although psilocybin mushrooms were first recorded during the coronation feast 35 of Montezuma in 1502 (United States Department of Justice, 1986), miniature mushroom stones serving as effigies of a mushroom deity have been found that date back to 1000

B.C. in Guatemala, Ecuador, and Southern Mexico (Metzner, 2004). Gordon Wasson, who was the first known North American to participate in a psilocybin mushroom ceremony, suggested that the accidental ingestion of some hallucinogenic plant, most likely a mushroom, was humankind's first encounter with religion (Metzner, 2004; Oss &

Oeric, 1991; Stafford, 1992; Wasson, 1980). Terence McKenna (1991) theorized that a mushroom religion was the "generic religion of human beings and that all later adumbrations of religion stem from the cult of ritual ingestion of mushrooms to induce ecstasy" (p. 153). Along the same line of reasoning, Mary Barnard wrote:

When we consider the origin of the mythologies and cults related to drug plants,

we should surely ask ourselves which, after all, was more likely to happen first:

the spontaneously generated idea of an afterlife in which the disembodied soul,

liberated from the restrictions of time and space, experiences eternal bliss, or the

accidental discovery of hallucinogenic plants that give a sense of euphoria,

dislocate the center of consciousness, and distort time and space, making them

balloon outward in greatly expanded vistas? A belief in the soul's reincarnation

would seem to me more plausible than the widespread idea of a souls continued

independent, disincarnate existence after it leaves the body, a concept usually

explained by night-dreaming or an irrational fear of the dead. Perhaps the old

theories are right, but we have to remember that the drug plants were there,

waiting to give men a new idea based on a new experience. The experience might

have had, I should think, an almost explosive effect on the largely dormant minds 36

of men, causing them to think of things they have never thought of before. This,

if you like, is direct revelation, (p 249)

Wasson, McKenna, and Barnard all hypothesize that plant psychedelics could be the catalyst to religion in human beings. Research also gives evidence that the aboriginal

Aztecs utilized psilocybin to communicate with God, and "Oaxacan Indians today claim that God gave them these sacred mushrooms because thy could not read and it was necessary for him to speak to them directly" (Stafford, 1992, p. 275)

Teonanacatl (flesh or food of the gods) was the name given to psilocybin mushrooms in the Nahuatl language of the Aztecs (Guzman, 2008; Metzner, 2004;

United States Department of Justice, 1986). Teonanacatl has been found in the earliest written documents produced in the Spanish New World (Guzman, 2008). Prior to the time of the Spanish Conquest, sacred mushrooms were utilized by shamans and were a

"major element in public celebrations" (Wasson, 1980, p. XVI). Wasson (1980) asserts that the Spanish Conquest put an end to the use of psilocybin mushrooms in the public celebrations, although the private shamanistic use of these mushrooms were continued.

Metzner (2004) maintains that the Spanish friars banned the use of the mushrooms in religious practices partly due to the name teonanacatl, or god's flesh. Metzner stated that the friars believed that this name made a mockery out of the Eucharistic communion in the Catholic Church and due to this the friars equated the mushroom ceremonies to devil worship. McKenna (1991) endorses this theory and maintains that the Franciscans believed that they had a monopoly on theology and pushed the mushroom religion into the mountains of Oaxaca. Due to the Spaniards suppressing usage of the mushroom in ceremonies there was a need to hide the ritual use of psilocybin, which, in turn, led to the disappearance of the sacred mushroom from literature (Guzman, 2008). In Oss and Oeric (1986), Terence

McKenna stated:

In the case of the Meso-American mushroom use, an ancient shamanic religion-of

which we know next to nothing—confronted a Spanish Catholicism whose

relatively advanced technology meant complete subjugation of the people,

complete breakdown of the ancient gnosis. Practitioners of the mushroom cult

were burned as heretics, (p. 14)

Guzman (2008) also hypothesized that due to the persecution of mushroom worship by the Catholic Church in the Spanish Colonial period, the mushroom ceremonies only persisted in groups that retreated to remote mountainous areas. He, further, stated that because the mushrooms disappeared from the literature, a leading American botanist in

1915 (Saffor) incorrectly theorized that the teonanacatl was misidentified and was not a mushroom at all. Staffer declared that the teonanacatl was actually the peyote cactus of

Mexico and the United States. In 1939, Richard Schultes, a renowned ethnobotanist, was given information by an Austrian physician (Bias Pablo Reko) that Mazatec Indians were using mushrooms in religious ceremonies. Schultes confirmed that teonanacatl was, in fact, a psychoactive mushroom (Guzman, 2008).

It was not until the 1950's that the true identity and nature of the use of the sacred mushrooms by the Mazatecs were finally revealed to Gordon Wasson and his wife,

Valentina Pavlovna (Guzman, 2008). Wasson was a banker, scholar, and amateur mycologist who spent time traveling the world in search of evidence to the connection between psychoactive mushrooms and the origins of religion (Metzner, 2004). Wasson and his wife Valentina began their interest in mushrooms when, during a walk in the

Catskill mountains, Valentina went off of the path to gather and eat wild mushrooms.

Wasson was very concerned that Valentina would be poisoned and the two realized that they had very different feelings on the subject of mushrooms. Stafford (1992) reported that this incident was the catalyst to a lifelong search of how different cultures viewed mushrooms. He explained that these two began searching museums, myths, legends, proverbs, history, poetry and other sources for references involving mushrooms. In their travels, Gordon Wasson and his wife Valentina found that different cultures were either mycophobic (mushroom-fearing) or mycophilic (mushroom-loving) (Metzner, 2004).

The Wassons devoted much of their leisure time over 30 years to "dissecting, defining, and tracing this difference until it led to the thesis.. .our European ancestors had worshiped a psychoactive mushroom, and that their descendants had divided according to whether the facinans (fascination) or the tremendum (fear) of its holy power predominated" (Smith, 2003, p. 54). Wasson and his wife hypothesized that there were cultures, as far back as 6000 years ago, that worshiped mushrooms. They also found evidence that the fly-agaric mushroom was used in Siberian shamanism, and theorized that this mushroom might have been the renowned soma in the Vedic religion (Metzner,

2004).

Smith (2003) discussed the historical evidence of India's sacred soma. He asserted that Soma was a god who appears to have been the most revered in the Vedic pantheon. Smith wrote, "His home was a plant, and in the holiest of rituals priests ingested the god by drinking a brew that was made from this plant Somewhere along the 39

way the plant's identity was lost" (p. 45). Smith maintained that Gordon Wasson found

evidence that the plant Soma was actually a mushroom (the Amanita muscaria) or "fly

agaric." He also suggested that Soma was not just forgotten or lost, but was actually

deliberately suppressed due to multiple possibilities: 1) that the Aryans were unable to

move the Soma because it was a high-altitude mushroom, and they moved down the

Gangetic plains; 2) because the substance may have started to be abused. Quality of the

Soma hymns appeared to have declined and some border on irreverence. The Brahmins needed to do whatever they could to prevent the abuse of the Soma, and India may have been "on the brink of a psychedelic mess like the one America created in the 1960's" (p.

62).

Twenty-five years after their search began, the poet Robert Graves wrote to the

Wassons, gave them information about Spanish chroniclers who had written about teonanacatl, and pointed out archeological evidence of mushroom stones discovered in

Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador. The Wassons contacted Richard Shultes who had written papers pinpointing the town of Huautla de Jimenez as a place to find psychedelic mushrooms. The Wassons took eight expeditions into the mountains of Mexico and searched for someone who would discuss the history of the sacred mushrooms. They were able to find people who would discuss the importance of the mushrooms to the

Oaxacan culture, but for years could not find someone who would allow them to partake in the mushroom ceremony (Stafford, 1992).

Gordon Wasson has been credited with rediscovering the ritual use of psilocybin mushrooms in contemporary Mexican Indian shamanistic cultures, and brought the practice to the attention of Western science (Guzman, 2008; McKenna, 1991; Metzner, 2004; United States Department of Justice, 1986). In 1956, Wasson was invited to participate in a psilocybin mushroom ritual by a Mexican curandera, Maria Sabina.

Sabina came from a lineage of shamanic healers that dated back to pre-Conquest times.

Wasson was the first non-Indian to take part in a sacred mushroom rite, and was the first scientist to consume psilocybin in a ritual context (Guzman, 2008; Metzner, 2004).

According to the United States Department of Justice (1986) Gordon Wasson (1957) described his experience after the mushroom ceremony:

The sacred mushrooms of Mexico seize hold of you with irresistible power. They

lead to a temporary schizophrenia, or pseudoschizophrenia, in which your body

lies, heavy as lead, on the petate, or mat, and you take notes and compare

experiences with your neighbor, while your soul flies off to the ends of the world

and, indeed, to other planes of existence. The mushrooms take effect differently

with different persons. For example, some seem to experience only a divine

euphoria, which may translate itself into uncontrollable laughter. In my case I

experienced hallucinations. What I was seeing was more clearly seen than

anything I had seen before. At last I was seeing with the eye of the soul, not

through the coarse lenses of my natural eyes. More-over, what I was seeing was

impregnated with weighty meaning: I was awe-struck, (p. 4-5)

In 1957, after Wasson participated in the psilocybin mushroom ceremony, he published an account of his experiences in Life magazine. Discussing this article,

Metzner (2004) wrote, "This opened Western minds and eyes to the incredible riches of knowledge and beauty in the ancient traditions of the sacred visionary mushroom" (p.

17). Wasson (1980) stated that following his article in Life magazine, "a mob of thrill- 41 mongers seeking the 'magic mushrooms' descended on Huautla de Jimnez" (XVI).

During the transformative 1960's thousands of hippies sought out these mushroom experiences to the dismay of Wasson and other researchers, who thought that this,

"cheapened and desacralized the religious dimensions of the mushroom experience"

(Metzner, 2004, p. 2).

After Wasson partook in the mushroom experience with Maria Sabina, he brought back samples of the psilocybin mushrooms and gave them to the chemist Albert

Hofmann, who is known for discovering lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD). Hofmann identified and synthesized the psychoactive ingredient in the mushrooms, naming it psilocybin after the Psilocybe mushroom (Metzner, 2004). In 1962, Wasson returned to

Mexico, and gave Maria Sabina the synthesized psilocybin pills. Maria Sabina confirmed that there was no difference between the synthesized pills and the naturally occurring psilocybin mushrooms. She was also grateful for the synthesized psilocybin because it would allow her to conduct her healings in the seasons in which mushrooms do not normally grow (Metzner, 2004). The exchange between the modern chemist and the shaman Maria Sabina "constituted a respectful completion of the cycle of discovery and an honoring of the ancestral roots of knowledge" (Metzner, 2004, p. 23).

One major beneficial consequence to Wasson's participation in the psilocybin mushroom ceremony is that he was able to bring samples of the mushroom back to the

United States to be studied and psilocybin and psilocin were identified as the active psychedelic agents in these mushrooms. The identification of psilocybin as the active compound in mushrooms led to numerous studies of this substance, including the 42

Harvard Psilocybin Project, the Pahnke "Good Friday Experiment," and Griffiths et al.'s

(2006) study on psilocybin and mystical experiences.

After Wasson published his account of his experience with the sacred mushroom ceremony, Harvard professor Timothy Leary, had his own experience with psilocybin mushrooms in Mexico (Metzner, 2004; Stafford, 1992). Leary reported that this incident produced the deepest religious experience of his life and prompted him to dedicate the rest of his career and life to exploring the "potentials of these substances for the understanding of the human mind and their implications for society" (Metzner, 2004, p.

29). In 1960, Leary contacted Sandoz Pharmaceuticals (who had patented synthetic psilocybin and psilocin) and requested that they supply the substance to study

"creativity." Sandoz agreed to supply Leary with as much of the drug as he wanted for research purposes. It was then that Leary began the Harvard Psilocybin Research Project in which he created a board of researchers to oversee the project including Aldous

Huxley, John Spiegel, David McClelland, Frank Barron, Ralph Metzner, and Richard

Alpert (Metzner, 2004; Stafford, 1992).

The Harvard Psilocybin Project focused on investigating the properties of psilocybin mushrooms from a psychological point of view (Metzner, 2004). Leary adopted an "existential-transactional" approach to the research in which he "rejected the impersonal clinical atmosphere of the traditional psychiatric experiment" (Metzner, 2004, p. 30). Metzner stated that due to Leary's personal experience with psilocybin mushrooms, Leary professed that it was imperative to have a warm and supportive setting for individuals to safely experience the "ego-shattering revelations of the mushrooms" (p.

30). The board utilized the term "consciousness-expanding''' to describe both psilocybin 43 and the experience that was facilitated by the ingestion of the drug (Metzner, 2004).

These researchers hypothesized that given a safe and supportive set and setting, individuals would likely have experiences that would be enlightening and productive.

The team set up three noteworthy psilocybin projects to explore the psychological impact of psilocybin (Stafford, 1992). The first study was labeled the Concord Prison

Project, in which the group began working with young convicted offenders in the

Massachusetts Correctional Institution. Following a prior study conducted by the

Harvard group in which the majority of the participants claimed that their psilocybin experiences produced positive life changes, the group desired to demonstrate that psilocybin could be used as a powerful instrument to generate behavioral change

(Metzner, 2004). Leary and his associates hoped that the psilocybin experiences would produce insight for the prisoners, which would allow for them to make the changes necessary in their lives to avoid returning to prison. Over a two-year period 32 inmates were administered psilocybin two to five times in small group sessions. Inmates were administered a moderate dose in the first session, and dosage was increased to a heavy dose in subsequent sessions (Leary, Metzner, Presnell, Weil, Schwitzgebel, & Kinne,

1965). Riedlinger and Leary (1994) reported that the short-term results of this study were

"sensational," citing that only 32% of the prisoners returned to prison in the first ten months following their release in comparison to the average 56% who had not taken psilocybin. They also reported that psilocybin caused inmates to "reflect upon their lives from a broader, more spiritually challenging perspective that included recognition of alternatives to criminal activity" (p. 25). Unfortunately, the long-term effects were not as powerful as the short-term, and recidivism rates for the participating inmates were found 44

not to be different from the expected base rates at a 3-year follow-up (Metzner, 2004).

Riedlinger and Leary (1994) reported that the majority of the inmates reverted to

previous behavior patterns and were reincarcerated, although the majority were

incarcerated more often for parole violations rather than new infractions.

