Caste and Music: Transformation in Garhwali Music
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Caste and Music: Transformation in Garhwali music Pratiksha Khanduri M.A (F), Department of Sociology Drumming, folk songs and commercial recordings are an integral part of the Uttarakhand’s musical repertoire. For decades now, musicians from Garhwal have traveled to recording studios in Delhi and Dehradun to record their own compositions or local village songs. This expansion of regional music was caused by rapid urbanization, accessibility to media technologies and migration. Production of music in Uttarakhand is the result of dynamics between caste, gender and access to technology. Therefore, popular Uttarakhandi music needs to be understood not only as commercial, but also driven by a shared cultural need on part of the people who produce and consume it. New technologies can decentralize and democratize production and consumption of songs, thereby helping in production of a more localized product. This paper will attempt to summarize the transformation of particular genres of Garhwali music, which were earlier sung by particular sections of the population, but are now marketed as mass commodities by the local recording industry. According to Peter Manuel, before the recording industry, a singer could not be separated from his performance. Recording technology has led to such alienation where a song can be heard irrespective of time and location. Thus transformed as a commodity, the song is subject to new dimensions of market pressures and incentives (Manuel, 2001). A live performance strengthened the idea of community in a village or town, which is now undermined by new technologies, leading to impersonal oral culture replacing traditional oral culture (Manuel, 2001). There is a caste affiliation between vocational and non-vocational musicians in the region and in such a scenario, caste status, identity and social status of local musicians becomes important. At one point while hereditary caste musicians held a subordinate position (yet they played a central role in social life), have now been displaced by high-caste performers of the recording industry. The same is true of female singers as well. 1 The majority of my fieldwork was undertaken in the month of July, 2012 and involved interviewing the residents of New Tehri, musicians, producers, distributors and observation of events where music was a feature. As part of my research I was able to rely on certain non-state organizations and members of the community in the region. The research was largely conducted through interviews and interaction with the larger community, facilitators, musicians, journalists and academics in the field. As a local facilitator, I was able to rely on Hevalvani (or voice of Heval, a name derived from the valley where the initiative is located), the only community radio running in the area. Another source of excellent material was Mr. Mahipal Singh Negi, a former journalist who was involved with the anti-dam movement and has written extensively on it and activists from a local NGO - Mahila Samakhya, New Tehri. Although most of my field work was confined to Chamba and New Tehri, I was able to visit a remote village Gyoli, near Pokhal in Tehri district to view a religious ceremony in honour of the village diety. The musicians I spoke to for the purpose of this study were largely local. Over the last few months, due to requests by listeners, Hevalvani has been inviting local folk and popular singers to their studio. It was with their help that I was able to identify singers I could interview and obtain recordings of songs that were important for my research. Also, the numerous CD distributors I spoke to provided me with contact details of singers and Disk Jockeys I could interview. As caste musicians such Aujhis are primarily located in villages, I attended religious ceremonies and weddings in New Tehri and Gyoli for easy access to them. The respondents also include consumers of the music who are local residents. I have tried to bring in perspectives of women, but largely my informants were men. This wasn’t deliberate, but largely happened due to the reluctance of women to talk around family members. In such scenarios, they either asked their husbands or children to talk on their behalf, often citing their lack of ‘clarity’. I found that women were much more inclined to talk freely when they were a) alone in the house b) outside the home (in a market, temple or park) c) When they were elderly. On such occasions female respondents were eager to put their point across and in cases where they were accompanied by female companions, asked them to add in as well. 2 Pahari caste structure is divided into two sections comprising of high caste groups (Brahmin and Rajput) and low-caste artisan groups (Shilpkar). Among the Shilpkars, there are distinct caste groups which are clearly defined. In this study, I will only be looking at two groups of hereditary caste musicians -Aujhis and Baddis, who are Shilpkars and were considered to be untouchables. Aujhi musicians by caste specialize in playing instruments, the most important among these being dhol-damaun. Baddis on the other hand were called to sing, dance and perform acrobatic displays for ritual and entertainment purposes. Their role has diminished to such an extent that very few among them are still practicing musicians (Alter, 2008). Singing and dancing are not limited to particular castes, it is socially acceptable and doesn’t pollute ones caste status. But in the past, it was widely considered to be an occupation for the untouchables. Thus we can say that there are two forms of professional musicians in Uttarakhand. The first category comprises of those that take up music because their caste and vocation is largely defined by it. Aujhis fall in this category. The second category comprises of those that have taken up music even though their castes are not defined by it. Between these two groups, we can make a distinction by their ceremonial importance. In the case of Aujhis, manifestation of the deity can happen only if an Aujhi is playing the dhol and damaun. Even if the same instruments are played by a Brahmin, the ritual will remain incomplete. There is minor variation in language and customs across Garhwal. There is an all- encompassing Garhwali identity alongwith a regional Uttarakhandi identity, these minor variations are equally important but are in the process of getting homogenized (Stefan- Fiol, 2008). There are regional variations in the language and can indicate the speaker’s “residence”. 3 Older forms of the language can be observed in certain folk songs such as pawaras, mangal and jag. Pawaras for example are epics about heroes which are orally transmitted. While they cannot be historically verified, they are important to get a sense of the past which was dominated by royal feuds (Alter, 2008). The singers of such epic tales form the lowest rung of caste hierarchies. In the past, these musicians sang about the rulers, thus playing an important role in preserving the cultural and historical heritage. According to some of the people I interviewed, when centuries old skeletons were found in the Roopkund lake, it was the contents of a Pawara explain which gave investigators an idea of what could have lead to the death of over 500 people centuries back. Caste Musicians Aujhis: According to Andrew Alter, ‘Dhol sagar’, the knowledge of Aujhis is so large that it refers to an ‘ocean of knowledge on drumming’. Aujhi’s have a particular ritual and spiritual importance as their drumming is used to communicate with the divine. Just like in Sufism, qawwali is the means of communicating with the spiritual realm through music, similarly dhol sagar is not concerned with dancing purely for entertainment, but for unity with the divine. Possession of an individual by a deity is considered to be auspicious. A mortal who has done great deeds can also become a deity and thus the boundaries between mortals and gods are blurred. Their stories are re-enacted and spirits of gods come to possess the bodies of people through the nature of music. 4 Devtas come to possess people only when Aujhis play their music. So while the musician belongs to a very low caste, through their powerful drumming, they have the ability to summon deities (Alter, 2008). Festivals and celebrations are a crucial source of income for caste musicians as their music is an important part of ritual. It is assumed that this ritual importance would provide them with an upper hand during monetary negotiations. This is not so. In fact status of such musician caste groups is very low within the Garhwali society. With issues of caste and purity still being integral, many such musicians continue to be excluded from society. This creates an ambiguous position for them within the social structures because even though their music is integral for the completion of any ritual, they have very limited social and economic power. In the past, with the patronage of the local village upper caste families and rulers, musicians had much more respect and economic security. With the collapse of local structures, and migration of families from the village, musicians have to solicit work. With the influx of the ‘DJ culture’, mass migration from villages and their paradoxical position in the social hierarchy, they have to resort to manual labour for survival. They have limited negotiation power as any offer to play at a wedding or puja is accepted, even if it means being paid a paltry sum as compensation. The Aujhi’s I spoke to told me that as compensation ranged from 500-700 rupees, they had to take up alternative occupations such as daily wage labour to make ends meet.