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Home , American middle class, Anker Site, Eva Site, Florence Stockade, Icehouse Bottom, Jan Simek

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Volume 4 Summu er 2009 Numbers 1-2

EDITORIAL COORDINATORS Michael C. Moore TTEENNNNEESSSSEEEE AARRCCHHAAEEOOLLOOGGYY Division of Archaeology Kevin E. Smith VOLUME 4 Summer 2009 NUMBERS 1-2 Middle Tennessee State University 1 EDITORS CORNER EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE 2 Colleague, Mentor, and Friend: Essays in Honor David Anderson of Charles H. Faulkner TIMOTHY E. BAUMANN AND MARK D. GROOVER 13 Sifting through the Backdirt: An Interview with Patrick Cummins Charles H. Faulkner Alliance for Native American Indian Rights TIMOTHY E. BAUMANN AND CHARLES H. FAULKNER

Aaron Deter- ARTICLES Tennessee Division of Archaeology 25 Understanding Historic Farmstead Continuity and Change Using Human Behavioral Ecology Jay Franklin TODD M. AHLMAN State University 48 Camps Tolerably Well Policed: Patterns Phillip Hodge and Function at the Florence Stockade Tennessee Department of Transportation PAUL G. AVERY 66 The Web of Cultural Identity: A Case Study of Zada Law African-American Identity and "Soul Food" Ashland City, Tennessee TIMOTHY E. BAUMANN 94 Early Archaic Raw Material Use Patterns in Larry McKee Tennessee TRC, Inc. ANDREW P. BRADBURY AND PHILIP J. CARR 117 Social Change and Neighborhood Katherine Mickelson Transformations in the Late Nineteenth and Early Rhodes College Twentieth Centuries: The Urban Archaeology of Sarah Sherwood Three Communities in the Valley Dickinson College TANYA A. FABERSON AND JENNIFER L. BARBER 145 Archaeological Explorations of the Workshop Lynne Sullivan Rock Shelter, Upper Cumberland Plateau, Frank H. McClung Museum Tennessee JAY FRANKLIN AND SIERRA BOW Guy Weaver 162 Exploring Hoosier Material Culture: Landscape Weaver and Associates LLC and Architectural Archaeology at the Moore- Youse House and Huddleston Farmstead Tennessee Archaeology is published MARK D. GROOVER semi-annually in electronic print format 180 Preliminary Efforts toward a Cultural Resource by the Tennessee Council for Survey of the Charcoal-Based Iron Industry in Professional Archaeology. East Tennessee, ca. 1770-1890

C. ALAN LONGMIRE Correspondence about manuscripts for 194 New Cave and Rock Art Sites in Tennessee: 2007 the journal should be addressed to JAN F. SIMEK, SARAH A. BLANKENSHIP, NICHOLAS P. Michael C. Moore, Tennessee Division HERRMANN, SARAH C. SHERWOOD, AND ALAN CRESSLER of Archaeology, Cole Building #3, 1216 211 Buffalo Rock (11JS49): A Historic Period Native Foster Avenue, Nashville TN 37243. American Rock Art Site in Johnson ,

The Tennessee Council for Professional MARK J. WAGNER, MARY R. McCORVIE, AND CHARLES A. Archaeology disclaims responsibility for SWEDLUND statements, whether fact or of opinion, 229 Cradle of the ?: Ceramic and made by contributors. Architectural Analysis of Two Southeastern Urban Households AMY L. YOUNG On the Cover: Charles H. Faulkner, 2007 Southeastern Archaeological Conference Lifetime Achievement Award

EDITORS CORNER

We are pleased to present the fourth volume of Tennessee Archaeology as a joint “two-issues-in-one” for a special reason. With Volume 4, we host a special topical volume in honor of Charles H. Faulkner. The reader will note that not all of the articles in this volume are specifically about Tennessee sites or artifacts. However, all of these articles showcase the training, guidance, and mentoring provided to anthropology stu- dents by Dr. Faulkner during his decades of service at the University of Tennessee. When we were contacted by Mark Groover and Tim Baumann about the possibility of producing a "festschrift" volume of Tennessee Archaeology, we both felt this was an appropriate place to celebrate the contributions and legacy of Charles Faulkner. As most dictionaries will show, a "festschrift" is a writing offered to commemorate or cele- brate a respected and distinguished scholar on some special occasion during their lives. The special occasion resulting in this volume was Dr. Faulkner's "retirement", as most of the articles published here are versions of papers presented by his former students at a special symposium in his honor at the 2007 Southeastern Archaeological Conference held in Knoxville, Tennessee. This journal is an appropriate place to honor and recognize Charles H. Faulkner be- cause it also represents something of his legacy to Tennessee archaeology. The goal of Tennessee Archaeology has been to provide a state archaeological publication devoted to the archaeology of Tennessee. We follow in the footsteps of Dr. Faulkner, who al- most single-handedly produced and edited the journal Tennessee Anthropologist for over two decades. That particular journal provided a publication outlet for much of our own research in the Nashville Basin during the 1980s and 1990s. When Tennessee Anthropologist ended in 2000, archaeologists across Tennessee expressed an interest in continuing that state publication legacy in some fashion. Tennessee Archaeology is the result of that interest through the Tennessee Council for Professional Archaeology. In the first three volumes of Tennessee Archaeology, former students of Dr. Faulk- ner were authors or co-authors on 20% of the published articles and research reports. With Volume 4 that total rises to 40%. Charles Faulkner has left a legacy to all of us. While his own work has (and will) continue to stand on its own merits, the work of his students will expand upon and continue that legacy for many generations to come. We also expect that the "work of his works" -- the students of his students -- will grow, ex- pand, and continue that tradition of excellence throughout Tennessee and other regions across the . We thank Mark and Tim for their efforts in guest-editing this volume, as we turned over most of that work to them in gathering, editing, and forwarding these papers to us. We did complete reviews and technical editing of submitted papers as seemed neces- sary and appropriate, as well as make all formatting decisions. However, the editorial coordinators acknowledge that the bulk of the editorial work for this volume should be attributed to Mark and Tim. This volume would not be in your hands today without their efforts.

1

COLLEAGUE, MENTOR, AND FRIEND Essays in Honor of Charles H. Faulkner

Timothy E. Baumann and Mark D. Groover

Charles H. Faulkner has been a fa- culty member in the Department of Anth- ropology at the University of Tennessee since 1964. During this time, he has made significant and extensive contributions to the study of North American archaeology, particularly in the state of Tennessee in the areas of settlement patterns and tech- nology of the Woodland and Mississippian periods, cave and rock art studies, and historical archaeology of the Middle South and Appalachian culture. In recognition of his research, in 2001 Dr. Faulkner re- ceived the Ramsey Award for Lifetime Achievement in promoting the History of East Tennessee Through Archaeology, Research, and Teaching from the East Tennessee Historical Society. In 2005 he received the Career Achievement Award from the Tennessee Council for Profes- sional Archaeology. In 2007 he was awarded the Lifetime Achievement Award from the Eastern States Rock Art Re- search Association. He was also the reci- pient of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference Award for Lifetime Achieve- ment in Southeastern Archaeology in land and Mississippian periods in the 2007. Middle South, most notably through his During the first third of Dr. Faulkner’s studies of the Old Stone Fort, Owl Hollow, career in the 1960s and 1970s, he ex- and the McFarland projects. These im- amined the of East and Middle portant studies have afforded new insights Tennessee by directing site survey and into Woodland-period residential archi- excavations at several large and logisti- tecture, Middle Woodland hilltop enclo- cally challenging reservoir projects, such sures, and regional ceramic traditions. as the investigations at Nickajack, Tims In the 1980s, Charles Faulkner pio- Ford, Tellico, and Normandy reservoirs. neered Tennessee cave and rock art re- The Normandy project alone resulted in search at the Eastman Rockshelter, Big eight major technical monographs. His Cave, Mud Glyph Cave, and others. research efforts during this time has en- At Mud Glyph Cave, he conducted hanced our understanding of the Wood- groundbreaking analysis of southeastern