Doblin (1998) published a 34-year follow-up study in which he located records of

21 of the original 32 subjects. He found flaws in the original report and asserted that the

researchers compared the recidivism rates of study inmates who had been released for an

average of 10 months, to the recidivism rates of all Concord prison inmates who had been

released for an average of 30 months. Doblin asserted that this discrepancy made the

comparison invalid. Although Leary and his colleagues reported that the majority of

prisoners returned to prison for parole violations rather than new crimes, Doblin found

that many of the prisoners who returned to prison had violated their parole by committing

new crimes. Doblin asserted that there was no treatment effect in terms of decreased

recidivism rates in the prisoner participants.

The second experiment conducted by the Harvard team involved administration of

psilocybin to around 400 volunteers including psychologists, graduate students, scholars,

artists, religious figures, musicians, and other creative people to examine their reactions

(Stafford, 1992). Although extensive records were kept, only a few accounts were published from this study. Individuals who reported on their experience with psilocybin

included Aldous Huxley, Alan Watts, and Stanley Krippner (Stafford, 1992). Leary et al.

(1963) disclosed the results of the first 175 subjects tested, in which 98 subjects completed questionnaires about their experience. The vast majority of participants identified the experience as either "pleasant or ecstatic"(70%), felt that they had "learned 45 something or had insights" (88%), maintained that the experience "changed their lives for the better" (62%), and stated that they "wished to repeat the experience" (90%) (p. 564).

Leary et al. (1963) asserted that although these findings needed to be considered preliminary, it was apparent that in a "supportive setting, with a positive set, experiences tended to be reported by Ss (subjects) as pleasant, educational and life changing" (p.570).

In a third experiment, Walter Pahnke, a doctoral student at the Harvard Divinity

School, conducted a double-blind study to explore the similitude of psilocybin-induced mystical states to those attained by religious practice or spontaneous rapture. (Stafford,

1992). This study will be discussed in greater detail later in the paper.

Psilocybin Chemistry

Psilocybin mushrooms have been called by a number of different names such as

"magic mushrooms," "boomers," "shrooms," "mushies," "zoomers," and many others.

Since psilocybin mushrooms are psychoactive, they also have been classified in a number of categories such as: psychedelics, hallucinogens, psychotomimetics, neurotropics, visionary, medicinal, and entheogens (Metzner, 2004; Schultes, 1979; Stafford, 1992).

Stafford (1992) reported that there were well over two dozen species of psychedelic mushrooms and that the number of psychedelic mushroom species was on the rise and expected to substantially expand as more mushrooms were analyzed. In

1993, Ott maintained that there were 89 species of mushrooms containing psilocybin and that there were also another 57 possible candidates. Psilocybin is present in hundreds of species of fungi, including those of the genus Psilocybe, and is also reportedly isolated from a dozen or so other genera. Psilocybin or Psilocybian mushrooms have been found 46 to occur on all continents. Guzman (2005) reported that there are around 250 species, with 150 of those being hallucinogenic.

Mushrooms characterized as "magic" are part of the genus Psilocybe, and include the generas Copelandia, Stropharia, Panaeolus, and Conocybe. The compounds psilocybin (4-phosphoryloxy-N, N-dimemyltryptarnine) and psilocin (4-hydroxy-N,N- dimethyltryptamine) are the active hallucinogenic agents in certain members of these genera. Most hallucinogens found in nature are composed of the basic indole structure found in these compounds (Oss & Oeric, 1986).

Psilocybin and psilocin molecules are known to be the primary psychedelic agents in the psychoactive mushrooms (Stafford, 1992). Psilocybin is 0-phosphoryl-4-hydroxy-

N, N-dimethyl tryptamine, 3(2-dimethylamino) ethylindol-4-ol dihydrogen phosphate ester and is dephosporylated or hydrolyzed in vivo into psilocin (4-hydroxy-N, N dimethyltrptamine), which accounts for the psychoactivity in the psilocybin mushrooms

(Shuglin, 1980). When psilocybin is ingested, it is transformed into psilocin by the enzyme alkaline phosphatase. One of the important differences between psilocybin and psilocin is their relative stability. Psilocybin is more stable than psilocin as psilocin is easily oxidized and will deteriorate soon after oxidation (Stafford, 1992).

Psilocybin is a tryptamine compound, and interacts with serotonergic neurotransmission (Hasler, Grimberg, Benz, Huber, & Vollenweider, 2004). Although hallucinatory states can be induced by a number of psychedelics, tryptamine compounds are especially interesting because the activity is highly concentrated in the visual cortex and the hallucinations tend to be intense (Ruck et al., 1979). The tryptamine entheogens including psilocybin mushrooms interact with the brain circuitry that employs the neurotransmitter compound serotonin (Presti & Nichols, 2004). Psilocybin and psilocin bear a close resemblance to chemicals found in the brain, and one of the psilocybian analogues is a compound that bears the most similarity to the neurotransmitter serotonin

(Stafford, 1992).

Psilocybin can serve as an experimental tool to study the neurobiological basis of altered states of consciousness due to its interaction with serotonin. The serotonin receptor system has been found to be important in the modulation of cognitive functions such as attention and memory. Because psilocybin and psilocin interact with the serotonin receptor system, psilocybin as a compound may also affect attention, and can aid in investigating the brain mechanisms that underlie attention (Hasler et al., 2004).

Schultes and Hofmann (1979) argued that the fact that plant hallucinogens such as psilocybin have the same basic structure as serotonin is not due to mere chance, suggesting that there is an evolutionary force behind these mushrooms. These researchers stated that this relationship may elucidate the psychotropic potency of plant- based psychedelics. They further argued that the result of the hallucinogens acting at the same sites in the nervous system is that "the psychophysiological functions associated with those brain sites are altered, suppressed, stimulated, or otherwise modified" (p. 173).

The main effect of tryptamine psychedelics including psilocybin has been localized at one receptor site that is specific from a dozen or more that are receptive for serotonin, and neural circuits utilizing serotonin as their main neurotransmitter have been found to underlie much of our feeling life in the limbic-mammalian brain systems

(Metzner, 2004). These emotions include fear, rage and affiliation. According to

Metzner (2004), neural circuits are also found in the part of the brain stem called the 48 reptilian brain in Paul McLean's model. Metzner stated, "These findings are suggestively related to the sense of self-awareness, awareness of our evolutionary animal heritage, and the shamanic sense of connectedness or identification with animal consciousness" (p. 25).

Serotonin is the main neurotransmitter for the enteric nervous system, which works almost completely independently from the cerebral cortex and is believed to be the oldest evolutionary part of our nervous system (Metzner, 2004).

In his discussion of serotonin and its function in the human brain system, Metzner

(2004) stated he speculates that serotonin is involved in the production of a balanced emotional attitude through consciousness expansion and the heightening of awareness and understanding. Serotonin is called a "mood regulator" and may be the neurotransmitter responsible for emotional balance or intelligence. Metzner further theorizes that the effects of psychedelic drugs and the role of serotonin may be responsible for gut-level knowledge, and evolutionary remembering. Terence McKenna

(1991) argued that the psilocybin mushroom is "...the primary hallucinogen involved in the Archaic origin of consciousness" (p. 248). McKenna (1991) also proposed that psilocybin mushrooms may have contributed to the growth of language in early hunter gatherers.

Physiological and Mental Effects of Psilocybin

The acute psychological and physiological effects of psilocybin include alterations in perception, ego-functioning, attention, and affect in healthy humans (Hasler et al., 2004). Entheogens related to psilocybin and psilocin produce alterations in brain neurochemical processes and produce profound changes in perception, feeling, thoughts, and conscious awareness (Presti & Nichols, 2004). Reports of human experiences with psilocybin often involve personal elements; however, there tend to be commonalities

between the experiences (Beach, 1996). The peak effects of psilocybin can produce

profound synaesthesia and are characterized by visual and auditory alterations (Ott,

1993). Effects include visual and auditory hallucinations, distortions in the perception of

time and space, emotional detachment from the environment, and extreme hilarity (Oss

and Oeric, 1991). Psilocybin mushrooms induce a euphoric state of mind that often does

not lose coherency or clarity of thought. The mushrooms produce colorful hallucinations

with eyes closed that are often, "hard-edged, and highly articulated, and may range from

abstract geometrical forms to visions of fantastic landscapes and architectural vistas"

(Oss and Oeric, 1991, p. 67).

Psilocybin and psilocin produce some obvious physiological effects that tend to

be mediated by the autonomic nervous system and are usually minimal (Presti & Nichols,

2004; Stafford, 1992; United States Department of Justice, 1986). The physiological

effects in individuals include dilated pupils, dry mouth, a slight rise in blood pressure,

heart rate, and temperature, and the inhibition of the neurotransmitter serotonin (Stafford,

1992).

Psilocybin and psilocin can have profound effects on the human mind. Research

done in 1961 by Leo Holister at the Palo Alto Veterans Hospital found that the effects of psilocybin included: alterations in mood (either euphoria or dysphoria), disturbance of concentration, impairment of psychological functioning, changes in vision (blurred vision, brighter colors, longer afterimages, sharp definition of objects, and visual patterns when eyes are closed), increased acuity of hearing, slow thinking, feelings of unreality, depersonalization, feeling as if in a dreamy state, incoordination (difficult and tremulous 50 speech), slowed passage of time, transient sexual feelings, auditory hallucinations, changes in body image, and reports of great empathy (Stafford, 1992).

Research further indicates that the effects of psilocybin have been found to be indistinguishable from LSD or mescaline of comparable dosage until several hours have passed. The difference tends to be due to the shorter duration of psilocybin's psychedelic effects. Although the effects tend to be indiscernible from LSD or mescaline, the psilocybin experience tends to be more gentle than experiences with LSD or mescaline.

Stafford (1992) stated, "The psilocybin experience seems to be warmer, not as forceful and less isolating. It tends to build connections between people, who are generally much more in communication than when they use LSD" (p. 273). The user's mental set and surroundings, as well as the dosage ingested, affects the quality of thoughts and feelings evoked during the experience.

Reports of Auditory Voice Phenomenon

Numerous researchers (i.e. Beach, 1996; McKenna, 1991; McKenna & McKenna,

1975; Munn, 1976) have noted an auditory dialogue that occurs between an individual who is under the influence of psychedelic mushrooms, and a voice of unknown origin.

Munn (1976) wrote:

The Mazatecs say that the mushrooms speak. If you ask a shaman where his

imagery comes from, he is likely to reply: I didn't say it, the mushrooms did. No

mushroom speaks, that is a primitive anthropomorphization of the natural, only

man speaks, but he who eats these mushrooms, if he is a man of language,

becomes endowed with a capacity to speak. The shamans who eat them, their

function is to speak, they are the speakers who chant and sing the truth, they are 51

the oral poets of their people, the doctors of the world, they who tell what is

wrong and how to remedy it, the seers and oracles, the ones possessed by the

voice. "It is not I who speak," said Heraclitus, "it is the logos." (p. 88)

Munn's depiction of a shaman's belief that mushrooms are literally talking to him illustrated the shaman's ability to acquire knowledge through hallucinogens that would otherwise not be ascertainable. The mushrooms in this example are revelatory of reality to the shaman, and the shaman enters into a communication with what he or she often considers to be divine spirits.

Similarly, Terence McKenna (1991) asserted that one of the predominant features of psilocybin mushrooms is that under high dosages, individuals hear a voice of unknown origin:

What we found with the tryptamines was that there seemed to be an unanticipated

dimension that involved contact with an alien intelligence. I call it this for want

of a better description. Organized entelechies presented themselves in the

psychedelic experience with information that seemed not to be drawn from the

personal history of the individual or even from the collective human experience.

Later, we came to feel that this effect was unique to the tryptamine hallucinogens.

In other words, not only DMT and ayahuasca and the more exotic Amazonian

substances, but also psilocybin, which is probably the most widely experienced of

these drugs. To me it was astonishing that a voice could address you in that state

and impart information in a dialogue, (p. 27)

Although McKenna (1991) hypothesized that this voice may be an alien intelligence, he also asserted that the voice could be argued to be a hidden and autonomous part of an 52 individual's psyche. He further theorized that a dialogue "opens up between the ego and these larger, more integrated parts of the psyche that are normally hidden from view" (p.

11). McKenna asserted that humans possess a large and wise organizing force that usually can only be accessed under "situations of extreme psychological pressure or crisis" (p. 11).

To refer to the "interiorized linguistic phenomenon," McKenna and McKenna

(1975) used the term Logos, which was taken from a first century B.C.E. Jewish-

Hellenistic philosopher (Philo Judeaus). McKenna (1991) asserted that what makes the mushroom experience amazing is that "it is animate, that there's someone talking to you"

(p. 10). The voice in his head addressed concerns that were most important to him, and he testifies that the proof of the "otherness of the voice" was that he would not have been able to come up with the information on his own. McKenna (1991) explained that the mushrooms reveal information to individuals who ingest them, and these mushrooms state that they are an extraterrestrial organism that has traveled through space, and

"require the nervous system of a mammal" (p. 47). McKenna asserted that although the mushrooms speak to him directly, he does not necessarily believe what they tell him. He maintained that while under the influence of psilocybin, an individual could have a dialogue with the mushrooms.

In describing experiences that shamans have had with psilocybin mushrooms

Munn (1976) wrote:

Those who eat them are men of language, illuminated with the spirit, who call

themselves the ones who speak, those who say. The shaman, chanting in a

melodic singsong, saying says at the end of each phrase saying, is in 53

communication with the origins of creation, the sources of the voice, and the

foundations of the world, related to reality from the heart of his existential ecstasy

by the active mediation of language: The articulation of meaning and experience.

To call such transcendental experiences of light, vision, and speech hallucinations

is to deny that they are revelatory of reality (p. 122)

Munn's depiction of shamanistic communication with voices during mushroom ceremonies suggests that individuals may have utilized this correspondence throughout history to attain information. To better understand the auditory voice phenomena associated with psilocybin mushrooms and the other tryptamines including DMT (a plant-based entheogen that has also been associated with the auditory voice phenomenon), Beach (1996) explored commonalities between reports of the auditory dialogue.

Beach (1996) used a self-report questionnaire to search for differences between individuals who reported hearing a voice while under the influence of psilocybin, and those who did not hear a voice. Out of 128 participants, over one third reported hearing a voice during psilocybin mushroom use. These individuals were found to have taken psilocybin more times, had used higher dosages, more often grew their own mushrooms, were hoping to hear voices, and tended to hear these voices more often in the darkness.