2 Guest Editors' Introduction

rock art, bringing to light previously undo- Faulkner’s archaeological research can- cumented cave art traditions from the not fully convey the heft of his scholarship Mississippian period. Since his work at and the extent of his substantial contribu- Mud Glyph Cave, an appreciable number tions to North American archaeology. of additional cave art sites have been do- During his 45-year career at the University cumented in the region by his students of Tennessee, he has been awarded over and colleagues. In particular, Dr. Faulk- 45 grants and contracts, including re- ner’s work has influenced Dr. Jan Simek peated research support from the National at the University of Tennessee to estab- Science Foundation, the National Geo- lish and direct the Cave Archaeology Re- graphic Society, the National Park Ser- search Team, which works to identify and vice, the Tennessee Valley Authority, the document prehistoric use of caves in the Tennessee Historical Commission, and southeastern U.S. the Tennessee Department of Transpor- Beginning in the early 1980s, Charles tation. He has supervised over 40 field in- Faulkner also embarked on a new re- vestigations, and authored over 65 arc- search path into historical archaeology, haeological research reports. He has also exploring the life and culture of the historic published three books (The Old Stone residents of East Tennessee. His excava- Fort: Exploring an Archaeological tions covered a range of sites including Mystery, The Prehistoric Native farmsteads (Gibbs House, Marble Art of Mud Glyph Cave and The Ramseys Springs), plantations (Ramsey House), at Swan Pond: An Archaeological and forts (Sharp's Fort), industrial sites Historical Study of an East Tennessee (Weaver ), and urban resi- Farm), has authored over 90 formal dences (Blount Mansion). Dr. Faulkner papers on southeastern archaeology, applied a meticulous approach to these consisting of book chapters, monographs, studies, focusing on material culture, spa- and journal articles in Southeastern tial patterns, architectural analysis, and Archaeology, American Antiquity, historic preservation. In regards to the Historical Archaeology, North American latter, the majority of his work was con- Archaeologist, Tennessee Anthropologist, ducted in conjunction with historic house and others, and has presented over 50 museums or local historical societies to conference papers at professional promote historic preservation and to pro- meetings. He has also provided scholarly vide site interpretation to the public. Re- leadership to the discipline, having served search at Ramsey House and at Blount as editor of the Tennessee Anthropologist Mansion also investigated for the first time for 23 years and served on the editorial the lives of enslaved African in boards of the Midcontinental Journal of East Tennessee, which subsequently Archaeology, the Proceedings of the through his former student’s research has Symposium on Ohio Valley Urban and expanded into the surrounding Middle Historic Archaeology, and the University South states. Overall, Dr. Faulkner’s long- of Tennessee Press. term research effort has created a know- In addition to Dr. Faulkner’s exemplary ledge baseline for the historical archaeo- research achievements as an archaeo- logy of East Tennessee and the Middle logist, he has mentored an impressive South that previously did not exist before number of students that have in turn con- his efforts. tributed to the study and preservation of The above brief summary of Charles southeastern archaeology. He has served

3 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

as the chairperson on 38 M.A. degree rounding states. committees, and as a committee member Organized alphabetically by author, for 48 additional M.A. degrees. He has the first article by Todd Ahlman applies a chaired 12 Ph.D. degree committees, and human behavioral ecology approach to served as a committee member on 15 studying Upland South historic farm- others. Dr. Faulkner’s former students steads, arguing that this method allows for have in turn contributed to the advance- the “direct comparison of farmsteads to ment of archaeology, pursuing careers in understand diachronic continuity and cultural resource management, govern- change.” Paul Avery presents a study of ment agencies, and academia. Dr. Faulk- the Florence Stockade, a Confederate ner’s students have benefited greatly from -of-war camp in South Carolina, his detailed knowledge of archaeology focusing on the functional relationship and from his guidance. During their time between artifact patterns and feature at the University of Tennessee, many of types. Using a case study of African- his former students fondly recall his affa- American foodways and “soul food,” Ti- ble demeanor -- he is always glad to talk mothy Baumann presents a new “web of and take the time to help students with identity model” to explain the formation questions and challenges as they pursue and transformation of cultural identity. their academic degrees. As one student Andrew Bradbury and Philip Carr cohort fittingly remarked, Charles Faulk- discuss Early Archaic lithic use and ner “is truly a respected and caring col- habitation patterns in East Tennessee, league, mentor, and friend.” His influence arguing that current settlement models upon the educational experiences of his cannot be applied easily to this region students has likewise been recognized by because of physiographic differences and the University of Tennessee. He has been the lack of detailed site data. Tonya named a Chancellor’s Research Scholar, Faberson and Jennifer Barber focus on a Phi Kappa Phi Faculty Lecturer, and a three large-scale urban archaeology Distinguished of Humanities by projects in Lexington and Louisville, the university. Kentucky, and Lawrenceburg, , In conclusion, Charles Faulkner’s ca- examining residential patterning in the late reer achievements illustrate his exemplary nineteenth- and early twentieth-century of performance and significant contributions European-immigrant, African-American, as an archaeologist and scholar in Ten- and native-born white communities. Jay nessee and North American archaeology. Franklin and Sierra Bow then describe the This edited volume was published in archaeological survey and testing of a honor of Dr. Faulkner and consists of pa- small upland rock shelter on Tennessee’s pers by his colleagues, friends, and for- Upper Cumberland Plateau, attempting to mer students. Most of the essays in this establish a culture history sequence of the volume were first presented in an orga- region with the use of luminescence dat- nized symposium at the 2007 meeting of ing. Mark Groover presents a summary of the Southeastern Archaeological Confe- recent historical archaeology conducted at rence in Knoxville, Tennessee. The con- the Moore-Youse house and the Huddle- tributing articles highlight the diverse re- ston farmstead in Indiana. Alan Longmire search in prehistoric and historical arc- then offers some preliminary thoughts on haeology that Dr. Faulkner has conducted the study of the charcoal-based iron and inspired in Tennessee and its sur- industry in eastern Tennessee. Jan

4 Guest Editors' Introduction

Simek and others summarize recent Society, Indianapolis. discoveries of previously unknown pre- 1962 The Red Ocher Culture: An Early Complex in Northern Indiana. The historic rock art sites in eastern Tennes- Wisconsin Archaeologist 41(2):35-48. see, including the “oldest directly dated 1962 The Significance of Some Red Ocher-like pictograph from the Eastern Woodlands.” Artifacts from Lake County, Indiana. The Mark Wagner and others document and Wisconsin Archaeologist 43(1):1-8. interpret the Buffalo Rock site, a rock 1964 Indians in Saint Lawrence County. The St. Lawrence County Historical Association shelter in Johnson County, Illinois that Quarterly 9(4):5-15. contains early historic Native American 1964 The Morrow Site: A Red Ocher Workshop pictographs of a , a crescent moon, Site in the Kankakee Valley, Indiana. The a star/planet, and additional paintings. In Wisconsin Archaeologist 45(4):151-156. the concluding article, Amy Young 1964 The Radar Site. Central States Archaeological Journal 11(3):90-96, presents a study of the “cult of 1965 Tennessee Birdstones. Tennessee domesticity,” tracing the emergence of the Archaeologist 21(2):39-54. American middle class through an 1965 An Upper Mississippi Colander from analysis of ceramic patterns, domestic Northwestern Indiana. American Antiquity architecture, and primary documents at 31(1):107-109. 1965 [with J.B. Graham] Excavations in the two urban residences; the Blount Mansion Nickajack Reservoir: Season I. in Knoxville, Tennessee and The Oaks in Miscellaneous Paper No. 7. Tennessee Jackson, Mississippi. Archaeological Society, Knoxville. Funding for this publication was pro- 1966 [with J.B. Graham] Westmoreland-Barber vided by the University of Tennessee’s Site (40MI11), Nickajack Reservoir: Season II. Submitted to the National Park Department of Anthropology, the Frank H. Service. Department of Anthropology, McClung Museum, Cultural Resource University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Analysts, Inc., the University of South 1966 [with J.B. Graham] Highway Salvage in Alabama’s Center for Archaeological Stu- the Nickajack Reservoir. Submitted to the dies, and Indiana University's Glenn A. . Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Black Laboratory of Anthropology. Knoxville. Support was also given by the University 1966 [with J.B. Graham] Preliminary Report of of Tennessee Press and the Tennessee the Excavations in the Old Stone Fort, Council for Professional Archaeology. Coffee County, Tennessee, 1966 Field Season. Submitted to Tennessee Selected Publications and Reports of Department of Conservation. Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Charles H. Faulkner Knoxville. 1967 The Excavation and Interpretation of the Faulkner, Charles H. Old Stone Fort, Coffee County, 1960 A Possible Early Woodland Cache Tennessee. Submitted to the Tennessee Discovery in Northern Indiana. Department of Conservation. Department Proceedings of the Indiana Academy of of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Science 69:92-98. Knoxville. 1960 Walkerton: A Point Peninsula-like Focus in 1967 The Archaeological Potential of the Devil's Indiana. Indiana History Bulletin Jump Reservoir: Submitted to the National 37(10):123-136. Park Service. Department of 1961 An Archaeological Survey of Marshall Anthropology, University of Tennessee, County, Indiana. Unpublished Master’s Knoxville. thesis, Department of Anthropology, 1967 [with J.B. Graham] Plant Food Remains Indiana University, Bloomington. on Tennessee Sites: A Preliminary Report. 1961 An Archaeological Survey of Marshall Proceedings of the 22nd Southeastern County, Indiana. Indiana Historical Archaeological Conference, Bulletin No. 5,

5 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

pp. 36-38. 12. Tennessee Archaeological Society, 1967 Tennessee Radiocarbon Dates. Knoxville. Tennessee Archaeologist 23(1):12-30. 1973 [with M.C.R. McCollough] Introductory 1968 A Review of Pottery Types in the Eastern Report of the Normandy Reservoir Tennessee Valley. Proceedings of the Salvage Project: Environmental Setting, 24th Southeastern Archaeological Typology, and Survey. Normandy Conference, Bulletin No. 6, pp. 23-35. Archaeological Project Vol. 1. Report of 1968 [Editor] Archaeological Investigations in Investigations No. 11. Department of the Tims Ford Reservoir, Tennessee, Anthropology, University of Tennessee, 1966. Submitted to the National Park Knoxville. Service. Department of Anthropology, 1974 [with M.C.R. McCollough] Excavations and University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Testing, Normandy Reservoir Salvage 1968 The Old Stone Fort: Exploring an Project: 1972 Season. Normandy Archaeological Mystery. University of Archaeological Project Vol. 2. Report of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Investigations No. 12. Department of 1970 The Late Prehistoric Occupation of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Northwestern Indiana: A Study of the Knoxville. Upper Mississippi Cultures of the 1975 The Mississippian-Woodland Transition in Kankakee Valley. Unpublished Ph.D. the Eastern Tennessee Valley. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Proceedings of the 31st Southeastern Indiana University, Bloomington. Archaeological Conference, Bulletin No. 1971 Comments on the Copena Point and Its 18, pp. 19-30. Distribution. Proceedings of the 25th 1975 The Mississippian-Woodland Transition in Southeastern Archaeological Conference, the Middle South. Proceedings of the 28th Bulletin No. 9, pp. 53-55. Southeastern Archaeological Conference, 1971 Adena and Copena: A Case of Mistaken Bulletin No. 15, pp. 38-45. Identity. In Adena: The Seeking of an 1976 The Normandy Field School and the 1975 Identity*, edited by B. K. Swartz, Jr., pp. Field Season of the Normandy 100-114. Ball State University, Muncie. Archaeological Project: A Summary. 1972 The Late Prehistoric Occupation of Proceedings of the 32nd Southeastern Northwestern Indiana: A Study of the Archaeological Conference, Bulletin 19, Upper Mississippi Cultures of the pp. 86-90. Kankakee Valley. Prehistory Research 1976 [with M.C.R. McCollough] Third Report of Series Vol. 5, No. 1. Indiana Historical the Normandy Reservoir Salvage Project: Society, Indianapolis. 1973 Testing Program, Lithic Resource 1972 An Archaeological Survey of the Briceville Survey, Lithic Annealing Project, and Flood Relief Project. Submitted to the Report on Botanical and Faunal Remains Tennessee Valley Authority. Department from the 1972 Excavations at the Banks III of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Site. Normandy Archaeological Project Knoxville. Vol. 3. Report of Investigations No. 16. 1972 An Archaeological Survey of the Department of Anthropology, University of Construction Areas in the Proposed Tennessee, Knoxville. Normandy Reservoir. Submitted to the 1977 [with M.C.R. McCollough] Fourth Report of Tennessee Valley Authority. Department the Normandy Archaeological Project: of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, 1973 Excavations of the Hicks I, Eoff I and Knoxville. Eoff III Sites. Normandy Archaeological 1973 Middle Woodland Subsistence-Settlement Project Vol. 4. Report of Investigations No. Systems in the Highland Rim: A 19. Department of Anthropology, Commentary. In Salvage Archaeology at University of Tennessee, Knoxville. 40FR47, edited by Willard S. Bacon and 1977 The Winter House: An Early Southeast H. L. Merryman, pp. 35-45. Miscellaneous Tradition. Midcontinental Journal of Papers No. 11. Tennessee Archaeological Archaeology 2(2):141-159. Society, Knoxville. 1978 Origin and Evolution of the 1973 [with M.C.R. McCollough] Excavation of Winter House. Journal of Cherokee the Higgs and Doughty Sites: I-75 Salvage Studies 3(2):87-93. Archaeology. Miscellaneous Papers No. 1978 Ceramics of the Owl Hollow Phase in

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South Central Tennessee: A Preliminary Anthropological Association Newsletter Report. Tennessee Anthropologist 6(3):1-2. 3(2):187-202. 1982 [with S.D. Dean] The Eastman 1978 [edited with Carol K. Buckles] Glimpses of Rockshelter: A Deeply Stratified Site in Southern Appalachian Folk Culture: Upper East Tennessee. Tennessee Papers in Memory of Norbert F. Riedl. Anthropological Association Newsletter Miscellaneous Paper No. 3. Tennessee 7(1):2-7. Anthropological Association, Knoxville. 1982 Last Two Normandy Archaeological 1978 [with M.C.R. McCollough] Fifth Report of Project Volumes to be Published. the Normandy Archaeological Project: The Tennessee Anthropological Association Banks V Site. Normandy Archaeological Newsletter 7(4):1-5. Project Vol. 5. Report of Investigations No. 1982 Radiocarbon Dates from the Eastman 20. Department of Anthropology, Rockshelter: A Preliminary Report. University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Tennessee Anthropological Association 1978 [with M.C.R. McCollough] Sixth Report of Newsletter 7(6):1-3. the Normandy Archaeological Project. 1982 The Weaver Pottery: A Late Nineteenth- Normandy Archaeological Project Vol. 6. Century Family Industry in a Southeastern Report of Investigations 21. Department of Urban Setting. In Archaeology of Urban Anthropology, University of Tennessee, America: The Search for Pattern and Knoxville. Process, edited by Roy S. Dickens, Jr., 1978 [with James E. Cobb] The Owl Hollow pp. 209-236. Academic Press, . Project Laboratory Flotation Device. 1982 [with J. David McMahan] Archaeological Southeastern Archaeological Conference Testing of the . Submitted to Newsletter 20(1):4-11. the Tennessee Department of 1978 [with J.E. Cobb] The Owl Hollow Project: Transportation. Department of Middle Woodland Settlement and Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Subsistence Patterns in the Eastern Knoxville. Highland Rim of Tennessee. Submitted to 1982 [with Gerald D. Kline and Gary D. Crites] the National Science Foundation. The McFarland Project: Early Middle Department of Anthropology, University of Woodland Settlement and Subsistence in Tennessee, Knoxville. the Upper Duck Valley in Tennessee. 1979 [with M.C.R. McCollough, Glyn D. DuVall, Submitted to the National Science and Tracy Brown] A Late Woodland Shaft- Foundation. Department of Anthropology, and-Chamber Grave in the Normandy University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Reservoir, Tennessee. Tennessee 1982 Mud Glyph Cave: Mississippian Period Anthropologist 4(2):175-188. Ritual Art in Tennessee. Submitted to the 1980 [with Larry R. Kimball] Large Zoomorphic National Geographic Society. Department Pipes from Tennessee. Tennessee of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Anthropological Association Newsletter Knoxville. 5(2):3-7. 1983 [with M.C.R. McCollough] Seventh Report 1981 [Editor] The Weaver Pottery Site: of the Normandy Archaeological Project. Industrial Archaeology in Knoxville, Normandy Archaeological Project Vol. 7. Tennessee. Submitted to the Tennessee Report of Investigations 32. Department of Department of Transportation. Department Anthropology, University of Tennessee, of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Knoxville. 1983 [with M.C.R. McCollough] Eighth Report of 1981 [with Gerald Kline] Archaeology of the the Normandy Archaeological Project. Richland Creek Site. Submitted to the Normandy Archaeological Project Vol. 8. Tennessee Department of Transportation. Report of Investigations No. 33. Department of Anthropology, University of Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Tennessee, Knoxville. 1981 Tennessee Gorgets. Tennessee 1984 An Archaeological and Historical Study of Anthropological Association Newsletter the James White Second Home Site. 6(1):2-6. Report of Investigations Vol. 28. 1981 [with Greg Monroe] An Early Archaic Site Department of Anthropology, University of in the Norris Reservoir. Tennessee Tennessee, Knoxville.