The most significant difference was that individuals who heard the voice were more often alone and had heard voices with other drugs. The majority of the participants indicated that they first heard a voice with psilocybin. Beach argued that the difference between hearing and not hearing a voice was not due to personality differences, but to how people took the mushrooms. His research indicated that the experience of the voice(s) was 54

regarded as insightful, positive, and useful. In over half of the episodes where

individuals heard voices, these individuals were able to communicate with the voices and

gain information. If, under high doses, individuals are communicating with voices of

unknown origin, and obtaining knowledge that was insightful and not known to the

individual prior to the experience, it is likely that the individuals may have considered the

experience to be mystical. As there has been a distinction between the effects of

psilocybin when taken in high or low doses, potency and dosage will be discussed in the

next section.

Potency and Dosage

The quality of psilobyin experiences are greatly impacted by the dosage ingested

(Beach, 1996; Grof, 1988; Oss & Oeric, 1991; Ott, 1993; Stafford, 1992).

Concentrations of psilocybin and psilocin can vary between species of psilocybin

mushrooms, and within each strain or batch, making it impossible to predict the amount

of psilocybin or psilocin that the user ingests. Variations in the subjective experience of

the user come from set and setting as well as dosage differences.

The amount of psilocybin in psilocybin mushrooms varies from next to nothing to

about 15 mg./gm. of the dried weight. (Stafford, 1992). In 1982, Beug and Bigwood

(1982) tested levels of psilocybin in multiple species and concluded that cultures of psilocybin whether grown under rigidly controlled conditions or from outside sources

varied greatly. They found that on the average, Psilocybe cyanescens was the most potent, Psilocybe semilanceata possesed the second highest amount of psilocybin, while

Psilocybe stunzii was found to be the weakest of the the commonly used psilocybin mushrooms. Beug and Bigwood reported that psilocin was found in most specimens, but 55 was never observed without the presence of psilobyin. These researchers concluded that the levels of psilocybin and psilocin in psilocybin mushrooms were highly variable, and they stated that contrary to public belief the bluing of mushrooms was not correlated to psilocybin or psilocin levels.

The average potency of psilocybin is about 3.0 mg./dry gram which equates to about 0.03 percent of fresh mushrooms and leads to between 0.2 to 0.6% indolic alkaloid content per dried mushroom (Furst, 1992; Stafford, 1992). Even though the alkaloids in psilocyin mushrooms appear not to be water soluable, the amount of psilocybin and psilocin is not constant in fresh and dried mushrooms. The drier the psilocybin specimen is the less potent it is, and fresh psilocybin mushrooms tend to have the greatest potency

(McGuire, 1982). Due to the difficulty in identifying how much psilocybin or psilocin is in a particular mushroom, users have to go by average amounts and percentage concentrations (Beach, 1996). Beach (1996) asserted that the entheogenic effects of psilocybin occur between 5 and 50 milligrams, and Ott (1993) noted that the highest reported human dose was 120 milligrams with the "maximum safe dose" being around

150 miligrams.

The "threshold dose" of psilocybin is thought to be around 2 miligrams, or one to two dried mushrooms (Turner, 1994). Turner (1994) stated that a mild psychedelic high is produced with two grams of dried mushrooms, and Oss and Oeric (1991) maintain that a dose of 10-12 milligrams of psilocyin produces the full range of hallucinogenic effects in an adult weighing 160 pounds. Erowid (2009) produced a guide to oral psilcybin dosage which considered 2-4 mg of psilocybin or .25 grams of dried psilocybe cubensis to be a threshold dose. They reported light, common, strong, and heavy doses to be 4-8 56 mg. or .25-1 g, 6-20mg. orl-2.5g, 20-40mg. or 2.5-5g, and 35+mg. or 5+g. respectively.

There is controversy over whether synthetic psilocybin differs in the effects from naturally-occuring psilocybin mushrooms (Ott, 1993). Ott (1993) asserted that one difference was that synthetic psilocybin lasted a shorter time than naturally-occuring psilocybin mushrooms. Beach (1996) reported that in a personal communication with

Terence McKenna, McKenna stated that experiences with plants are richer. When comparing natually-occuring psilocybin mushrooms with synthetic psilocybin, Roland

Griffiths (2008) stated:

Most of the psychoactive effects from most psilocybin mushrooms is from

psilocybin and psilocin (the metabolite), and therefore the effects should be very

similar to synthesized psilocybin. However, mushrooms may contain lessor

amounts of other psychoactive compounds, some of which are also

hallucinogenic, so it is plausible that there might be some differences (probably

subtle) between synthesized vs. mushroom administration. (Personal

Communication, December 10, 2008).

Because psilocybin, whether naturally-occurring or synthesized, has been found to produce a wide variety of effects in individuals, and has been reported to facilitate mystical experiences, it is important to explore the factors that comprise such experiences.

Religious/Mystical Experiences

People have long sought meaning and significance in their lives through a variety

of spiritual practices including prayer, fasting, chanting, solitude and meditation.

Historically, some of these practices have included the use of certain psychoactive 57

plants. A common theme of these experiences, with or without the aid of

psychoactive agents, has been to free oneself of the bounds of everyday

perception and thought in a search for universal truths and enlightenment. (De

Wit, 2006, p. 187)

The question of whether an individual can have a religious experience while

under the influence of drugs has been examined both empirically and by comparing

differing religious viewpoints (Pahnke, 1966; Griffiths et. al, 2006). The answer to this

question is dependent on how one defines religion and what constitutes a religious

experience. Although religious experience is difficult to define, Pahnke and Richards

(1969) derived a nine-category typology of genuine mystical experience that described

the features of the mystical state of consciousness, and was compared to the

characteristics of the state of consciousness found in drug-induced religious experience.

The features of the mystical state of consciousness were found to be nearly identical to

those found in drug-induced religious experiences. Research seems to suggest that it is

possible to have a religious experience while under the influence of drugs but does not

conclude that the experience is caused solely by the effects of the drug; there are other

factors that correlate to the experience such as preparation and setting.

Experiences described as religious are highly personal, give insight into ultimate

meaning, and are viewed as real to those who have them (James, 1985; Proudfoot, 1985).

They are identified not merely by content, but also by their noetic quality (Proudfoot,

1985). Religious experiences break down rationalistic consciousness and are only authoritative to the individuals who encounter these events, however subjects view these occurrences as revealing significant truth or divine knowledge (James, 1985). Religious 58 language does not need to be used to interpret or describe this experience; the subject may not believe in religious experience but still convey a religious interpretation of this event (Proudfoot, 1985). According to Proudfoot (1985), all experiences are interpreted and are shaped by individuals' beliefs and concepts. He asserts that religious experiences cannot be identified without reference to these factors. The subject must convey this subjective reality in terms that are familiar and represent the ultimate meaning for that person; it is possible that the interpretation of ultimate meaning may not be identified as

"religious" to that person. The degree of religious experience ranges in each case but is mainly included in the categories of ordinary and extraordinary religious experience.

Ordinary religious experience.

Ordinary religious experiences are common and occur frequently amongst religious people (Paloutzian, 1996). An example would be when a person sitting in a church, listening to the Sunday sermon, feels a tingling sensation pass through his body and believes that the tingling is the presence of God. Another example would be a subject watching a sunset who sees the beauty of the world and has an internal feeling of peace. These experiences can be conceived to be religious by the subject to which they are occurring.

Extraordinary religious experience.

Extraordinary religious experiences are harder to define. These are thought to be mystical and so intricate that they are ineffable. They are described as numinous, or holy in presence (Paloutzian, 1996). Such ineffable and numinous experiences are thought to be self-validating, and if in contrast with another philosophy, these experiences are the illuminating truth. It is important here to note that a religious experience does not imply 59 that the experience is necessarily a revelation of a scientific truth, e.g., visions of angels.

"Mystical truth exists for the individual who has the transport, but for no one else"

(James, 1985, p. 321). The person may not actually have been given the knowledge to understand the true meaning of life but believes unconditionally that the true meaning of life was revealed through this vision. In order to understand mystical experiences, the series of categories that Pahnke and Richards (1969) developed to describe common features of a mystical experience will be discussed in the following section.

Pahnke's Nine Categories

Walter N. Pahnke (with help from numerous scholars, especially W. T. Stace.) derived a nine-category typology of the mystical state of consciousness, which measured the degree of mysticism and was used as a basis for measurement of psychedelic drug experiences (Pahnke and Richards, 1969).

Unity. There are two types of unity found in this category: internal and external.

Internal unity is the oneness that a person finds with "ultimate reality". Unity is found within the experiencer and the subject becomes aware of the inner world and "ultimate reality". External unity is found outside the experiencer. It is the sense that everything is united or that everything is composed of the same matter or is derived from the same source. This unity could be that the subject may be looking at a flower and recognize a life source in that flower that he depicts as the ultimate life source from which everything is derived.

Objectivity and reality. The subject becomes convinced that an insight about reality and existence was gained. Through the experience the subject was bestowed 60 knowledge that could not have been learned in any other way. This enlightenment is believed, by the subject, to be ultimately true.

Transcendence of space and time. The experience is perceived to have taken place outside of the limitation of time. Time appears to be infinite or eternal. The subject also has no concept of physical orientation. This subject may feel as though he slipped through into another dimension.

Sense of sacredness. Here the subject believes that the experience is ultimately sacred and holy. This sacred emotion may come from the overwhelming feeling of awe that the person experiences when believing that the presence of a supreme being is revealed.

Deeply-felt positive mood. The focus of this category is on the wonderfully spiritual feeling that the subject attains from the religious experience: the feeling of love, joy, blessedness and peace. This positive spiritual feeling can be expressed in different ways such as love and concern for another person or even by a sexual orgasm, which is of the "spiritual sense" rather than the "erotic sense."

Paradoxicality. The subject feels that certain areas of the experience are true even though they tend to violate the laws of Aristotelian logic. This paradoxicality can be shown by a subject who believes to have ceased to exist but still exists to write about the experience.

Alleged ineffability. In this category the subject feels as though whatever was revealed is too wonderful for words. The human language is inadequate to describe the experience and do it justice. Whatever symbols the subject could use to describe this experience would take away from its magnitude. 61

Transiency. This category refers to the fact that the experience is a temporary state from which the experiencer will return to the normal state of consciousness. The mystical state of consciousness is not sustained indefinitely.

Positive changes in attitude and/or behavior. This category refers to the way that the experience has changed individuals' attitudes toward themselves, others, life and mystical consciousness. Individuals are able to face undesirable traits in a fashion that enables their reduction or elimination.

In order to determine whether drug-induced experiences consist of the same qualities as mystical experiences we must investigate the "Good Friday" experiment, and the conclusions that this research presented.

Pahnke 's Good Friday Experiment

Pahnke (1966) designed and executed a controlled experiment to investigate the relationship between a spontaneous mystical experience and the experience associated with the ingestion of psychedelic drugs. Twenty graduate student volunteers were chosen who were of Protestant background and had never taken any psychedelic drugs prior to the experiment. These subjects were divided into groups of four; each had two leaders who knew the positive and negative effects of the psychedelic experience and assisted in preparing the subjects for the experiment. The intent of these groups was to encourage trust and to dissipate fears within the group (Pahnke, 1966).

The experiment took place on Good Friday, 1962, in a lounge beside a private chapel in which loudspeakers would transmit the service from the main sanctuary into the room. An hour and a half before the service, capsules identical in appearance were given to each participant: half of each group and one leader from each group was given 62 psilocybin and the other half received a vitamin (nicotinic acid), which causes feeling of warmth and tingling of the skin, as a control substance. This experiment was a double- blind design in which none of the participants (leaders or subjects) were aware of the contents of any capsule. Inside the lounge, the participants listened to a two-and-a-half hour service, which consisted of religious music, readings, prayers, and personal meditation.

Immediately after the service, tape recordings of both individual and group reactions were made. As soon as the participant was ready, each wrote a detailed account of individual experience and completed a 147-item questionnaire designed to measure the state of mystical consciousness on a qualitative, numerical scale (Pahnke, 1966). Each subject also participated in a psychiatric interview, based on the results of the questionnaire, and had follow-up interviews and questionnaires six months later.

The results of this experiment were that the subjects who received psilocybin had experiences apparently indistinguishable from, if not identical to, certain categories that defined the mystical state of consciousness (Pahnke, 1966). When compared to control subjects, the experimental group achieved a statistically significantly higher degree, or score, in each of the nine categories. The combined scores from all three methods of measurement in all categories except "deeply felt positive mood (love)" and "persisting positive changes in attitude and behavior" were shown to be significantly affected by psilocybin and the significance level for these categories was less than .02. It was noted that even in the last two categories, the significance level was less than .055. The experimental group, therefore, scored higher in each of these nine categories with only a

2% chance rate for every category except deeply felt positive mood and persisting 63 positive changes where the chance rate was still under 6%. In this experiment the ideal

"most complete" mystical experience would be the incident that demonstrated the phenomena of all of the categories to the maximal extent. Although the experimental group did not have a "complete" mystical typology, the author concludes that the use of psilocybin was positively correlated with the mystical nature of the experience.

In a 25-year follow-up study to the Good Friday Experiment, all experimental subjects described their psilocybin experience as having elements of "a genuine mystical nature and characterized it as one of the high points of their spiritual life" (Doblin, 1991, p. 13). Doblin (1991) reported that shortcomings of the study included the failure of the double-blind procedure, and multiple imprecise questions in the mystical experience questionnaire. Doblin further asserted that despite these shortcomings, the results of the study indicated that when psychedelic drugs are administered to religiously inclined people in a religious setting, they can facilitate mystical experiences. He also argued that this study cast "a considerable doubt on the assertion that mystical experiences catalyzed by drugs are in any way inferior to non-drug mystical experiences in both their immediate content and long-term effects" (p. 24). The results led to further research by a group at the Johns Hopkins University utilizing a modified version of the Pahnke/Richards (1969) questionnaire, and a more rigorous double-blind procedure.

Griffiths Psilocybin Study

To better understand the acute and persisting effects of psilocybin, Griffiths et al.

(2006) conducted an experiment in which participants were administered both psilocybin and a placebo (methylphenidate hydrochloride) at different times and asked to complete questionnaires assessing drug effects and mystical experiences. Participants were 36 well-educated adults, with an average age of 46, who reported regular participation in religious or spiritual activities and did not have histories of hallucinogen use or mental illness. All participated in two or three sessions conducted in 2-month intervals. Thirty of the participants were administered 30 mg of psilocybin and 40 mg of methylphenidate hydrochloride in a counterbalanced order while the other six participants were administered the placebo in the first two sessions and an unblinded administration of psilocybin in the third session. To assess drug effects and mystical experience, participants completed surveys directly after each session, and two months after the sessions.