7 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

1984 [with Wayne D. Roberts] A Cultural 1987 The Pit Cellar: A Nineteenth Century Resource Survey of the Proposed Storage Facility. Ohio Valley Historical Pellissippi Parkway Extension, Knox and Archaeology 4:54-65. Blount Counties, Tennessee. Submitted to 1988 An Archaeological Test for the Remains of the Tennessee Department of a Porch on the Rear of Blount Mansion: Transportation. Department of Submitted to the Blount Mansion Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Association. Department of Anthropology, Knoxville. University of Tennessee, Knoxville. 1984 [with Bill Deane and Howard Earnest] A 1988 Archaeological Testing at the Nicholas Mississippian Period Ritual Cave in Gibbs House: Season I. Submitted to the Tennessee. American Antiquity 49(2):350- Nicholas Gibbs Historical Association. 361. Department of Anthropology, University of 1984 ‘Lasses Making: An Archaeological Study Tennessee, Knoxville. of a Nineteenth Century Farm Industry in 1988 A Study of Seven Southeastern Glyph East Tennessee. Ohio Valley Historical Caves. North American Archaeologist Archaeology Vol. 2, pp. 127-135. 9(3):223-246. 1985 Industrial Archaeology of the Peavine 1988 Painters of the Dark Zone. Archaeology Railroad: An Archaeological and Historical 41(2):30-38. Study of an Abandoned Railroad in East 1988 Archaeology at the Roddy House: A Study Tennessee. Tennessee Historical of Threatened Domestic Sites in Knoxville, Quarterly 44(1):40-58. Tennessee. Ohio Valley Historical 1985 A Final Report on Archaeological Testing Archaeology 5:66-77. in the Garden of Blount Mansion, 1989 The Preservation Action Committee: Knoxville, Tennessee. Submitted to the Preserving a Record of Our Threatened Blount Mansion Association. Department Architecture. Knoxville Heritage of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Newsnotes, March 1989, pp. 3-9. Knoxville. 1989 Architectural Archaeology Research at the 1986 [Editor] The Prehistoric Native American University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Art of Mud Glyph Cave. University of Tennessee Anthropological Association Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Newsletter 14 (4)1-6. 1986 A Study of Seven Southeastern Glyph 1989 Middle Woodland Community and Caves. Submitted to the National Settlement Patterns on the Eastern Geographic Society. Department of Highland Rim, Tennessee. In Middle Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Woodland Settlement and Ceremonialism Knoxville. in the Mid-South and Lower Mississippi 1986 A History of the Ramsey House and Its Valley, edited by Robert C. Mainfort, Jr., Occupants: 1797-1952. Submitted to the pp. 76-98. Mississippi Department of Association for the Preservation of Archives and History, Jackson. Tennessee Antiquities. Department of 1989 [with P. Willey] Cave Archaeology in the Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Midsouth. In Caves and Caving in TAG, Knoxville. edited by W.O. Putnam, pp. 1-9. 1986 Historic Component. In The Chapman Convention Guidebook for 1989, National Site: A Terminal Archaic Settlement in the Speleological Society, Huntsville, AL. Middle Cumberland River Drainage of 1989 Eight More Underground Caves in the Tennessee, edited by Charles Bentz, Jr., Southeastern United States Reveal pp. 129-132. Miscellaneous Paper No. 11. Pictograph Rock Art. La Pintura Tennessee Anthropological Association, 16(1&2):9. Knoxville. 1989 The Quad Site Revisited: An Introduction. 1986 James White's Second Home: A Forgotten Tennessee Anthropologist 14(2):97-101. Historical Site in Knoxville. The East 1989 [with Amy L. Young] Archaeological Tennessee Historical Society's Testing of the Expansion Area of the Publications Nos. 56 & 57. Ramsey House Visitor's Center. Submitted 1987 Archaeological Research in Indian Cave, to the Knoxville Chapter, Association for Grainger County, Tennessee. National the Preservation of Tennessee Antiquities. Speleological Society News 45(10):337- Department of Anthropology, University of 340. Tennessee, Knoxville.

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1989 Archaeological Testing at the Nicholas Young and Charles H. Faulkner, pp. 31- Gibbs House: Season II. Submitted to the 41. Miscellaneous Paper No. 16. Nicholas Gibbs Historical Association. Tennessee Anthropological Association, Department of Anthropology, University of Knoxville. Tennessee, Knoxville. 1992 [Editor] The Bat Creek Stone. 1990 [with Amy L. Young] Phase II Miscellaneous Paper No. 15. Tennessee Archaeological Excavations at the Blount Anthropological Association, Knoxville. Mansion Visitor's Center: Preliminary 1993 The Urban Farmstead in Knoxville, Report. Submitted to the Blount Mansion Tennessee: Pattern and Process in a Mid- Association. Department of Anthropology, South City. Ohio Valley Historical University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Archaeology 7 & 8:17-23. 1991 Archaeological Testing at the Nicholas 1993 The Melungeon Film Project. Tennessee Gibbs House: Season III. Submitted to the Anthropological Association Newsletter Nicholas Gibbs Historical Society. 18(2):1-2. Department of Anthropology, University of 1993 Eulogy for a Downtown Landmark: The Tennessee, Knoxville. Fouche and 1875 Buildings. Knoxville 1991 [with Amy L. Young] Phase II Heritage Newsnotes, Winter 1993, pp. 5-7. Archaeological Excavations at the Blount 1994 Discovery of a New "Mud Glyph" Cave in Mansion Visitor's Center: The Jourolman Middle Tennessee. Journal of the Site. Submitted to the Blount Mansion Cumberland Spelean Association 1(1):24- Association. Department of Anthropology, 29. University of Tennessee, Knoxville. 1994 [with Susan C. Andrews] An 1991 A Reprieve for the Ward Building. Archaeological Study of Sharp's Fort, Knoxville Heritage Newsnotes, Winter, Union County, Tennessee. Submitted to 1991, p. 2. the Tennessee Historical Commission. 1991 Early Log Houses of Knox County. Department of Anthropology, University of Knoxville Heritage Newsnotes, Winter, Tennessee, Knoxville. 1991, pp. 4-6. 1994 Archaeological Investigations in the 1991 The Walls Can Speak: A History of the Ramsey House Cellar. Submitted to the William Walker House. Tennessee Knoxville Chapter, Association for the Ancestors 7(1):42-48. Preservation of Tennessee Antiquities. 1991 Timber Frame Houses of Knox County. Department of Anthropology, University of Knoxville Heritage Newsnotes, Spring, Tennessee, Knoxville. 1991, pp. 7-9. 1994 Testing for the Ramsey Barn. Submitted to 1991 Early Masonry Houses of Knox County. the Knoxville Chapter, Association for the Knoxville Heritage Newsnotes, Summer, Preservation of Tennessee Antiquities. 1991, pp. 5-9. Department of Anthropology, University of 1991 Knoxville's Hidden Architecture: The Tennessee, Knoxville. Shotgun House. Knoxville Heritage 1995 Archaeological Testing at the Ramsey Newsnotes, Fall, 1991, pp. 1-2. House: Fall 1994. Submitted to the 1992 The Occurrence of Gar Remains on Tennessee Historical Commission and the Tennessee Archaeological Sites. Knoxville Chapter, Association for the Tennessee Anthropological Association Preservation of Tennessee Antiquities. Newsletter 17 (2):5-8. Department of Anthropology, University of 1992 Demise of a Historical Block in Bearden. Tennessee, Knoxville. Knoxville Heritage Newsnotes, Fall 1992, 1995 [with Dean Owens] Archaeological Testing pp. 9-10. of the Ramsey House Barnyard. 1992 [edited with Amy Young] Proceedings of Submitted to the Tennessee Historical the Tenth Symposium on Ohio Valley Commission and the Knoxville Chapter, Urban and Historic Archaeology. Association for the Preservation of Miscellaneous Paper No. 16. Tennessee Tennessee Antiquities. Department of Anthropological Association, Knoxville. Anthropology, University of Tennessee, 1992 An Archaeological Study of Fences at the Knoxville. Gibbs House. In Proceedings of the Tenth 1995 The Historic Component. In The Aenon Symposium on Ohio Valley Urban and Creek Site (40MU493): Late Archaic, Historic Archaeology, edited by Amy L. Middle Woodland and Historic Settlement

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and Subsistence in the Middle Duck River 1997 [with D. Dean Owens and Susan R. Drainage of Tennessee, edited by Charles Frankenberg] Early History of the Bowman Bentz, Jr., pp. 126-138. Publications in House: Results of Limited Archaeological Archaeology No. 1. Tennessee Testing and Archival Research on Site Department of Transportation, Nashville. 40LD232, Loudon County, Tennessee. 1995 Two More Mud Glyph Caves Found in Submitted to the Tennessee Valley Tennessee. La Pintura 21(4):6. Authority. Department of Anthropology, 1995 Radiocarbon Date from Warsaw Cave. University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Journal of the Cumberland Spelean 1997 The Bell Site: Conservation Archaeology Association 2(1):25-26. in Knoxville, Tennessee. Tennessee 1996 Historic Component. In The Bailey Site Anthropological Association Newsletter (40GL26): Late Archaic, Middle Woodland, 22(2):1-5. and Historic Settlement and Subsistence 1997 The Old Stone Fort Revisited: New Clues in the Lower Elk River Drainage of to an Old Mystery. In Mounds, Tennessee, edited by Charles Bentz, Jr., Embankments, and Ceremonialism in the pp. 284-297. Publications in Archaeology Midsouth, edited by Robert C. Mainfort No. 2. Tennessee Department of and Richard Walling, pp. 7-11. Research Transportation, Nashville. Series No. 46. Archaeological 1996 Chapter VI: Artifacts. In The Sevierville Hill Survey, Fayetteville. Site: A Civil War Union Encampment on 1997 Four Thousand Years of Native American the Southern Heights of Knoxville, Cave Art in the Southern Appalachians. Tennessee, edited by Charles Bentz, Jr. Journal of Cave and Karst Studies and Yong W. Kim, pp. 81-110. 59(3):148-153. Miscellaneous Paper No. 17. Tennessee 1997 [with Jan F. Simek, Susan R. Anthropological Association, Knoxville. Frankenberg, Walter E. Klippel, Todd M. Report of Investigations No. 1. Ahlman, Nicholas P. Herrmann, Sarah C. Transportation Center, University of Sherwood, Renee B. Walker, W. Miles Tennessee, Knoxville. Wright, and Richard Yarnell] A Preliminary 1996 [Editor] Rock Art of the Eastern Report on the Archaeology of a New Woodlands. Occasional Paper No. 2. Mississippian Cave Art Site in East American Rock Art Research Association, Tennessee. Southeastern Archaeology San Miguel, California. 16(1):51-73. 1996 Rock Art in Tennessee: Ceremonial Art in 1997 Historic Occupation of the Forbus Site. In This World and the Underworld. In: Rock Archaeological Investigations at the Art of the Eastern Woodlands, edited by Forbus Site (40FN122): An Unplowed Charles H. Faulkner, pp. 111-118. Multicomponent Site in the Eastern Occasional Paper No. 2. American Rock Highland Rim of Tennessee, edited by Art Research Association, San Miguel, Charles Bentz, Jr., pp. 92-104. California. Miscellaneous Publication No. 5. Division 1996 [with Jan F. Simek] 1st Unnamed Cave: A of Archaeology, Tennessee Department of Mississippian Period Cave Art Site in East Conservation, Nashville. Publications in Tennessee, USA. Antiquity 70(270):774- Archaeology No. 3. Tennessee 784. Department of Transportation, Nashville. 1996 [with Timothy Baumann] Archaeological 1998 . In The Tennessee Encyclopedia Excavation of the Duncan House of History and Culture, edited by C. Van Outbuilding. Submitted to the West, pp. 292-293. Rutledge Hill Press, Jonesborough Civic Trust. Department of Nashville. Anthropology, University of Tennessee, 1998 Old Stone Fort. In The Tennessee Knoxville. Encyclopedia of History and Culture, 1996 Archaeological Excavations at Ramsey edited by C. Van West, p. 709. Rutledge House: 1995 Season. Submitted to the Hill Press, Nashville. Tennessee Historical Commission and the 1998 James White. In The Tennessee Knoxville Chapter, Association for the Encyclopedia of History and Culture, Preservation of Tennessee Antiquities. edited by C. Van West, p. 1054. Rutledge Department of Anthropology, University of Hill Press, Nashville. Tennessee, Knoxville. 1998 Dover Quarry. In Archaeology of

10 Guest Editors' Introduction

Prehistoric Native America: An Tennessee Historical Commission and the Encyclopedia, edited by Guy Gibbon, p. Knoxville Chapter, Association for the 219. Garland Publishing Company. New Preservation of Tennessee Antiquities. York, NY. Department of Anthropology, University of 1998 “Here Are Frame Houses and Brick Tennessee, Knoxville. Chimneys”: Knoxville, Tennessee in the 2001 [with Jan F. Simek, Alan Cressler, Todd Late 18th Century. In The Southern M. Ahlman, Brad Creswell, and Jay D. Colonial Backcountry: Interdisciplinary Franklin] The Context of Later Prehistoric Perspectives in Frontier Communities, Cave Art: The Art and Archaeology of 11th edited by David Colin Crass, et al., Unnamed Cave, Tennessee. pp.137-161, University of Tennessee Southeastern Archaeology 20(2):142-153. Press, Knoxville. 2001 [with Jan F. Simek and Susan R. 1998 [with Paul Avery and Timothy Baumann] Frankenburg] Towards an Understanding 1996 Testing at the Ramsey House: Final of Southeastern Prehistoric Cave Art. In Report. Submitted to the Tennessee Integrating Appalachian Highlands Historical Commission and the Knoxville Archaeology, edited by S. Prezanno and Chapter, Association for the preservation L. Sullivan, pp. 49-64. University of of Tennessee Antiquities. Department of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Anthropology, University of Tennessee, 2002 A Archaeology. In: Knoxville. Histories of Southeastern Archaeology, 1999 The 1998 Excavation of the Bell Cabin edited by S. Tushingham, J. Hill, and C. H. Site, Knoxville, Tennessee: A Preliminary McNutt, pp. 172-182. University of Report. Submitted to the Tennessee Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Historical Commission. Department of 2002 Woodland Cultures of the Elk and Duck Anthropology, University of Tennessee, River Valleys, Tennessee: Continuity and Knoxville. Change. In The Woodland Southeast, 2000 Knoxville and the Southern Appalachian edited by D. Anderson and R.C. Mainfort, Frontier: An Archaeological Perspective. pp. 185-203. University of Alabama Press, Tennessee Historical Quarterly 59(3):158- Tuscaloosa. 173. 2002 [with G. Crothers, J.F. Simek, P.J. 2000 Archaeological Excavations at Ramsey Watson, and P. Willey] Woodland Cave House: 1999 Season. Submitted to the Archaeology in Eastern North America. In Tennessee Historical Commission and the The Woodland Southeast, edited by D. Knoxville Chapter, Association for the Anderson and R.C. Mainfort, pp. 502-524. Preservation of Tennessee Antiquities. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Department of Anthropology, University of 2002 A Nineteenth Century Stoneware Pottery Tennessee, Knoxville. Manufacturing Site In Knoxville, 2000 [with Paul Avery, Tanya Faberson, Tennessee. Ohio Valley Historical Michelle Miller, and Brian Tate] Archaeology 17:108-113. Archaeological Survey and Testing of the 2002 [with Leila C. Campbell] Continuing Woodlot Area, Marble Springs Historic Archaeological Excavations at the Cowan Site. Submitted to the Tennessee House Site (40KN229): The 2001 Field Historical Commission. Department of Season. Submitted to the Tennessee Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Division of Archaeology and the University Knoxville. of Tennessee. Department of 2001 [with Jan F. Simek] Variability in the Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Production and Preservation of Prehistoric Knoxville. Mud Glyphs from Southeastern Caves. In 2003 [with Jennifer Barber, Brooke Hamby, Fleeting Identities: Perishable Material David Mann and Kim Pyszka] An Culture in Archaeological Research, Archaeological and Dendrochronological edited by P.B. Drooker, pp. 335-356. Study of the Marble Springs Barn. Occasional Papers No. 28. Center for Submitted to the Tennessee Historical Archaeological Investigations, Southern Commission. Department of Anthropology, Illinois University, Carbondale. University of Tennessee, Knoxville. 2001 Archaeological Excavations at Ramsey 2003 Archaeological Excavations at Ramsey House: 2000 Season. Submitted to the House: 2001 Season. Submitted to the

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Tennessee Historical Commission and the Knoxville Chapter, Association for the Timothy E. Baumann Preservation of Tennessee Antiquities. Glenn A. Black Laboratory of Archaeology Department of Anthropology, University of Indiana University Tennessee, Knoxville. Bloomington, Indiana 47405 2003 [with Tanya Faberson] Archaeological Excavations at Marble Springs, Summer, Mark D. Groover 2002. Submitted to the Tennessee Department of Anthropology Historical Commission. Department of Ball State University Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Muncie, Indiana 47306 Knoxville. 2004 [with Jan F. Simek, and Alan Cressler] On the Edges of the World: Prehistoric Open- Air Rock-Art in Tennessee. In The Rock Art of Eastern North America, edited by Carol Diaz-Granados and James R. Duncan, pp. 77-89. The University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. 2004 Moved Buildings: A Hidden Factor in the Built Environment. Historical Archaeology 38(2):55-67. 2005 [with Tanya Faberson] Archaeological Excavations at Marble Springs, Summer, 2003. Submitted to the Tennessee Historical Commission. Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. 2007 [with Rev. John R. Lackey and Rev. John Bluth Gill] A Light Set on a Hill: The 50th Year Anniversary of the Church of the Savior. Church of the Savior, Knoxville, Tennessee. 2008 The Archaeology of Temporary Construction Devices on Historic Building Sites in the Southeast. Historical Archaeology 42 (2):88-103. 2008 Cavers and Archaeologists: The Study of Mud Glyph Cave. In Cave Archaeology of the Eastern Woodlands: Essays in Honor of Patty Jo Watson, edited by David H. Dye, pp. 193-201. University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. 2008 The Ramseys at Swan Pond: An Archaeological and Historical Study of an East Tennessee Farm. The University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. 2009 The Normandy Archaeological Project. In TVA Archaeology: Seventy-five Years of Prehistoric Site Research, edited by Erin E. Pritchard with Todd M. Ahlman, pp. 36- 61. The University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville.