Monitors who were familiar with drug-induced altered states of consciousness prepared the participants with four meetings (totaling 8 hours), in which they developed rapport, built trust, and reviewed the participants' life histories as well as discussed current life circumstances. These monitors also expressed that the drug session could lead to personal awareness and insight, but avoided discussing any of the criteria used to measure mystical experiences.

To avoid expectancy effects, a double-blind procedure was utilized, where neither the participant nor the monitor were aware of whether the participant was receiving the psilocybin or the placebo (with the exception of the six subjects who were randomly assigned to receive the placebo on the first two sessions and an unblinded administration of psilocybin on the third session). The setting was created to have a similar feel to a living-room environment. Two monitors were present with each participant throughout each session, and participants were encouraged to lie on the couch with an eye mask, and to listen to classical music through headphones. They were instructed to avoid guessing 65 whether or not they received psilocybin, and prompted to focus on their inner experiences during the session. Results indicated that the blinding procedures were effective, where one or both of the monitors misclassified 23% of the sessions.

To assess drug effects and mystical experience, a number of measures were assessed during and after the sessions. Blood pressure and heart rate were monitored using a non-invasive device throughout the session. Monitors completed a rating questionnaire that rated 20 dimensions in the participants' mood and behavior at the same time that physiological measures were taken. Seven hours after receiving the capsule, participants completed three questionnaires to assess subjective drug effects: (1) the

Hallucinogen Rating Scale, which was designed to display sensitivity to the hallucinogen

N,N-dimethyltryptamine or DMT, and consists of six subscales that measure different aspects of hallucinogen effects, (2) the APZ, designed to assess altered states of consciousness that were either induced by drugs or by other non-drug manipulations, (3) the Addiction Research Center Inventory (ARCI) which measures subjective effects among different psychoactive drugs. The participants also completed two questionnaires that assessed mystical experience: (1) the States of Consciousness Questionnaire, which consisted of the current version of the Pahnke-Richards Mystical Experience

Questionnaire, and other questions that served as distracter items, and was developed to provide scaled scores on seven domains of mystical experience, and (2) the Mysticism

Scale, which measures primary mystical experiences and is highly regarded in the field of the psychology of religion (Griffiths et al., 2006).

Participants were also given a series of questionnaires two months after the completion of their sessions to assess for changes in their mood, personality, attitudes, 66 behavior, and spirituality. These questionnaires included: (1) the Persisting Effects

Questionnaire, which investigated changes in attitude, behavior, mood, and spiritual experience, (2) the Mysticism Scale-Lifetime, a lifetime version of the aforementioned

Mysticism Scale, (3) the Spiritual Transcendence Scale, which assessed the efforts of an individual "to create a broad sense of personal meaning in his or her life" (Griffiths et al,

2006, p. 273.), (4) the NEO Personality Inventory (NEO PI-R), which assessed personality characteristics, and had also been administered during the screening process,

(5) PANAS-X (Positive and Negative Affect Schedule Expanded Form), a self-report measure that was used to assess how the participant felt (positive or negative affect) before and after the sessions, (6) Community Observer Ratings of Changes in

Participants' Behavior and Attitudes, which utilized friends or family members of the participants to rate any observable changes in the participants behavior and attitudes.

The results of this study suggested that psilocybin not only produced acute changes in perception, moods, and subjective experiences, but also increased measures of mystical experience. Participants rated their sessions with psilocybin as having long- lasting effects including having substantial meaning and spiritual significance, and both participants and their community observers reported lasting changes in attitudes and behaviors. Psilocybin was shown to have a markedly different effect than the placebo methyphenidate. After ingestion of psilocybin, participants experienced perceptual changes and labile moods relative to the placebo. Participants also scored significantly higher on measures of mystical experience after ingestion of psilocybin than after the placebo. Twenty-two of the 36 participants had a "complete" mystical experience after ingestion of psilocybin, while only four of these participants met the criteria after 67 ingestion of the placebo. Participants rated the personal meaningfulness and spiritual significance of the experience to be significantly higher after psilocybin than the placebo.

The majority (67%) reported that the psilocybin experience was either the single most meaningful experience of his or her life, or within the top five most meaningful life experiences, and psilocybin produced significantly greater elevations in positive mood, social effect, and behavior than did the placebo. The lifetime assessment of mystical experience and spirituality scores were also significantly higher in the psilocybin group than the placebo group. The positive changes in attitudes and behavior that were endorsed by participants were consistent with the community observer ratings.

Griffiths et al. (2008) published a follow-up where they explored lasting effects of participants' experiences 14 months after the original study. All 36 participants completed the standardized measures originally given in the 2006 study. They were also given a follow-up questionnaire (the Retrospective Questionnaire), and participated in an open-ended clinical interview that focused on study experiences as well as current life situations. Findings of the 14-month follow-up indicated that effects in the original study were enduring. In the follow-up, all participants, except for one, identified the psilocybin session to have generated the most pronounced changes in the subjects' mental processes when compared to the placebo. The majority of the participants rated the psilocybin experience to be among the five most meaningful experiences (58%), and among the five most spiritually significant experiences of their lives (67%). At follow-up, 58% of these individuals met the criteria for having had a "complete mystical experience" and psilocybin was shown to have had a significant effect on personal meaning and spiritual significance. As with the 2-month follow-up in the original study, psilocybin produced 68 significant elevations in positive mood, behavior, social effects, and in well-being or life satisfaction. Griffiths et al. (2008) also reported that participants' follow-up scores on the

Pahnke-Richards Mystical Experience Questionnaire did not differ from their immediate post-session scores. These results indicated that psilocybin, when administered under supportive conditions, can produce effects similar to spontaneously occurring mystical experiences, and that these experiences have lasting effects on life satisfaction and are both spiritually significant and personally meaningful.

Griffiths et al's. (2006) study is highly regarded in the field of psychology for its experimental design and efforts in examining the psychological consequences of psilocybin (Nichols, 2006; Schuster, 2006; Snyder, 2006). According to Schuster (2006) the Griffiths et al. (2006) study was noteworthy for its design and rigorous execution. He remarked that this study not only shows that psilocybin can be studied safely in normal human beings, but also that the drug produced positive lasting changes in attitude and behaviors that were both self-reported and identified by friends and relatives. Nichols

(2006) asserted that this study demonstrated that psychedelic compounds can produce remarkable and possibly beneficial effects, and that these compounds deserve further study. He also maintained that the Griffiths et al. (2006) study is an important extension to Pahnke's Good Friday Experiment, due to its more precise controls, better experimental design, and utilization of more modern instruments. Snyder (2006) stated that the most important factor of the Griffiths et al. (2006) study was that there was careful preparation of the participants by the monitors which worked to diminish panic and facilitated the participants' acceptance of changes in consciousness. He also stated that the finding that psilocybin reliably elicits a mystical state is beneficial to understanding the neurochemical alterations underlying mystical experiences.

To further our investigation of the relationship between religious experience and drugs, it is important to expand on the arguments, pro and con, of whether a drug-induced experience can constitute a religious experience.

Physiological and Chemical Factors

Researchers have disputed the role of physiological and chemical factors in religious experience. This controversial subject has been employed by both parties to make a case for their accurate depiction of the relationship between drugs and religion.

On one side, supporters of the conception that drugs do correlate to religious experience have argued that there is difficulty in identifying precise physiological and chemical correlates of most religious experience, or mental states in general (Bakalar, 1985). The argument of these supporters was that the source of the mystical sense of an experience is not known and could be found in the contents of the drug, which is produced by nature.

The opposing view asserted that because we can duplicate the mysterious drug molecules, which the law has pronounced extremely dangerous substances, the whole concept of religion is, therefore, invalid, completely manmade, dangerous and unhealthy.

Francis Crick, who discovered the structure of DNA, came to the conclusion that drugs may mimic a body chemical that is designed for religious purposes (Bakalar,

1985). Although Crick believed that religion, in its essence, is ignorance and error, he proposed that the chemical produced by the drugs has the same function as religious experience. Pahnke (1966) noted that forms of meditation and other sensory methods alter biochemical activity and are used to facilitate religious experiences which allow 70 awareness of unconscious levels of the mind. These instances include activities such as sensory isolation, sleep deprivation, meditative disciplines and fasting. Spiritual practices such as meditation, fasting, prayer, chanting, and solitude have been used historically to "free oneself of the bounds of everyday perception and thought in a search for universal truths and enlightenment" (De Witt, 2006, p. 187).

In discussing chemistry in the entheogens that have been found to produce spiritual insight, Watts (1973) stated:

The use of such chemicals [psychedelics] does not reduce spiritual insight to a

mere matter of body chemistry. But it should be added that even when we can

describe certain events in terms of chemistry this does not mean that such events

are merely chemical. A chemical description of a spiritual experience has

somewhat the same use and the same limits as the chemical description of a great

painting. It is simple enough to make a chemical analysis of the paint, and for

artists and connoisseurs alike there is some point in doing so. It might also be

possible to work out a chemical description of all the processes that go on in the

artist while he is painting. But it would be incredibly complicated, and in the

meantime the same process could be described and communicated far more

effectively in some other language than the chemical. We should probably say

that a process is chemical only when chemical language is the most effective

means of describing it. (pp. 129-130).

Religious experience has personal meaning to individuals that often cannot be broken down to chemical factors and still uphold the same significance for the individual. 71

Factors that contribute to the subjective meaning in individuals include the preparation for the experience and the setting in which the experience takes place.

Importance of Preparation and Setting in Religious Experience

Preparation for the drug session and setting (external conditions at the time of administration) plays an important role in the type of experience a person encounters

(Havens, 1964). The idea is that given dissimilar situations of preparation and different atmospheres a person will undergo a different experience than if the subject was not prepared at all or was not in an atmosphere that promoted religious emotions. Huston

Smith (2003) discussed previous research on drug-induced mystical experiences and verified that set and setting account for a major proportion of the variance:

The way statistics are currently running, it looks as if from one-fourth to one-third

of the general population will have religious experiences if they take certain drugs

under naturalistic conditions, meaning conditions in which the researcher supports

the subject but does not interfere with the direction the experience takes. Among

subjects who have strong religious proclivities, the proportion of those who will

have religious experiences jumps to three-fourths. If such subjects take the drugs

in a religious settings, the percentage soars to nine out often, (p. 20)

Religious experiences may be influenced by many factors such as religious background, religious language, and social atmosphere (Spilka, Ladd, Mcintosh, Milmoe, and Bickel,

1996). The idea that religious experience may be altered by factors such as preparation and setting seems to suggest that drugs do not make the religious experience so much as they are the facilitating agent or the trigger (Pahnke, 1966). Human Consciousness

There seem to be different states of consciousness brought about by drug experiences. When William James experimented with nitrous oxide intoxication he wrote, "... our normal waking consciousness, rational consciousness as we call it, is but one special type of consciousness, whilst all about it, parted from it by the filmiest of screens, there lie potential forms of consciousness entirely different" (James, 1985 pp.

307-308). With this notion, it is not implied that drugs create new types of consciousness, but that drugs create an awareness of, and enable a subject to experience, this hidden consciousness. It appears that under certain circumstances, a drug-induced experience may arouse a mystical awareness at the level of self-knowledge, or even beyond self-knowledge, such as the knowledge of the depth of God's love. It is important to note that this obtained awareness does not necessarily constitute religious wisdom; the knowledge obtained from drug-induced experiences is a personal, life- affirming wisdom which influences the emotional life and behavior of the subject who attains it (Kellenberger, 1978).

The Present Study

There are reports that psilocybin mushrooms can engender spiritual experiences and the study of shamanism through anthropological reports has been found useful for understanding the correlation between psychedelic drugs and spirituality. Although anthropological reports suggest that entheogens can produce mystical experiences in individuals, they do not explore the lasting effects of these substances on spirituality.

Psilocybin was chosen for this study because it is a psychedelic found in nature and has been connected with mystical experiences (Pahnke, 1966; Griffiths et al., 2006). This 73 paper explored individual accounts of psilocybin experiences and assessed whether the contemporary psilocybin user identified with the mutual reports of mystical experience and the anthropological reports of the shamanistic experience. The present study examined whether individuals reported having mystical experiences while under the influence of psilocybin in non-laboratory settings, and whether their experiences with psilocybin have had persisting effects on their spirituality.

Current experimental studies have indicated that psilocybin can engender mystical experiences in individuals; however these studies have utilized subjects who have had no prior drug history and have an affiliation with some religious or spiritual group. This study adds to the research because it examined the effects of psilocybin mushrooms on spirituality in individuals who have had prior drug use histories, and may or may not have been affiliated with any religious sect.

Researchers (McKenna & McKenna, 1993; Metzner, 2004; Oss and Oeric, 1986;

Stafford, 1992) have found that set and setting have important effects on psilocybin experiences; however there is little published on what setting factors are associated with mystical experience. This study investigated whether set, setting, and preparation factors affected individuals' experiences on psilocybin and analyzed the factors associated with mystical experience.

In sum, through the use of a specifically-designed questionnaire, the current study explored the reported phenomenology of mystical experiences that appear to be associated with the use of psilocybin and attempted to ascertain whether individuals report drug-induced spiritual experiences in a natural environment There was an attempt to understand what, if any, role set, setting, preparation, supervision, and expectancy play 74 in facilitating these experiences. Furthermore, researchers (Beach, 1994; McKenna,

1991; Munn, 1976) have reported a phenomenon in which individuals who ingest high doses of psilocybin mushroom hear a voice of unknown origin. This study explored whether this voice phenomenon is associated with mystical experience. 75

CHAPTER II

Methods

Participants

All participants were required to be over the age of 18 to participate. Four methods were used to obtain participants. First, The Multidisciplinary Association for

Psychedelic Studies (MAPS), a non-profit research and educational organization founded in 1986, and known for its advocacy of psychedelic research was contacted and agreed to place a link to this study on their website, and to send out the study's announcement in the monthly email newsletter circulated to approximately 8000 individuals. Participants were also obtained through (a) posting in an online chat forum "The Shroomery"

(www.shroomery.org). a website dedicated to spreading accurate information about psychedelic mushrooms so that people can make informed decisions about what they ingest, (b) posting flyers at Bay Area Colleges and Universities, and (c) the "snowballing method," where individuals were asked to pass along the link to the study to other individuals whom they believe may have taken psilocybin mushrooms. Through this method, numerous websites posted links to the Anonymous Psilocybin Questionnaire, including Entheogenerator, The Grow Report, and Links by George.

Measures

Anonymous Psilocybin Questionnaire.

To elicit the necessary information for this study, a 109-item questionnaire was created (See Appendix D). Questions were designed to allow for individuals who have and have not had spiritual experiences while under the influence of psilocybin to respond.