12

SIFTING THROUGH THE BACKDIRT An Interview with Charles H. Faulkner

Timothy E. Baumann and Charles H. Faulkner

This interview was conducted in June 2008 with Dr. Charles H. Faulkner to have him reflect on his career and his impact on the field of archaeology. Dr. Faulkner was born on October 16, 1937 in Plymouth, Indiana and grew up in Culver, Indiana. He attended Indiana University (IU) for his undergraduate and graduate training in anthropology, focusing on Indiana archaeology. Beginning in 1964, he spent most of professional career as a professor of anthropology at the University of Tennessee (UT), retiring in 2005. His research has included both prehistoric and historical archaeological studies primarily in Tennessee. He has been honored with numerous awards for his scholarly research and his professional/community service. His most recent hon- or was the 2007 Southeastern Archaeological Conference Award for Lifetime Achievement in Southeastern Archaeology.

Timothy Baumann [TB] – When and your career? how did you first become interested in archaeology? What role did the Field Mu- CF – My Dad read a lot, especially maga- seum in play in your discovery of zines like National Geographic. He was archaeology? fascinated with the world around him and early on I acquired an interest in geogra- Charles Faulkner [CF] – Like a lot of phy, geology, and biology. I was the class kids, I collected when I was a goof-off in high school, but made pretty youngster. I grew up in northern Indiana good grades so my parents expected me where there were lots of sand dunes con- to go to college. However, my folks were taining prehistoric artifacts exposed by the very liberal and whatever I wanted to wind. One day a buddy and I came upon make of my life was up to me. a “firepit” filled with prehistoric pottery. We lived near Chicago and the next time we TB – You attended IU for your entire aca- went over there I took some of it along demic training from 1955 to 1963. Can and showed it to Elaine Bluhm, archaeo- you discuss your archaeological educa- logist at the Field Museum, who excitedly tion at this institution? What types of exclaimed, “Why that is Hopewell (Hava- courses were required and has this na) pottery, probably about 2,000 years changed from today’s coursework? old.” I was hooked! CF – IU had a small anthropology de- TB – Dr. Faulkner, you were raised in partment at that time, but the faculty con- Culver, Indiana, as the youngest child of sisted of renowned anthropologists such German/Czechoslovakian immigrants, as David Bidney, Harold Driver, George Charles and Marie Faulkner. Your father Neumann, and Carl Vogelin. I took was a tailor and your mother was a ho- classes from all of them because at that memaker. Did they have any influence on time the doctoral exam covered cultural, your interest in archaeology and how did linguistics, physical, and archaeology. We they react when you informed them that all took the same exam, but if you were an you were going to pursue this subject for archaeology major, you had to answer

13 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

chance to get it out of the ground correct- ly.”

TB – Your first field school was at in southern Indiana (Black 1967). Can you reflect on this experience and discuss how this research project influ- enced your future graduate training?

CF – Many of the basic techniques I use today I learned at Angel Mounds. The on- ly thing lacking was discussion about why we used the techniques we did and whether there were alternative methods. There seemed to be an unspoken belief that if you kept straight profiles and level floors, you would get all the answers. Dr. Black (bless his soul) would roll over in his grave if he knew I sometimes used a backhoe later in my career.

TB – You attended graduate school from FIGURE 1. Charles Faulkner taking a water break 1959 to 1963 at IU. Why did you stay at during the 1958 Angel Mounds Field School (Cour- the same institution as your undergra- tesy Glenn A. Black Laboratory of Archaeology duate degree? Did you consider any other and the Trustees of Indiana University, Photo schools? #002592). more questions in that field. And the entire CF – I received a nice teaching assistant- faculty submitted questions and attended ship and was interested in doing research your orals (scary). This is one reason I in Indiana. In retrospect I do not recom- have always considered myself an anth- mend getting all degrees at the same in- ropologist first and archaeologist second. stitution, but I think students should be comfortable with the people they study TB - Until 1960, Dr. Glenn A. Black was under and the data they use. If it means the only archaeologist working exclusively staying in the same place, so be it. in Indiana. Can you discuss your relation- ship with him and his influence on your TB – You completed your Master's thesis career? on an archaeological survey of Marshall County, Indiana in 1961 (Faulkner 1961a, CF – Dr. Black (even today I can’t call him 1961b) and then your Doctoral disserta- Glenn) was a major figure in my college tion on in the Kan- education. He was best known for his me- kakee River Valley of Indiana in 1970 ticulous field work, and his insistence on (Faulkner 1970, 1972). Can you discuss careful and accurate recording strongly this research and its significance to Indi- influenced me. His mantra (and mine) was ana archaeology and your training as an “as you dig you destroy and you have one archaeologist?

14 Faulkner Interview

archaeology and the development of your professional career and research?

CF – If the IHS had not paid me for doing research, I do not think I could have be- come an archaeologist. By today’s stan- dards, my family was poor, and I had to work at other jobs every summer when a paid archaeology position was not availa- ble (which was usually the case).

TB – In 1963, you accepted a one-year appointment as an Instructor in the De- partment of and Anthropology at St. Lawrence University in Canton, New York. How did this teaching experience prepare you for your professorship at the University of Tennessee? How would have your life been different if you spent your entire career in New York?

CF – My year at St. Lawrence University FIGURE 2. Charles Faulker taking fieldnotes at the was one of the most pleasant experiences 1958 Angel Mounds Field School (Courtesy, Glenn in my career. This is where I learned to A. Black Laboratory of Archaeology and the Trus- love students and the classroom. I was tees of Indiana University, Photo #001209). only there a year since I was replacing CF – My Master’s thesis was based on a someone on sabbatical. They wanted me survey I did for the Indiana Historical So- to stay if he didn’t come back. Fortunately ciety (IHS). I got paid for it (a student be- I had to move on and accepted a position ing paid for field work was unusual in at UT. If I had stayed in New York, I would those days!) and the data was in hand. not have met my future wife Terry. That But I would do something different today! I was the luckiest moment in my life. recorded prehistoric artifact collections in northern Indiana at that time and got very TB – In 1964, you began your long and interested in the prehistory of the Kanka- distinguished career at the UT. What fac- kee Valley. Archaeologists were still inter- tors influenced your decision to accept ested in the prehistoric ancestors of his- this position? How difficult was your tran- toric tribes and I wanted to find out who sition from Indiana to Tennessee archaeo- the prehistoric Miami, , etc. logy? What were some of your biggest were. This, of course, was a much tough- obstacles in this change? er task than I thought, but it stimulated my interest in ethnohistory, which eventually CF – I had read Thomas Lewis and Made- led me to historical archaeology later in line Kneberg’s (1946) Hiwassee Island my career. and William Webb’s (1938) Norris Basin report and knew there was a lot of arc- TB – What role did the IHS play in Indiana haeology to do in Tennessee. I hit the

15 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

ground running since in addition to my full covers this question. Once we knew the time teaching load, I was also involved age and possible function of the Old with the nascent contract program at that Stone Fort, our next step was to find the time. When I was not in the classroom I habitation sites of these people and tho- was in the spacious and well-equipped lab roughly explore them…hence the focus of the McClung Museum pouring over the on the in the Normandy marvelous TVA reservoir collections. I Reservoir. found no real obstacles since I love look- ing at artifacts, but what struck me was TB - In the 1960s and 1970s, you directed the vast amount of material from Tennes- a series of large and complex archaeolog- see sites. Where I mainly worked in Indi- ical surveys and excavations for both ana if you found over a dozen sherds it state and federal agencies. You are prob- was a big site. ably best known for your work with the Tennessee Valley Authority on the Nor- TB – One of your first projects in Tennes- mandy Reservoir Project from 1970 to see was at the Old Stone Fort site in Cof- 1975 (Faulkner 2009; Faulkner and fee County in 1966 (Faulkner 1968, McCollough 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977, 1997a). Can you discuss the “mysterious” 1978a, 1978b, 1983a, 1983b). Can you nature of this site and the significance of discuss the complexity of the Normandy this research in Tennessee archaeology? Project as it relates to the research, logis- tics, and personnel? What have been the CF – The “mystery” was purely a local long term impacts of this project on Ten- phenomenon. The old idea that Indians nessee archaeology? were not capable of building such large was still alive and well in Ten- CF – The Normandy Reservoir was small nessee largely due to a book that claimed enough to allow a strategic plan devised the “fort” was built by Madoc the Welsh- by Major McCollough and myself to strictly man. J.B. Graham excavated the site and follow the basic sequential procedures of I wrote the report. There was nothing 1) Phase I intensive survey, 2) Phase II mysterious about our conclusions; the ra- testing of those sites discovered in survey diocarbon dates and construction tech- that would answer questions about sub- niques clearly demonstrated that it was sistence and community/settlement pat- built about 2,000 years ago by Middle terning, and then 3) Phase III either con- Woodland people. I don’t know how signif- ducted with intensive block excavation on icant our findings were for Tennessee buried middens or machine stripping of archaeology, but it solidified my research sites where cultural components were on- focus on the Middle Woodland period. ly preserved in the subsoil beneath the plow zone. Since no deeply buried Pa- TB – How did the Old Stone Fort project leo/earlier Archaic components were dis- influence your later research on Middle covered in the survey/testing phases, our Woodland settlement and subsistence in research concentrated on the later Arc- the Owl Hollow and McFarland projects haic, Woodland, and Mississippian occu- (Cobb and Faulkner 1978; Kline et al. pation. Our excellent archaeobotany and 1982)? zooarchaeology programs in the depart- ment provided special emphasis on sub- CF – I think my previous answer basically sistence studies. Up to this point, Tennes-