The questionnaire consisted of the (a) demographic questionnaire created for this study, 76

(b) the Pahnke-Richards Mystical Experience Questionnaire (Pahnke, 1969; Richards,

1975; and Griffiths, Richards, McCann, & Jesse, 2006), and (c) the Spirituality

Questionnaire, consisting of the spirituality section of the Persisting Effects

Questionnaire (Griffiths et al., 2006), and (c) a demographic questionnaire, created for the purpose of this study.

Demographic Questionnaire.

The first 24 questions gathered general demographic information (such as age, gender, ethnicity, educational level, identification with any religion), participants' psilocybin use history (such as dosage, preparation for experience, set and setting), and whether or not an individual has ever had a spiritual experience while under the influence of psilocybin. Participants were also asked whether or not they had ever had sensed a presence of a non-human entity, heard a non-human voice, or communicated with a voice of unknown origin while under the influence of psilocybin.

The Pahnke-Richards Mystical Experience Questionnaire.

The Pahnke-Richards Mystical Experience Questionnaire (MEQ) consists of 43 items that were designed to assess mystical experiences, and were based on Walter

Stace's (1960) work on the psychology of religion and mystical experience. The questionnaire is "rated on a six-point scale [0=none, not at all; l=so slight, cannot decide;

2=slight; 3=moderate; 4=strong (equivalent in degree to any previous strong experience or expectation of this description); and S^xtreme (more than ever before in my life and stronger than 4]" (Griffiths et al., 2006, p. 271). Although there is no preexisting reliability or validity data for this questionnaire it has been utilized in multiple studies

(Griffiths et al., 2006), and has been accepted as a valid measure by those in academic 77 circle (Doblin, 1991). This questionnaire was used as the primary outcome measure in

Pahnke's (1969) Good Friday Experiment, and as an outcome measure of mystical experience in the Griffiths et. al (2006) study. Also, this questionnaire has been shown to be sensitive to other hallucinogens (Griffiths et al., 2006; Richards, 1975; Turek, Soskin,

& Kurland, 1974). The scaled scores for seven domains of mystical experience (internal unity, external unity, transcendence of time and space, ineffability and paradoxicality, sense of sacredness, noetic quality, and deeply felt positive mood) are provided by this questionnaire.

Spirituality Questionnaire.

The Spirituality Questionnaire (SQ) consisting of the spirituality section of the

Persisting Effects Questionnaire (Griffiths et al., 2006), contains 42 items designed to provide information about changes in spirituality after the use of psilocybin, as well as four questions that rate personal meaningfulness and spiritual significance of the psilocybin experience. The 42 items were rated on the same six-point scale as the MEQ.

The four other questions included: (1) Indicate the degree to which the experience(s) were spiritually significant to you (rated l=not at all, 2=slightly, 3=moderately, 4=very much, 5=among the 5 most spiritually significant experiences of my life, 6=the single most spiritually significant experience of my life). (2) If you answered that your experience^) were spiritually significant to you, indicate how unusual the experience(s) were to you (rated l^not at all unique (similar to other spiritual experiences I have had without psilocybin, 2=somewhat unusual (somewhat similar to my other spiritual experiences without psilocybin), 3=Completely unique (unlike any of my prior spiritual experiences without psilocybin). (3) How personally meaningful have your 78 experience/experiences been with psilocybin mushrooms (rated l=no more than routine, everyday experiences (without psilocybin), 2=similar to meaningful experiences that occur on average once or more a week (without psilocybin), 3=similar to meaningful experiences that occur on average once a month (without psilocybin), 4=similar to meaningful experiences that occur on average once a year (without psilocybin), 5=similar to meaningful experiences that occur on average once every 5 years (without psilocybin),

6=among the 10 most meaningful experiences of my life, 7=among the 5 most meaningful experiences of my life, 8=the single most meaningful experience of my life).

(4) How has your experience and your contemplation of that experience affected your current sense of personal well-being or life satisfaction (rated l=increased very much,

2=increased moderately, 3=increased slightly, 4=no change, 5=decreased slightly,

6=decreased moderately, 7=decreased very much.

Similarly to the MEQ, there is no previous reliability or validity data for this scale.

Procedures

The MAPS announcement (Appendix A), the posted flyers (Appendix B), and the internet announcement (Appendix C) all told participants that they were needed for a

"study exploring psychedelic mushrooms and spirituality," and gave participants a link to the website (www.mushroomstudy.com). From there, participants over the age of 18 were asked to click on a link that directed them to the Anonymous Psilocybin

Questionnaire (Appendix D) on "surveymonkey.com." Participants were given directions and informed that the questionnaire was completely voluntary and anonymous.

Participants were asked not to take the questionnaire more than once, as there may have 79 been some overlap between memberships of the various organizations who participated in the study. Furthermore, one free consultation with a licensed therapist was offered for individuals who may have experienced distress as a result of participation in the study.

An email address was created for this purpose and to allow for individuals to request a summary of results from the researcher. No participants requested a consultation with the therapist. Data collection began in February 2009 and ended in March of the same year.

Statistical Analyses

Several statistical methods were utilized in order to evaluate the relationship between psilocybin use and mystical and spiritual experiences. First, the data set was examined for outliers and to determine if the variables met criteria for parametric statistical analyses.

A participant's Mystical Experiences Questionnaire (MEQ) scores were evaluated in two different ways. First, according to the criteria set forth in Pahnke's (1969) previous research, individual participants were classified as either having or not having a

"complete" mystical experience depending on their scores on each subscale of the MEQ.

To qualify as "complete," each of the following subscale scores needed to be at least 0.6

(calculated as a proportion of the total possible score): unity (either internal or external), transcendence of time and space, ineffability, sense of sacredness, noetic quality, and positive mood.

In addition to dividing participants into these two categories, a sum score was calculated for the MEQ after evaluating scale reliability. Analyses with a sum score have more potential descriptive utility compared to previous research using Pahnke's dichotomous scoring rubric, in that correlations with other use factors can address a 80 broader range of variance in the MEQ than is possible with traditional mean comparison.

The Spirituality Questionnaire (SQ) was also converted into a total score after determining adequate reliability. The SQ was not used to divide participants into separate groups as there was no prior score criterion for a "complete" spiritual experience in the literature.

In order to quantify differences between men and women, and those having or not having a "mystical experience" (according to the above criteria), an omnibus 2 (gender) x

2 (mystical category) MANOVA was conducted with several continuous or ordinal level demographic and psilocybin use factors as dependent variables. MANOVA analysis was chosen due to its utility in controlling Type I error inflation. Follow-up ANOVAs were conducted if appropriate to determine the contribution of each dependent variable to group differences. In addition, MEQ and SQ total scores were correlated with the same relevant demographic and use variables used in the MANOVA analyses. Finally, a series of chi-square analyses were conducted to identify those dichotomous variables associated with having a mystical experience. As a result of the large number of chi-square (40 tests) and correlational (13x13 matrix) analyses conducted across a broad range of psilocybin use factors, the criterion for statistical significance was lowered to a = .01 to control for Type I error inflation. 81

CHAPTER III

Results

Participants

The demographics questionnaire was useful in characterizing the population of this study. Of the 504 participants, the mean age was 27.56 (SD=\ 0.96). The mean number of lifetime uses was 20.08 (SZ>=56.24). Four hundred and forty-six (88.8%) of the participants were male, while the other 56 (11.2%) were female. The participants ranged in level of education with 1 (0.2%) having completed only elementary school, 4

(0.8%) completed through junior high school, 239 (47.5%) completed high school, 67

(13.3%) earned an associates degree, 117 (23.3%) earned a bachelor's degree, and 73

(14.5%) completed graduate school.

Only 133 (26.5%) of the participants reported identifying with any particular religion including: Judaism, Christianity, Catholicism, Eclectic, Eastern Religions,

Magic/Witchcraft, Native American, Shamanism, and Animism. Four hundred and twelve (81.9%) of the participants reported identifying as European/Caucasian, 11 (2.2%) as Latino, 1 (0.2%) African-American, 3 (0.6%) Middle Eastern, 5 (1%) Asian, 1 (0.2%)

Native American/Indigenous, and 37 (7.4%) reported identifying as multiracial. With regards to psilocybin use, 369 (73.4%) of the participants stated that they had used psilocybin within the last year, with 125 (24.9%) using within the last month. Three hundred and thirty-four (66.4%) of the participants reported using psilocybin at least once every 6 months, and the 386 (76.8%) of the participants reported using strong or heavy doses. Also, 300 (59.6%) participants expected to have a spiritual experience, and 439 82

(87.3%) self-reported having a spiritual experience while under the influence of psilocybin.

Preliminary Analyses

The data set was examined to determine if parametric statistical analyses were appropriate (Dunlap, Burke, & Greer, 1995). Several statistical outliers were identified, some of which were verified as valid but highly unlikely participant responses (e.g., a participant claimed to have used 500 grams of dry psilocybin in one "dose"), while others were found to be errors in data entry by the participants. These relatively few statistical outliers were eliminated from the data set to permit the use of parametric statistics.

Frequency distributions were visually inspected for gross violations to normality.

Variables were deemed appropriate for parametric statistical analysis.

The Mystical Experience Questionnaire and the Spirituality Questionnaire were evaluated with respect to scale reliability to determine if calculation of total scores was warranted. An a priori criteria of Cronbach's alpha > .9 was chosen to ensure that the scales each adequately address the relevant construct. The internal consistency for the

MEQ (a = .969) and the SQ (a = .933) each met this criterion. Thus, total scores were calculated from the 43 items of the MEQ and the 42 items of the SQ. Sum scores were not calculated if a participant neglected to answer one or more scale items.

Between Group Comparisons (Pahnke Model)

Multivariate analysis.

In keeping with the criteria set forth by Pahnke (1969), individual participants were coded for whether or not they had met criteria for a "complete" mystical experience, and mean comparisons were conducted to characterize the differences between these two 83 groups. Of the 504 total participants in the sample, 85 were excluded for missing data.

Of the remaining 419 participants, 201 (48.0%) had some subscale scores falling below the criteria, while 218 (52.0%) achieved scores placing them in the "complete" mystical experience range.

A 2 x 2 MANOVA was conducted to determine if the weighted composite of several demographic and psilocybin use factor dependent variables differed across both gender and the mystical experience category variable. The demographic variables used were age and highest level of education. The variables associated with psilocybin use addressed the number of lifetime psilocybin uses, amount of time since last use, typical frequency of use, largest dose ever used, self-reported degree of spiritual significance and uniqueness of psilocybin experience, percentage of experiences (uses) that were spiritual, the degree of "meaningfulness" of the experience, and if use had changed sense of well- being. The main effect for gender was not significant, A = ..939, F ( l 1, 197) =1.159, /? =

.318, indicating that men and women did not differ across the dependent variables included in the analysis. A significant main effect for the mystical experiences categorical variable was obtained, A = ..026, F(l 1, 197) = 681.714,/? < .0001 and the interaction term for gender x mystical experience was not significant, A = ..954, F(l 1,

197) = .859,/? =.585. Follow-up ANOVA's were conducted to identify those independent variables that differed across the mystical experience variable.

Younger individuals (M= 24.66, SD = 8.39) comprised the group that did not have a "complete" mystical experience, compared with their older peers (M= 25.40, SD

= 9.16) in the mystical experience group, F(l,207) = 3.158,p = .032. The mystical experience group was comprised of a group of participants who had used psilocybin more times over the course of their lifetime (M= 30.35, SD = 66.66) than those in the non- mystical group (M= 9.93, SD = 12.51), F(l,207) = 4.423, p = .037, and had a larger single dose {M- 3.46, SD = .62) than the comparison group (M= 3.13, SD = .75),

F(l,207) = 10.29, p =.002.

Self-reported experiences about psilocybin use also differed. Individuals in the mystical experience group rated their psilocybin experiences as more significant, more unique, and more personally meaningful (on Likert-type scales) when compared to the non-mystical group (ps < .049). The experiences were also rated as having more of a positive, long-lasting effect on well-being after use, F( 1,207) = 6.100,/? = .014. Finally, those in the mystical experience range stated that a higher percentage of their psilocybin experiences were spiritually significant {M- 68.38%, SD = 25.36) when compared to the non-mystical group (M= 55.21%, SD = 34.20), F(l,207) = 5.494,/? = .020.

Correlational Analysis

Total scores for the MEQ and SQ were correlated with the same use factors summarized above in the Between Groups section. As stated previously, these Pearson product-moment correlations were conducted in hopes of utilizing the variance lost when

MEQ scores were split into two groups. In addition, correlations allow for the analysis of

SQ total scores. Correlational findings are summarized in Table 1. Table 1

Intercorrelations Between Scale Variables

Questionnaire Items 1 10 11 12 13

1. Age — .410** .188**-.463** - . 3 1 6 * * .055 .011 .115 .120' .026 .040 - . 0 7 4 .057

2. Highest level of education 501 — - . 0 0 3 .248**-.171** .003 -.066 • .046 .003 .118* .006 - . 1 2 4 - .001

3. Psilocybin lifetime uses 345 345 .069 .217** .210** .141 .014 • .030 .113 .125 .227** .137

4. Time since last use 503 502 346 — .603 ** .103 .125* .125 * - .090 .155** . 1 3 4 ' .126* .074

5. Frequency of psilocybin use 498 497 344 499 .147 .111 .093 - .068 .170** .114 .166** .118

6. Largest dose psilocybin (dry grams) 428 428 294 429 426 .208 ** .099 .039 .171** .123 .291** .182**

7. Spiritual significance of experience 495 494 340 496 491 423 .351** .535** .568** .375** .611** .561**

8. Uniqueness of spiritual experience 446 445 304 447 444 382 446 .128 .391 ** .064 .266 ** .210 **

9. Percentage of experiences that were spiritual 482 481 331 483 480 411 479 441 .294** .297** .466** .485**

10. How personally meaningful were experiences 499 498 343 500 495 426 493 446 480 — .325 ** .533 ** .505 * *

11. How has experience changed well-being 497 496 343 498 494 423 491 444 479 496 — .378** .436**

12. Mystical Experiences Questionnaire score 420 419 288 421 418 356 416 379 409 419 420 — .712**

13. Spirituality Questionnaire score 389 388 273 390 387 328 388 346 379 389 388 344 —

Note. Pearson r's above diagonal; n 's below diagonal

* p <.01 **p < .001 86

In evaluating the correlation table, it is important to note that some questions

utilized a negative coding scale ("Time since last use", "Frequency of use", and "How

has experience changed well-being"). The coding for these items was reversed to ensure

that higher scores on the scale are associated with either more psilocybin use, or

endorsement of the relevant construct. Many significant correlations were obtained

between demographic, use history, and personal experience questions associated with psilocybin use. Particularly noteworthy is that the MEQ total score was found to correlate with every use and experience question (rs range from . 126 to .611). Both more psilocybin use (in terms of frequency and dose size) and self-reported positive psilocybin experiences were associated with higher MEQ total scores. This is in partial contrast to the SQ total score, which was found to correlate with all positive experience questions (rs range from .210 to .561), but with only one use-related question (largest dose, r = 182).

Questions associated with frequency of use, time since last use, and lifetime uses were not correlated with the SQ total score.

Most self-reported positive experience questions were intercorrelated (rs range from .128 to .568). Spiritual significance of the individual's experience(s) were positively correlated with multiple factors, including uniqueness of experience, percentage of experiences that were spiritual, how personally meaningful were the experiences, how has the experience changed the individual's well being, and was also found to be intercorrelated with the MEQ and SQ (rs range from .351 to .611).

Interestingly, dosage was only correlated with spiritual significance of the experience, personal meaningfulness of the experience, the MEQ, and the SQ (rs range from .351 to

.611). 87

Chi-square Analysis

A large number of dichotomous variables were included in the measure addressing various motivations, as well as social and environmental factors associated with psilocybin use. These factors were contrasted with the complete mystical experience questions in a series of chi-square analyses. The complete mystical experience variable was not found to vary as a function of gender, ^ ( 1 ) = 2.859,/? = .091, religion,;^) =

1.129,/? = .288, or ethnicity,X*(6) = 3.704,/? = .717. Other dichotomous questions referencing a host of different use factors are summarized below in Tables 2 (for participant variables) and 3 (for setting variables). Table 2

Chi-square: Participant Use Factors

Complete Mystical Experience

Questionnaire Items Yes No x^ p_

Expectancy Factors

Expect to have a spiritual experience 163(64.4%) 90(35.6%) 36.991 <.001 **

Have you had a spiritual experience 215(58.1%) 155(41.9%) 45.790 <.001 **

Motivations for Use

Entertainment 171 ( 5 0 . 6 % ) 167 ( 4 9 . 4 % ) 1.446 .229

To escape reality 61 ( 5 1 . 3 % ) 58 ( 4 8 . 7 % ) 0.039 .843

Peer pressure 4 (36.4%) 7 ( 6 3 . 6 % ) 1.111 .292

To cleanse self 142 ( 6 7 . 6 % ) 68 ( 3 2 . 4 % ) 40.999 < ooi **

As a spiritual journey 205 ( 6 2 . 5 % ) 123 ( 3 7 . 5 % ) 66.348 <.001 * *

To ascertain knowledge 201 ( 6 0 . 0 % ) 134 ( 4 0 . 0 % ) 42.542 <.001 * *

As a part of a ritual 53 ( 8 0 . 3 % ) 13 ( 1 9 . 7 % ) 25.093 <.001 * *

As a therapeutic tool 165 ( 6 6 . 3 % ) 84 ( 3 3 . 7 % ) 49.836 <.001 * *

As part of a scholarly study 30 ( 5 8 . 8 % ) 21 ( 4 1 . 2 % ) 1.074 .300

Emotional Factors

Feelings directly prior to ingesting psilocybin 103(66.9%) 51(33.1%) 21.201 <.001 **

Feelings directly after ingesting psilocybin 108(72.5%) 41(27.5%) 38.349 <.001 **

Entity Factors

Presence of non-human entity 160(65.3%) 85(34.7%) 41.041 <.001 **

Presence of non-human voice 105(68.2%) 49(31.8%) 25.893 <.001 **

Communication with voice 78(74.3%) 27(25.7%) 27.262 <.001 **

Note. All dfs are 1. *p < .01, ** p < .001. f Groups defined according to Pahnke (1969). 89

As seen in Table 2, many participant use factors were found to differ across the

mystical experience categorical variable. Noteworthy are those variables related to

expectancy, as individuals in the "complete mystical experience" mystical experience

group more often expected to have a spiritual experience (64.4%), and reported supposed

previous spiritual experiences (58.1%) related to psilocybin use. Particularly noteworthy

are the chi-square findings around motivational factors, where individuals in the

"complete mystical experience" group reported motivations for use related to self-

discovery and growth. Those who were classified as having a "complete mystical

experience" were more likely to have sought out psilocybin "as part of a ritual" (80.3%),

"to cleanse themselves" (67.6%), "as a therapeutic tool" (66.3%), "as a part of a spiritual journey" (62.5%), and "to ascertain knowledge" (60.0%), ps < .001. No group

differences were found across the motivation factors of "Entertainment", "To escape

reality", and "Peer pressure" (ps > .228). Emotional factors and the experiencing of a

non-human presence or voice during use were also found to be linked with mystical

experience (ps <.001). 90

Table 3 Chi-square: Setting Use Factors Complete Mystical Experience^

Questionnaire Items Yes No Social Factors

Being with others 135(62.2%) 82(37.8%) 18.298 <.001 ** Being alone 162(60.4%) 106(39.6%) 20.591 <.001 ** By Self, inside in private 172(58.1%) 124(41.9%) 14.932 <.001 ** By Self, outside in public 83(64.3%) 46(35.7%) 11.321 .001 * By Self, outside in private 118 (60.8%) 76 (39.2%) 11.199 .001* With others, inside in private 197 (54.3%) 166 (45.7%) 5.467 .019 With others, outside in private 178 (55.6%) 142 (44.4%) 7.018 .008* With others, outside in public 116(54.7%) 96(45.3%) 1.243 .265

Therapy Group 6 (75.0%) 2 (25.0%) 1.724 .189 Research Study 1 (50.0%) 1 (50.0%) 0.003 .954 Church Service 7 (87.5%) 1 (12.5%) 4.111 .043 Having a guide or shaman 25 (83.3%) 5(16.7%) 12.592 <.001 ** Environmental Factors

Being in darkness or closing eyes 159(64.4%) 88(35.6%) 36.128 <.001 ** Listening to music 166(63.8%) 94(36.2%) 37.689 <.001 ** Being inside 115(68.0%) 54(32.0%) 28.722 <.001 ** Being outside 148(61.7%) 92(38.3%) 20.442 <.001 ** Meditating 128(68.8%) 58(31.2%) 37.293 <.001 ** Praying 50(73.5%) 18(26.5%) 14.871 <.001 ** Temperature of surroundings 62(62.0%) 38(38.0%) 5.108 .024 Candles or incense 59(73.8%) 21(26.3%) 18.493 <.001 ** Being in nature 166(61.9%) 102(38.1%) 28.668 <.001 ** Other Factors

Using other drugs in combination 80(71.4%) 32(28.6%) 22.780 <.001 **

Note. All dfs are 1. * p < .01, ** p < .001. T Groups defined according to Pahnke (1969). 91

As seen in Table 3, a majority of social and environmental factors differed across the mystical experience variable. Many social factor variables associated with either solitary or social use were found to be related to mystical experience.

A large number of environmental factors were also found to be significantly related to having a mystical experience. Being with others (62.2%), being alone (60.4%), being in darkness or with eyes closed (64.4%), listening to music (63.8%), being inside

(68.0%), being outside (61.7%), being in nature (61.9%), having a guide or shaman present (83.3%), using other drugs (71.4%), and having candles lit (73.8%) were all associated with having a mystical experience, ps < .001. Mindset, motivational, and emotional factors including meditating during experience (68.8%), praying during experience (73.5%), expectation of having a spiritual experience (64.4%), feelings right before ingesting (66.9%), and feelings right after ingesting (72.5%) were also found to be related to having a mystical experience, ps < .001. As depicted in Table 2, those individuals classified as having a complete mystical experience were also much more likely to have felt the presence of a non-human entity (65.3%), heard a non-human voice, or a voice of unknown origin (68.2%), and communicated with a voice of unknown origin (74.3%), ps < .001. Because previous research (Beach, 1996) indicated that hearing a voice of unknown origin was related to dosage, a t-test was conducted to explore whether there were differences between those who heard a voice and those who did not. Individuals who heard a non-human voice used more times over the course of their life, <156.946) - 2.013,/? = .046, used psilocybin more frequently, f(491) = 3.749,/?

< .001, and reported a larger single dose, /(421) = 5.525,/? < .001, than those who did not hear a non-human voice. Similarly, those who reported communicating with a voice of 92 unknown origin had more lifetime uses, t($ 1.284) = 2.015,/? = .047, more frequent use,

/(491) = 2.822,/? = .005, and a larger single dose, *(239.269) = 5.452,/? < .001, than those who did not communicate with a voice. 93

CHAPTER IV

Discussion

Summary and Interpretation of Findings

This study demonstrated that psilocybin is linked to mystical and spiritual experiences in a diverse group of individuals in non-laboratory settings. Many reported changes in their spirituality after use of psilocybin, and the majority (58.1%) asserted that their psilocybin experience(s) were among the top five most spiritually significant experiences of their lives. The bulk of the participants (90%) also proclaimed that the psilocybin experiences) increased their well-being and asserted that the experience(s) were personally meaningful. Of the 504 participants, 52% achieved scores on the

Pahnke-Richards Mystical Experience Questionnaire that met the criteria for having a

"complete" mystical experience when using psilocybin.

Psychoactive plants have been utilized for thousands of years to produce mystical states (Guzman, 2008; Harner, 1973). The use of entheogenic drugs has been important to the shamanistic tradition, and shamans have utilized these substances to enter into altered states of consciousness to heal individuals or gain spiritual enlightenment (Harner,

1973). In addition to having an immense traditional history, multiple scholars have hypothesized that consciousness-altering plants have played an important role in the origin and development of spiritual concepts (McKenna & McKenna, 1975; Smith, 2003;

Wasson, 1980). The utilization of mind-altering substances to produce spiritual and cultural understanding has been an ancient tradition; however, in Western culture, divine visions are often dismissed as hallucinations and the desire to have direct communication with God is often seen as a sign of mental illness (Merlin, 2003). 94

Pre-industrial motivations for the utilization of psychedelic substances have been predominantly for spiritual and medicinal purposes. In contrast, contemporary use in societies that have been affected by Western civilization is often driven by a desire to experience euphoria, and frequently influenced by peer group pressure (Merlin, 2003).

The current study found that motivations for psilocybin use were associated with whether or not individuals met the criteria for having a "complete" mystical experience.

Motivations focused on entertainment, escaping reality, or peer pressure were not associated with mystical experience, whereas individuals who utilized psilocybin as part of a spiritual journey, to ascertain knowledge, as part of a ritual, as a therapeutic tool, or to cleanse themselves were more likely to have these experiences.

These findings suggest that individuals who are motivated to use psilocybin as a tool for growth are more likely to achieve mystical states, or interpret their experiences as spiritual. Also noteworthy is individuals who had "complete" mystical experiences reported that the experiences changed their well-being for the better. The association between mystical experiences and increases in life-satisfaction or well-being suggests that it is possible that the states induced by psilocybin when individuals are motivated by growth can be positive and produce lasting changes.

In pre-industrial societies, it was commonplace to have a guide or shaman present to help facilitate the psychedelic experience. Non-Western societies have often provided an initiation rite for youth in which the participants are guided through experiences with psychedelic drugs to signify their growth in spirituality and maturity within their culture

(De Rios & Grob, 1994; Stuart, 2004). There is a stigma around psychedelic drug use and a bias against the value of drug-induced states in the Western culture. Although 95 many individuals have reported gaining profound insight from the use of psychedelic drugs and studies have demonstrated that individuals report having positive lasting changes after these drug-induced experiences, it is not commonplace for individuals to be supervised and guided through psychedelic experiences in the Western culture. Elders in our society, customarily, do not guide young drug users, which increases the chance that the drug experiences can be disorganizing and dangerous (De Rios & Grob, 1994).

The current study found that only 22.1% of the participants had been guided through a psilocybin experience in their lifetime. This finding is not surprising due to the stigma attached to psychedelic drugs; however this lack of supervision and guidance may affect the outcome of any psychedelic experience. Researchers (i.e., Griffiths et al.,

2006; Leary et al., 1963; Pahnke, 1969) have noted the importance of providing a comfortable and supportive environment when administrating psychedelic drugs, and these researchers have invested time and effort in preparing their subjects prior to any drug administration. Preparation has been found to greatly reduce anxiety in the subjects and when paired with a supportive environment it decreases the chances of having a negative experience. The current study found that having a guide or shaman present was associated with mystical experience. Although only a relatively few participants were guided through their psilocybin experiences, the support of the leader may have impacted the participants and facilitated mystical experience. One possible explanation for this is that individuals who feel supported, have built trust with a leader or guide, and have clearer expectations will likely feel less anxious about the effects and will be more open to focusing on the psychedelic experience. 96

Previous studies (Pahnke, 1969; Richards et al. 2006) have found that psilocybin can produce mystical experiences in Protestant divinity students, as well as in individuals who have identified as having regular participation in spiritual or religious activities when psilocybin is administered in comfortable and supportive conditions. The results of the current study support the previous findings that mystical experiences are associated with psilocybin. All three of the studies found that individuals report having experiences under the influence of psilocybin that are spiritually meaningful and have lasting effects.

Although the current study had similar findings to the Pahnke (1969) and Richards et al.

(2006) studies, there were three major ways in which it differed.

First, the current study utilized a self-report method while the previous studies employed an experimental model. In both previous studies, psilocybin was administered to the subjects in a double-blind procedure, and participants were asked to rate their experience(s) directly after the effects had subsided. Although the experimental design in the previous research, which maintained strict controls and methodology, provided vast information on psilocybin and measured causal effects, the information attained was limited to the subjects who met the criteria for safe administration of psilocybin. The current study did not administer any drugs to subjects, permitting a wider range of participants to respond to the questionnaire. These previous studies administered psilocybin to self-identified religious or spiritual individuals with no previous history of drug use or mental health histories. The present study expanded on these results by utilizing a self-report measure to explore the effects of psilocybin on individuals with a broader range of spiritual backgrounds, and did not disqualify individuals for prior drug usage. Second, the relationship between the researcher and participants differed between the current study and previous studies. Because the previous studies utilized the experimental model, the researchers were able to build a relationship with their subjects whereas the current study utilized participants who were anonymous. The ability to develop a relationship with the subjects allowed the previous researchers to build rapport and meet with these subjects on a number of occasions. In both of the prior studies, participants were screened and had meetings with the monitors to minimize the risk of adverse reactions to the psilocybin. Having a working relationship with the subjects also allowed the researchers to use a number of different rating scales and personality inventories. Because the subjects in the current study were anonymous it was important to make the questionnaire short enough that it could be completed in a reasonable amount of time, thus limiting the number of questions and scales that could be assessed.