16 Faulkner Interview

see archaeology largely depended on crews, the end of season goat roasts, scattered “peek hole” units to try to an- raising the cow patty flag every morning at swer questions about prehistoric settle- the Eoff site, a cold beer after a hot day in ment/subsistence patterns. We now had the field, and the weekly “dildo” award for structure patterns and supporting features goofing up (yes, political/social correct- on habitation sites from the Late Archaic ness was somewhat different in those through the Mississippian periods in this days). area of Tennessee. Following the right procedures and under certain site condi- TB – Starting with Mud Glyph Cave in tions, extensive machine excavation of 1982, you pioneered Tennessee cave and Tennessee sites is now standard proce- rock art research (Faulkner 1982a, 1986). dure. Since then, you have been directly re- sponsible for or collaborated with col- TB – Archaeological field work for the leagues and students to record and pre- Normandy Reservoir and similar projects serve additional cave art in the region required large field crews. Can you share (Crothers et al. 2002; Faulkner 1988a, any good memories of the crew members 1988b, 1997b; Faulkner and Simek 1996, and students that participated in these 2001; Faulkner et al. 1984, 2004; Simek projects? Archaeology was not all hard et al. 1997, 2001a, 2001b). In recognition work. What kind of activities took place of your research and influence, the East- afterhours on these projects in the 1960s ern States Rock Art Research Association and 1970s? honored you in 2007 with their Lifetime Achievement Award. How did you be- CF – Let me answer the previous ques- come interested in cave and rock art stu- tion about personnel here. The Normandy dies? How did the local spelunkers assist crews were some of the most dedicated in these investigations? Within this field, and hard working students I have had the what research still needs to be done? pleasure to work with in my almost half century of archaeology. It tickled me in my CF – I am not sure I pioneered Tennes- later half-day field schools (often in the see cave and rock art research, but I cer- shade) when some students complained tainly collected enough data to demon- of the heat and exerting themselves. In strate the presence of this heretofore hid- Normandy, we worked eight hour days, den aspect of prehistoric lifeways in the often on several acres stripped to the hard state. I was always interested in prehistor- red clay subsoil in 90 plus degree heat ic rock art, but when Mud Glyph Cave was with few complaints. We were on the fore- discovered I dove headlong into crawling front of having women on our crews. Sev- around underground looking for more evi- eral times we had difficulty finding a field dence of this fascinating activity. Part arc- camp (I always insisted on having a roof haeologist, part conservationist, I have over our heads) because the locals ob- always been concerned with the protec- jected to men and women living together tion of significant sites in Tennessee. The (shocking!). But we had our share of fun, bottom line is we would not have been too. The swim breaks in the Duck River, able to carry out our research without the picnics at Rutledge Falls, the softball and help of cavers (“spelunkers”). More re- touch football games between the UT and search needs to be done on finding addi- Bennie Keel’s Wayne State University tional sites (which we know are out there)

17 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

so that we will have a sufficient body of complex industrial site with an overwhelm- data to begin to see patterns in this “art.” I ing amount of waster material? What diffi- am a processual archaeologist and want culties did you encounter and in hindsight to see, touch, and smell my data. We would you have done anything different? know when, and sometimes who, but quite frankly I am not sure we will ever CF – I had to deal with thousands of arti- answer the why question about this phe- facts in the Normandy project. What some nomena. people thought were the mundane as- pects of the past have always interested TB – In the early 1980s, you also em- me. After months of studying the manu- barked on a new research path into histor- facture of salt-glazed stoneware, I en- ical archaeology, exploring the life and joyed analyzing such things as kiln furni- culture of people in East Tennessee. ture which at that time was barely men- What led to this major change? Was there tioned in archaeological reports. The diffi- any one person or event that spurred your culties included identifying unusual arti- transformation? facts, but I always sought help from my historical archaeology colleagues. As to CF – I had always been interested in his- doing things differently, I would have torical archaeology, but was frightened to spent more time sampling the awesome take the plunge because there was so waster dump at the site and trying to dig much to learn about historic material cul- deeper below the Weaver Pottery levels ture. I guess you might say I was forced (we had a water table problem). As later into it. After Normandy I continued to do construction proceeded at the site, an contract work, and in 1980 took on the mi- even deeper buried early 19th century tigation of the Weaver Pottery site, which pottery was revealed. was discovered in Knoxville during in in- terstate construction. I eventually switch- TB – In historical archaeology, the majori- ed my teaching and research focus to his- ty of your work has focused on East Ten- torical archaeology since sites were liter- nessee heritage, working with historic ally out my back door, and I naively house museums or local historical socie- thought I could now answer such ques- ties (e.g. Association for the Preservation tions as ethnicity in the archaeological of Tennessee Antiquities, Blount Mansion record. One of my students, Richard Pol- Association, Nicholas Gibbs Historical As- hemus, shepherded me through the intri- sociation) to promote historic preservation cacies of artifact identification in those and to provide site interpretation to the early years and I eventually opened a his- public. Why did you focus on local sites torical archaeology lab with a sizable arti- and heritage? fact type collection and started a historical archaeology program at UT. CF – My wife Terry, first got me interested in local history. After the Weaver Pottery TB – The Weaver Pottery site in Knoxville site, I discovered that archaeology was was your first major historical archaeology neglected at local historic house mu- project (Faulkner 1981, 1982b). At this seums. I thought this would be a good time, you were still a novice in historical way to easily (and cheaply) take students archaeology. How were you able to shift in the field and so I began largely volun- from a prehistoric mindset to study a teering my time (sometimes funded) to

18 Faulkner Interview

test around these houses (true “backyard” best workers on volunteer projects. She archaeology). I continued this work with a could work magic with her Marshalltown. historic field school every summer, begin- Kelly started accompanying me in the field ning in 1987. I have also been committed at the age of 12 and was one of my most to public service, and I felt this would be dedicated diggers. Stephanie helped me an excellent way to show Tennesseans in the lab and was like a Chinese artist in the importance of the historic archaeolog- her cataloguing. ical sites that surrounded them. TB – One of your best friends and col- TB – Within historical archaeology, you leagues at the University of Tennessee also initiated the study of enslaved African was Dr. Norbert "Bert" Riedl, a folklorist Americans in East Tennessee, particularly who died suddenly on March 25, 1975. To at the Blount Mansion and the Ramsey honor his legacy, you co-edited a collec- House sites, both in Knox County (Coxe tion of papers in 1978 entitled "Glimpses 1998; Faulkner 2008; Hamby 1999; Pat- of South Appalachian Folk Culture: Pa- terson 1998). Why did you expand your pers in Honor of Norbert F. Riedl" (Faulk- research to cover this disenfranchised ner and Buckles 1978). Can you discuss population? Can you summarize the signi- your friendship with Bert and his influence ficance of your research in this area? on your career at the University of Ten- nessee? CF – In my opinion, historical archaeology should concentrate on the disenfran- CF – I don’t know where I would be if it chised (invisible) people in our nation’s had not been for Bert Riedl. I was a foot history. Enslaved , loose and fancy free bachelor when I in- women, and blue collar workers made up terviewed at UT and was not that im- the bulk of our population through time, pressed with the fledgling department. Af- but until recently they were scarcely men- ter the formalities with the administration tioned in the history books. Let us provide “suits,” Bert asked me over to his house that venue. Also, to quote Charles Fair- for a one-on-one. Over a cold brew he banks, when he was asked why do “slave” told me that he thought the department archaeology he said “Because no one had great potential and I realized I would else had done it.” Bringing enslaved enjoy being his colleague. He became my Knoxvillians to light demonstrated how best friend and his enthusiasm for cultural important their contributions were to our anthropology kept me focused on being local history. an anthropologist first. I was devastated when he passed away and I still miss him. TB – You met your wife Teresa (Terry) at UT in 1964. Together, you had two won- TB – After the death of Dr. James B. Grif- derful daughters, Kelly and Stephanie. fin in 1997, you were invited to submit a How has your family supported and parti- tribute to him in the Midcontinental Jour- cipated in your professional career? nal of Archaeology, in which you describe Dr. Griffin as "one of the most important CF – My family has always supported me mentors" of your career (Faulkner with words and actions. I mentioned earli- 1997c:133). Can you describe in greater er that Terry got me interested in local his- detail your relationship with Dr. Griffin and tory and for many years was one of my how he influenced your research?