One important difference was that in previous studies, the assessment was limited to the experience(s) that were administered to the subject, while in the current study it was impossible to identify the exact experience on which a participant is reporting. Also, because these participants may have had experiences with other entheogenic drugs, it is possible that their experiences may have blended together, and that they may have inaccurately reported psilocybin effects. The use of multiple entheogens could have affected the estimation of the importance of the psilocybin experience either positively or negatively. It is possible that individuals who have had other profound experiences with other substances may have decreased their estimation of the effects of psilocybin, while others who have not had other drug experiences may have increased their assessment of the effects, or vice versa. 98

The third manner in which the current research differed from the previous studies is that in the current study the participants were categorized into two groups based upon whether or not they met the criteria for having a "complete" mystical experience. Both of the previous studies compared psilocybin groups to control groups to assess differences in mystical experience. In the Pahnke (1969) study, groups that had taken psilocybin were compared to groups that had not taken psilocybin, while in the Griffiths et al. (2006) study subjects were assessed after ingesting either psilocybin or the placebo. The differing factor between the two groups in the previous research was whether or not the subject had taken psilocybin. Although these previous studies did discuss whether or not individuals met the criteria for having a "complete" mystical experience, their focus was more on the differences between the placebo and psilocybin. By dividing participants into mystical and non-mystical groups, the current study was able to identify factors connected with attaining mystical experience.

Those classified as having a "complete" mystical experience in the current study were older (p = .032), used psilocybin more times over the course of their lifetime (p =

.037), and had a larger single dose (p - .002). Although results indicated that there was a difference in age between the groups, the age difference was less than 1 year, and it is difficult to say whether this age difference has any particular usefulness. The finding that older individuals tend to have more mystical experiences may have also been confounded by variables associated with age such as the number of times someone has taken psilocybin, possibility of increased dosage, and knowledge about mystical states. The finding that individuals with higher lifetime uses more frequently had mystical experiences can be attributed to a number of factors. It is likely that individuals who 99 have had multiple experiences with psilocybin may have felt more comfortable in their later sessions because they knew what to expect and may have been less anxious if they had positive previous experiences. Also, individuals who had mystical experiences on their first psilocybin use may have been more likely to have used the substance on subsequent occasions, and likely were more willing to use higher doses. Dosage has been linked to intensity and duration of the experience (Furst, 1992; Ott, 1993; Stafford, 1992), and therefore it is not surprising that it is also associated with mystical experience.

Individuals who undergo profound changes in their perception may interpret the alterations as spiritual or mystical because they do not have any other way to describe what they have experienced. Because high doses of psilocybin produce intense effects that are so unique from their common awareness or consciousness, individuals may have a difficult time expressing what they have experienced. This corresponds with the ineffability of the mystical experience.

Through comparison of the two groups, the current study also identified multiple set and setting factors associated with having a "complete" mystical experience. These included expectancy of the individual, motivations for use, as well as emotional, social, and environmental factors. The slightly higher proportion of individuals (percentages ranging from 55.6% to 62.2%) endorsing social setting factors may be an artifact because those who use psilocybin more often are more likely to have experienced these different use settings. This same effect likely influenced the results in that almost every environmental factor was found to differ across the mystical experience grouping, as those who use more often have likely had more chances to experience these varied settings. Similar to the current research, Beach's (1996) study utilized a self-report measure to study the auditory voice phenomenon associated with psilocybin use. In his study, he separated subjects into groups based upon whether or not they had heard a voice of unknown origin while under the influence of psilocybin. Beach found that there are a number of factors associated with hearing a voice including: the number of times an individual took psilocybin, higher dosage, taking mushrooms in solitude, using mushrooms that were grown by the subject, using in darkness, and having heard a voice(s) when using other drugs. In the current study, participants who qualified as having a "complete" mystical experience reported the presence of a non-human entity more frequently than those who did not (65.3%). Mystical experience was also associated with hearing a non-human voice, or voice of unknown origin (68.2%), and those who communicated with the voice (74.3%). This finding supports Beach's (1996) study in which he found that individuals on high doses of psilocybin reported hearing and communicating with a voice of unknown origin. This finding also corroborates the hypothesis that hearing or communicating with a voice of unknown origin may increase mystical experience in psilocybin users or vice versa. Interestingly, multiple factors associated with mystical experience in the current study were also found to be correlated with hearing a voice in Beach's (1996) research. This finding suggests that there are significant factors that can predict the outcome of the experience.

Limitations

The current study utilized a self-report methodology that entailed certain limitations. These include: self-selection of participants, reliability of the participant, expectancy effects, and possible inaccurate reports of dosage. 101

Individuals who participated in this survey were recruited through organizations that support psychedelic research, internet forums that focus on psychedelic drugs, or through flyers posted at universities that request participants who have used psilocybin.

Thus they represent a small sample of the general population, and may even represent a select population within psilocybin users. That this researcher was forthcoming about the objective of the study also may have affected the selection of the participants. It is likely that subjects chose to participate in this study because they were already interested in how psilocybin affects spirituality.

Another limitation of this study is that it utilized a self-report measure.

Participants may have inaccurately reported their experiences either deliberately to support their own viewpoints, or inadvertently due to a number of factors. Many participants reported multiple experiences with psilocybin and this might have affected their recollection. Participants with other drug-use histories may have also confused or combined their psilocybin experiences with other drugs.

Because individuals who have had multiple experiences with psilocybin were utilized in this study, it is not possible to know about which experience they are reporting. It is likely that some participants may have had spiritual experiences during some of their uses and not others. It would be interesting to assess individuals who have had multiple experiences on each of their psilocybin episodes. Another limitation of this study is that it relied upon subjects correctly identifying the dosage of psilocybin they ingested. Dosage was quantified by measuring the dried grams ingested by the participants, and it is likely that some individuals were not aware of the exact amount that was consumed. Also, due to the inconsistency of psilocybin and psilocin levels in psilocybin mushrooms, it is difficult to measure how much of the active agents were present in each dose. Participants likely reported on different species of psilocybin mushrooms; only one subject commented on what species of mushrooms were ingested.

Expectancy effects and experimenter bias may have also limited the reliability of generalization of the results. Expectations of both subjects and experimenters may influence the outcome of an experiment (Metzner et al., 1965). Metzner et al. (1965) suggested that the divergence in reports about hallucinogenic drugs is likely due to this experimenter bias, and asserted that it is almost impossible to eliminate this effect in human experiments. Although Pahnke (1969) attempted to avoid experimenter bias in his "Good Friday Experiment" through the use of a double-blind procedure, subjects easily identified whether they had received the drug (Doblin, 1991). Doblin (1991) remarked that although there was no evidence that the experimental team in the "Good

Friday Experiment" utilized their knowledge of whether or not the subject received psilocybin or the placebo, an unconscious bias may have occurred that could have resulted in an "expectancy effect." Griffiths et al. (2006) reported that the expectancy effect was reduced in their study through the use of a double-blind procedure that they found to be effective.

There are a number of ways that experimenter bias may have influenced the results of the current experiment. First, individuals were informed that the study was exploring psilocybin and spirituality, and this may have impacted the manner in which they answered the questionnaire. It is possible that the subjects may have hypothesized what they believed this researcher was attempting to conclude, and tailored their responses to facilitate the results. Second, it is also possible that the results of this study may have been affected by expectancy factors on the part of the participants. The majority (59.6%) of the participants in the current study self-reported that they expected to have a spiritual experience from the ingestion of psilocybin. Interestingly, although many of the participants did expect to have a spiritual experience, the vast majority (87.6%) reported that their experience with psilocybin was spiritual. The expectancy effect is difficult to determine due to the nature of the self-report measure. Because participants were not excluded based on prior drug histories, and many had more than one experience with psilocybin, it is possible that some may not have known exactly how to answer this question. For example, it could be that the first time an individual ingested psilocybin that individual did not expect to have a spiritual experience, but the experience may have been spiritual for that person. Due to the previous experience the participant may have expected to have spiritual experiences on subsequent trials. This individual may have indicated that there was an expectation to have a spiritual experience based on prior reactions to psilocybin or other drugs that may have induced spiritual states.

Finally, because many participants may have had experiences with other entheogenic drugs, it is possible that their experiences may have blended together, and that they may have inaccurately reported psilocybin effects. The use of multiple entheogens could have affected the estimation of the importance of the psilocybin experience either positively or negatively. It is possible that individuals who have had other profound experiences with other substances may have decreased their estimation of the effects of psilocybin, while others who have not had other drug experiences may have increased their assessment of the effects. 104

The prevalence of Caucasian males in this study is another area that restricts generalization of the results. In Western society, the exploration of consciousness with psychedelics has been largely dominated by men (Beach, 1996; Stafford, 1992). The high proportion of Caucasian males in this study, while not surprising, limits the ability to understand how psilocybin affects females and individuals from different cultures.

Although this study indicated no gender or ethnic differences, a larger sample of diverse subjects would have been beneficial to accurately universalize the findings.

Interestingly, only 26.5% of the participants identified with any particular religion. Upon first glance this seemed surprising because current research indicates that the vast majority of the American population retain a belief in spiritual reality (Miller &

Thoresen, 2003). Upon closer scrutiny, it became obvious that the question posed about whether an individual identified with any particular religion did not include individuals who simply describe themselves as spiritual. If the question had been phrased in a way to include spirituality, a higher percentage of individuals would likely have identified as being spiritual.

Also, several participants expressed displeasure of the utilization of the word

"God" in the survey, or stated that the questionnaire presented a Western philosophy of spirituality, and reported that they felt that this may have placed a bias into the survey.

These comments included:

-The "You feel more of a connection to the God of..." the term God puts a big bias

in this. If that was taken out and left intact with the rest, it would make better

sense. So I put I don't know for those. -A lot of these questions implicitly pose a dualist notion of spiritual experience. A

pantheist or secular spirituality without deity is left out of this inquiry about

relation to "higher powers'VThe time factor in Q23 suggests a cyclical nature of

spiritual insight that is confusing and a little odd. Thanks for doing the research

though.

-too much god wordiness. Does it half (sic) to be "god" to be spiritual... don't

clasify (sic) things in terms of our own society so much.

-I feel that I was not able to answer some of the questions fully because I do not

truly believe in any god or higher power and feel that ultimate reality is only the

life that we live before we die.

Although this researcher utilized multiple terms (i.e., the God of your understanding/ultimate reality/a higher power) to avoid bias in the questionnaire, the wording of some of the questions may have affected some participants' responses. The majority of participants in Beach's (1996) study identified as having some sort of religious or spiritual belief, and a large number of the participants were classified as being Eastern, pantheistic, or nature-based. It would be beneficial to revisit the questionnaire, for further studies, to review the wording of the spiritual/religious questions and possibly amend them to be more inclusive of other notions of spirituality.

Suggestions for Further Research

Because many psilocybin users indicate that they have used other drugs, it would be pertinent to identify whether these individuals report and qualify for having mystical experiences with these other substances. If individuals are reporting spiritual experiences with other drugs, it would be important to determine what are the other drugs, what they have in common, and what individual factors are correlated with having mystical experiences.

Another area for further exploration would be to assess whether there are differences between synthesized psilocybin and naturally-occurring psilocybin in facilitating mystical experiences. Because synthesized psilocybin has been utilized in the experimental designs (Griffiths et al., 2006; Pahnke, 1969), it would be beneficial to explore whether these substances produce different effects in subjects.

Finally, a study on the drawbacks to psilocybin usage would beneficial as multiple individuals have reported experiencing significant anxiety due to psilocybin ingestion. One participant in the current study reflected that there was no mention in the study about the "darker or demonic aspects of the spiritual worlds." Johnson et al. (2008) identify potential adverse reactions to hallucinogens including psychological risks, and the possibility of provoking the onset of prolonged psychosis. Individuals who have had adverse reactions to psilocybin should be studied to better understand the precipitating factors to negative experiences.

In conclusion, the findings of the current study indicate that psilocybin is associated with mystical and spiritual experiences, and can produce lasting positive effects in users. Although entheogenic drugs have been utilized throughout history to facilitate mystical experiences, Western culture tends to deny such benefits of drug- induced states. This research indicates that with proper set and setting, individuals may benefit from the use of psilocybin. Pre-industrial societies often utilized entheogenic drugs to initiate their young, and elders often monitored and guided the experiences.

With its focus on Western medicine and taboos around mystical states, current industrialized societies have limited the avenues into attaining spiritual insight. With proper support and guidance entheogenic experiences can help individuals mature and develop their identities. Continued research needs to be conducted to better understand both the benefits and possible risks psilocybin and other entheogenic drugs can have. References

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APPENDIX A

MAPS Announcement 116

Participants Needed for a Research Study on Psychedelic Mushrooms (Psilocybin) and

Spirituality.

You are needed for a study exploring psychedelic mushrooms and spirituality. I am an advanced graduate student studying Clinical Psychology at the California School of

Professional Psychology. I am recruiting participants for a study looking at individual's experiences with psilocybin. Participants must be over the age of 18 and have taken psilocybin mushrooms. Your participation would consist of filling out a brief online questionnaire that will take approximately 15-20 minutes to complete. Your answers are anonymous, so no one can identify you. Participation is completely voluntary, and you may stop participating at any time. Because the study is anonymous, the data cannot be removed once you have submitted your responses, but any time prior to submission you may withdraw your participations should you wish.

If you would like to participate in this study, please click on the following link:

(www.mushroomstudy.com). If you have any questions, please feel free to e-mail me at [email protected]. Please note: if you choose to contact the researcher your e- mail address will be kept completely separate from any other information and will be destroyed upon the completion of the study. This identifying information will only be used for purposes of responding to your question and in no way will it be linked to any study data. 117

APPENDIX B

Recruitment Flyer 118 Ever taken Psychedelic Mushrooms? You are needed for a study exploring psychedelic mushrooms and spirituality. It involves only one questionnaire (approximately 15-20 minutes) and participation is VOLUNTARY AND

ANONYMOUS.

If interested please go to

(www.mushroomstudv.com) or contact Kevin

Bunch, M.A. at [email protected].

Thank you! 119

APPENDIX C

Internet Announcement Ever taken Psychedelic Mushrooms?

You are needed for a study exploring psychedelic mushrooms and spirituality. It involves only one questionnaire (approximately 15-20 minutes) and participation is

VOLUNTARY AND ANONYMOUS

If interested please go to (www.mushroomstudy.com) or contact Kevin Bunch, M.A. at mushroomstudv(a),gmail.com. 121

APPENDIX D

Anonymous Psilocybin Questionnaire 122

If you are over the age of 18 and have ever taken psilocybin, please answer the following questionnaire. I am an advanced graduate student in Clinical Psychology at the California School of Professional Psychology, and this questionnaire is part of my final research project. Your participation would be greatly appreciated. This questionnaire is completely voluntary and anonymous. I will not know the name of anyone who participates. Though I encourage you to complete the study, you may omit answers to particular questions or not complete the study and thus not submit it for any reason at anytime, no questions asked. Also, the organization that has distributed this for me will not know whether you as an individual participated or not. Please do not take this questionnaire more than once. Any participant who experiences distress as a result of their participation in this study will be entitled to one free consultation with a licensed therapist. If there are questions, or to request a consultation, contact me at any time ([email protected]). Should you contact me, your contact information will be kept completely separate from any survey data and will only be used for purposes of responding to your question. Your contact information will be destroyed upon the completion of the study. Please stop now if you are not over the age of 18 and/or have not taken psilocybin mushrooms. If you have ever been hospitalized or sought treatment from a medical or psychological professional due to negative effects from taking any psychedelic drug do not complete this questionnaire. By completing this survey informed consent is assumed.

1. What is your age?

2. What is your gender?

Q Male.

Q Female.

3. Please indicate the highest level of education that you have completed?

Cj Elementary School (K-5). Q Associates Degree.

Q Juninr High School (6-8). Q Bachelor's Degree.

Q High School. (9-12). Q) Graduate Degree.

4. Do you identify with any religion? (If so, please state what religion you identify with?) Os. 0No-

Please specify the religion with which you identify.

5. What ethnicity do you identify with? If bi or multiracial, please identify each race that you identify with,

6. How many times have you taken psilocybin in any form?

7. How long has it been since you have taken any amount of psilocybin mushrooms?

f ) l ess than a month. (j ?-5 years.

Q 1-6 months. Q 5-10 years.

Q 5" 1 2 months. Q Wore than. 1U years.

0 '-? Years. 123

8. How often do you use psilocybin?

f") O n c e every 6 months.

("j Tnc times a month. ( j Once a year.

f ) Once a month. f ) Less than once a year.

Q Once e v e r y t w o m o n t h s .

9. What is the most you have taken at one time?

# of dried grams of j psMocybin mushrooms. # of wet (raw) grams of I j psilocybin mushrooms. # of dried PSilocyhm mushrooms. # of wet (raw) psilocybin f mushrooms.

10. Have you ever had someone guide you through a psilocybin mushroom experience?

O- 11. In what ways have you prepared for your psilocybin experience(s)? , . .. ;._ ._ 3 12. When preparing to take psilocybin mushrooms, did you expect to have a spiritual experience?

Q»o.

13. What have been your reasons for taking psilocybin? (Please mark all that apply.)

I l.ritertainment/fun. J j To ascertain knowledge.

I I To escape reality. I j As part of a ritual.

Peer p-essure. As a therapeutic tool.

I I To cleanse self. As part ct a scholarly study.

As a spiritual jcuriey.

Please indicate any cfer reasons below. 14. In what setting have you taken psiiocybin mushrooms? (Please check all that apply.)

By self- inside in private (i.e., alone at home, in garage,..) I With other people- outside In public (I.e. party or rave, in shopping mall, crowded beach or street, public parks, public • By self- outside in public (i.e., not with other people but in transiortatioti...) public such as in shopping mail, crowded beach or street, public parks, public transportation...) |_j As Part of therapy group. I | By sell- outside m private (I.e. in secludea nature sorting. As pa^t of research study. backyard...) |—. I As part of church service. With other people- inside in private (in a home, in garage...)

I I With other people- outside m private (i.e. in secluded nature setting, backyard...)

15. Have you ever had a spiritual experience while under the influence of psiiocybin mushrooms?

o°- 16. Indicate the degree to which the experience(s) were spiritually significant to you.

Q Not at all.

(~) Moderately.

( j Very much.

( j Among the h most spiritually significant expediences of my lite.

(/) The single incst spiritually significant experience of my life.

17. I f you answered that your experience^) were spiritually significant to you, indicate how unusual the experience(s) were to you.

(J) Not at all uninue (similar >o other spiritual experiences I have had without psiiocybin).

f ) Somewhat unusual (somewhat similar to my ether spiritual experiences without psiiocybin).

\^J Completely unique [unlike any ol my prior spiritual experie-.ces without -silocybln).

18. What percentage of your psiiocybin experiences have been spiritual? (0-100%, with all of the experiences = 100%) 19. If you have had a spiritual experience while under the influence of psilocybin, please indicate which factors have affected your experience. (Please check all that apply.)

I | Being with otfiers. | I Being ins.de. |_J Candles or incense.

r j Being alone. I Being outside. LJ Being in nature.

I 1 Being in darkness or closing eyes. [ [ Mediating. I I Using other drugs in combination with psilocybin. 1 Having a guide cr shaman. M Praying, j Feelings directly prior to ingesting I [ Listening to music. j Temperature cf surroundings. psilocybin.

feelings directly after Ingesting psilocybin.

Please indicate any other factors tnat have affected your spiritual experience while using psilocybin

20. Have you ever sensed the presence of a non-human entity while under the influence of psilocybin mushrooms? 0Yes- 0Ng- 21. Have you ever heard a non-human voice or a voice of unknown origin while under the influence of psilocybin? o,.

22. Have you ever communicated with a voice of unknown origin while under the influence of psilocybin?

23. How personally meaningful have your experience/experiences been with psilocybin mushrooms?

Q Xt> more than routine, everyday experiences [without Q Similar to meaningful experiences that occur on average psilocybin). once every b years (witnojt psilocybin).

[/) Similar to meaningful experiences tnat occur on average (j Among the 1C most meaningful experiences of my life. once or more s week (without psilocybin}. -. f ) among the 5 most meaningful experiences or my life. C_) Similar to meaningful experiences tnat occjr on average once a month (without psliorvbln). O The s"', e mosr meaningful experience of my life.

(~) Similar to meaningful experiences that occur on average once a year (without psilocybin). 126

24. How has your experience and your contemplation of that experience affected your current sense of personal weil-cein g or life satisfaction?

f ) Increased ve-y much. f j Decreased slightly.

Q Increased moderately. f ) Decreased modera ely.

Q Increased s'lghtly. f ) Decreased very mu ch.

( ) No change.

25. Please rate the degree to which at any time while under the influence of psilocybin mushrooms, you experienced the following phenomena.

5-Extre"~.e i-So slight (more than O-Not at all. cannot 2-Slight. 3-Moderate. 4-Strong. ever before decide. in your life and stronger than 4) Sense of reverence. 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 oss o' your usual sense of time. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Experience of overflowing energy. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Feelings of peace and trar.q:;i'ity. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Loss of your usual identity. Sense of the limitations and smallness ot your 0 0 0 0 0 0 everyday personality In contrast tn ihe infinite. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Experience of the 'nsight that "All is One*. With eyes open, seeing something in your 0 0 0 0 0 0 surroundings mere and more intensely and then 0 0 0 0 0 0 teei'ng as though you and it Become one. feeling that you have teen "outs de of history in a realm wnere time does not exist. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Loss of usual aware-ess of where you were. feeling that you could net Co justice to your 0 0 0 0 0 0 experience by describing it in words. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Expe'ience of the "usion of your personal set* into a larger whole. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sense that in onler to describe parts of your experience ycu would have to use statements that 0 0 0 0 0 0 appear to be illogical, involving contradictions and paradoxes. Feeing that it would be difficult to communicate your own expelence to others whe ^ave not had s mila'- 0 0 0 0 0 0 experiences. Experience of oneness or unity with objects and/or persons perceived in your surroundings. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Experience of amazement.

Intuitive insifjht into the ir.ne- ratjre of objects 0 0 0 0 0 0 and/or persons In your surroundings. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Peeling that the consciousness experienced during part of the session was more rc.il than your nor-nal 0 0 0 0 0 0 awareness of everycay reality. Loss of feelings of difference between ycursel- anc ahjeefs or persons in your surroundings. 0 0 0 0 0 0 toss of your usual sense of space. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lxperience of timelessness. Sense of profound humility before the majesty uf 0 0 0 0 0 0 what was 'elt to be sacred or holy. 0 0 0 0 0 0 127

Awareness cf Hie life or living presence in all things. Sense of being "outside or time, beyond pas* and 0 0 0 0 0 0 future. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Experience of a paradoxical awareness that two apparently opposite princples or situations are both 0 0 0 0 0 0 tile. Sense thai the experience car not te described adequately in words. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Experience of ecstasy. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Experience of pure Being and pure awareness (beyond the world of sense impressions). 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sense of Iseltj at a spiritual height. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sense or awe or awesomuness. 0 0 0 0 0 0 ree!mgs of joy. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Seine, .n a realm with no space boundaries. Certainty of encounter with ultimate reality (in the 0 0 0 0 0 0 sense of being able to "l-ncw" and "see" what is 0 0 0 0 0 0 -eally real) at some time dunig your session. Feelings of universal or inf.mte love. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Feelings of exaltation. Experience of oneness in re!ati:in to an "inner world" 0 0 0 0 0 0 within. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Feelings cf ter.demess and gentleness. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Gain of insignifui knowledge experienced at an intuitive level. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Freedom from t!",e limitations of your persona! seir and feelinc a unity or bond with what was felt to be 0 0 0 0 0 0 greater than your personal self. Feeling that you experienced etem.ty or Infinity. 0 0 0 0 0 0 You are convinced now, as you look back on your experience, that in it you encountered tilt mate 0 0 0 0 0 0 reality (i.e. that you "knew' and "saw" what was really real). Experience of unity vvitn ultimate -eality. 0 0 0 0 0 0 Feeling that you experienced something profoundly sacred and holy. 0 0 0 0 0 0 128

26. Please rate the degree to which at anytime after the immediate perceptual effects of psilocybin subsided, you experienced the following phenomena. 5-Extreme (more O-Nonc; Not at i-So slight than ever before 2 - S l i g h t . 3-Moderare. 4-Strong. all. cannot decide. in your life and stronger than 4) You feel less of a connection to the God of 0 0 0 0 0 0 your understanding/ultimate reatity/a higher power. You are less at heme in the Present rncmenf. 0 0 0 0 0 0 You are less apprehensive about your own death. 0 0 0 0 0 0 You place more importance In yoor 0 0 0 0 0 0 spiritual and/or religious understandings. You feel less at home m the universe. 0 0 0 0 0 0 You feel more of a connection to the God of 0 0 0 0 0 0 your understanding/ultimate realiry/a higher power. You have an increased belief that there is a 0 o 0 0 0 0 higher plane of consciousness or spirituality that binds all people. Time spent in quiet meditation or prayer hiis 0 0 0 0 0 0 decreased. You now believe less in some form of continuance 0 0 0 0 0 0 afte' death. You hn'i less of a sense of the preeicus-ess of 0 0 0 0 0 0 life. Time spent n quiet meditation nr prayer has 0 0 0 0 0 0 increased. You have an increased sense of reverence. 0 0 0 0 0 0 You want more distance from the God of your 0 0 0 0 0 0 understanding/ultimate rea.'ity/a higher power. You have a decreased feeling of an emotional 0 0 0 0 0 0 bond with all of humanity. You want tc grow closer ro the God of your 0 0 0 0 0 0 understanding/ultimate reality/a Mgiier power. You have an increased sense that all of life is 0 0 o 0 0 0 interconnected. You have a decreased sense of reverence. 0 0 0 0 0 0 You experience profound sacrecness more 0 0 0 0 0 0 129

frequent!'/. Your prayers and/or meditations prwtfe nu 0 0 0 0 0 0 with a diminished sense of emotional support. You now believe more in some form of continuance 0 0 0 0 0 0 after death. You have an increased sense of a personal 0 0 0 0 0 0 relat'onship with the Goo of your understandlng/uitmate reallty/a higher power. You experience profound sacredness less 0 0 0 0 0 0 frequently. You have more of a sense of the preciojsness of 0 0 0 0 0 0 life. Your experience increased emotional closeness to 0 0 0 0 0 0 someone who has died. Spirituality has become a more central part of your 0 0 0 0 0 0 life. You now experience a diminished sense of 0 0 0 0 0 0 gratitude for life. You nave an increased feeling of an emotional 0 0 0 0 0 0 bond with ali of humanity. You have an he-eased feci nn of an order to the 0 0 0 0 0 0 universe that transcends human thinking. You are mrrr: apprehensive about your 0 0 0 0 0 0 own deat!\ Your experience of sacredness i<- daily life 0 0 0 0 0 0 las decreased. Your prayers end/or meditations provide you 0 0 0 0 0 0 vyth a greater sense of emotional support. Your experience of sacredness r da

You place less importance in your sp-ritual and/or 0 0 0 0 0 0 religious understandings. You- appreciaticr for the whole of creation has 0 0 0 0 0 0 decre3sec. You a'e more at home in the present moment. 0 0 0 0 0 0 You have a decreased sense of personal 0 0 0 0 0 0 relationship with the God of your understanding/ultimate 130

YJU fee! mere at ho^e In the averse. 0 0 0 0 0 0 You have a decrease*! fee!rg cf an ^rder to the 0 0 0 0 0 0 u-iiverse mat tra^stends humar: thinking. You have a decreased sense U-at all of lire is 0 0 0 0 0 0 intcrcannertcd. Your appreciation far the who's &f crsaric has 0 0 0 0 0 0 increased. YGII now expcneice a deeper sense of gratitude 0 0 0 0 0 0 for Itfe.

27. THANK YOU FOR PARTICIPATING IN THIS STUDY AND THE GENEROSITY OF YOUR TIME. SHOULD YOU HAVE ANY QUESTIONS PLEASE DO NOT HESISTATE TO CONTACT ME ([email protected]). ALSO, SHOULD YOU DESIRE A SUMMARY OF GROUP RESULTS YOU MAY CONTACT THIS RESEARCHER AND THE SUMMARY WILL BE PROVIDED TO YOU UPON THE RESEARCHER'S COMPLETION OF THE STUDY. (ALL CONTACT INFORMATION WILL BE USED ONLY TO RESPOND TO ANY QUESTIONS, WILL BE KEPT SEPARATE FROM THE STUDY DATA, AND WILL BE DESTROYED UPON COMPLETION OF THE STUDY)

If you have any friends or acquaintances that you believe have taken psilocybin mushrooms, I request that you copy this link and forward it to them (www.mushroomstudy.com).