19 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

me down. They were my professional life CF – The “dog eared” condition of my for over 40 years. “green bible” is testimony to how much I depended on his knowledge of North TB - No matter if you were conducting re- American prehistory (Griffin 1952). Also, search on prehistoric rock art or historic Dr. Griffin was always prompt in answer- farmsteads, you always called yourself an ing the frequent letters of inquiry from a anthropologist first and then a prehistoric student still wet behind the ears. Like Dr. or historical archaeologist. Explain why Griffin, I was very interested in prehistoric you made this distinction and emphasized ceramics and he freely shared his know- this approach to your students. ledge and the collection in the Ceramic Repository at the University of CF - Certainly my academic training at with me. While he could put the fear of Indiana University had a lot to do with it. God into a graduate student presenting a When I first came to UT I taught physical conference paper, he was really a tender- and cultural courses as well as archaeo- hearted soul with a great sense of humor. logy. With the advances in the field that I will never forget him telling jokes as sev- would be impossible now, but at that time eral of us sat in a motel room during an it kept me focused on an anthropological old Ohio Valley conference in the 1970s. I interpretation of archaeological data. The laughed so hard I wet my pants. conjunctive approach of Walter Taylor (1983) (one of my early heroes), the draw- TB – Over your 40-plus year career at the ing together of all lines of evidence in arc- University of Tennessee, you have taught haeological interpretation became my and influenced thousands of students, mantra. That is why I urged my students which has included 86 master's commit- to take cultural anthropology, physical tees (chairing 38) and 27 doctoral commit- anthropology, biology, geology and other tees (chairing 12). Can you reflect upon courses that are relevant to understanding your relationship with your students? the past. What was your teaching philosophy in the field, lab, and classroom? How has work- TB – Since the 1950s, how has archaeo- ing with these students influenced your logical research evolved or transformed life? (e.g., technology, theory, methods)?

CF – I had an open door policy with my CF – As some of you know, I am not a students. What I miss most in my retire- theorist, but a “dirt” archaeologist. A con- ment is their company. I was always in- text freak, I like to see things come out of terested in their ideas and concerned with the ground. In today’s training of young any problems they may have had. I fig- archaeologists I feel we have sometimes ured our research was a partnership. My drifted away from intensive field training philosophy was pretty liberal, let them de- and accurate artifact identification and cide what they wanted to do in the field as depend too much on number crunching long as they practiced good archaeologi- and remote sensing. Eventually, the proof cal methods. Even if they decided to of the pudding is still accurate ground switch careers I supported their decision. truthing and eyeball lab identification. I All I wanted is that they be happy, produc- have also perceived that some prehistoric tive professionals. My students never let archaeologists seem to think anyone can

20 Faulkner Interview do historical archaeology. After all, the keep an anthropological perspective in sites are all disturbed anyway, and all we your research. I forget who said “If arc- have to do to identify artifacts is to check haeology is not anthropology it is nothing.” Ebay. Secondly, be trained in both prehistoric and historical archaeology before you TB – During this same time period, how tackle sites in either area. And finally, has the role of women changed in arc- seek expert advice in the field and lab if haeology? you don’t know the answers.

CF – As I mentioned earlier, women were first allowed on UT crews after I came there. The prevailing idea was that they could not stand up to hard work (e.g. sho- vel skimming, wheel- barrowing, etc.) and might corrupt the men. Through the years I have had women on my crews who could out-work and out-think some men I have known. Some of my most outstand- ing students have been women.

TB – In your mind, what has been your greatest archaeological accomplishment?

CF – Probably the Mud Glyph Cave project…This was a co-operative endea- vor which brought together a lot of ex- perts, and getting to know and work with outstanding professional archaeologists such as Patty Jo Watson, Jon Muller, Louise Robbins, and Jeannette Stevens and local cavers was truly inspiring.

TB – Do you have any regrets about your career? Would you have done anything differently?

CF – None whatsoever…I have been blessed with the people I have known and FIGURE 3. Charles Faulkner from the 1958 Angel the opportunities I have had. Mounds Field School crew photo (Courtesy Glenn A. Black Laboratory of Archaeology and the Trus- tees of Indiana University, Photo #002665). TB – Do you have any words of wisdom for the next generation of Tennessee arc- References haeologists? What future research topics or questions need to be addressed? Black, Glenn A. 1967 Angel Site: An Archaeological, Histori- cal, and Ethnological Study. Indiana CF – Three things come to mind. Always Historical Society, Indianapolis.

21 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

Cobb, J.E. and C.H. Faulkner Submitted to the Tennessee Depart- 1978 The Owl Hollow Project: Middle Wood- ment of Transportation. Department of land Settlement and Subsistence Pat- Anthropology, University of Tennes- terns in the Eastern Highland Rim of see, Knoxville. Tennessee. Submitted to the National 1982a Mud Glyph Cave: Mississippian Period Science Foundation. Department of Ritual Art in Tennessee. Submitted to Anthropology, University of Tennes- the National Geographic Society. De- see, Knoxville. partment of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Coxe, Carey Lamar 1982b The Weaver Pottery: A Late Nine- 1998 Urban Slave Diet in Early Knoxville: teenth-Century Family Industry in a Faunal Remains from Blount Mansion, Southeastern Urban Setting. In Arc- Knoxville, Tennessee. Unpublished haeology of Urban America: The Master’s thesis, Department of Anth- Search for Pattern and Process, ropology, University of Tennessee, edited by Roy S. Dickens, Jr., pp. 209- Knoxville. 236. Academic Press, New York. 1988a A Study of Seven Southeastern Glyph Crothers,George, Charles H. Faulkner, Jan Caves. North American Archaeologist F. Simek, Patty J. Watson, and P. Wil- 9(3):223-246. ley 1988b Painters of the Dark Zone. Archaeolo- 2002 Woodland Period Cave Use in the gy 41(2):30-38. Eastern Woodlands. In The Woodland 1997a The Old Stone Fort Revisited: New Southeast, edited by D. Anderson and Clues to an Old Mystery. In Mounds, R. Mainfort, pp. 502-524. The Univer- Embankments, and Ceremonialism in sity of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. the Midsouth, edited by Robert C. Mainfort and Richard Walling, pp. 7- Faulkner, Charles H. 11. Research Series No. 46. Arkansas 1961a An Archaeological Survey of Marshall Archaeological Survey, Fayetteville. County, Indiana. Unpublished Master’s 1997b Four Thousand Years of Native Ameri- thesis, Department of Anthropology, can Cave Art in the Southern Appala- Indiana University, Bloomington. chians. Journal of Cave and Karst 1961b An Archaeological Survey of Marshall Studies 59(3):148-153. County, Indiana. Indiana Historical 1997c Tribute to James B. Griffin. Midconti- Society, Indianapolis. nental Journal of Archaeology 1968 The Old Stone Fort: Exploring an Arc- 22(2):133. haeological Mystery. University of 2008 The Ramseys at Swan Pond: An Arc- Tennessee Press, Knoxville. haeological and Historical Study of an 1970 The Late Prehistoric Occupation of East Tennessee Farm. The University Northwestern Indiana: A Study of the of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Upper Mississippi Cultures of the Kan- 2009 The Normandy Archaeological Project. kakee Valley. Unpublished Ph.D. dis- In TVA Archaeology: Seventy-five sertation, Department of Anthropology, Years of Prehistoric Site Research, Indiana University, Bloomington. edited by Erin E. Pritchard with Todd 1972 The Lake Prehistoric Occupation of M. Ahlman, pp. 39-61. The University Northwestern Indiana: A Study of the of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Upper Mississippi Cultures of the Kan- kakee Valley. Prehistory Research Se- Faulkner, Charles H. (editor) ries Vol. 5, No. 1. Indiana Historical 1986 The Prehistoric Native American Art of Society, Indianapolis. Mud Glyph Cave. University of Ten- 1981 The Weaver Pottery Site: Industrial nessee Press, Knoxville. Archaeology in Knoxville, Tennessee.

22 Faulkner Interview

Faulkner, Charles H. and Carol K. Buckles ty of Tennessee, Knoxville. (editors) 1978b Sixth Report of the Normandy Arc- 1978 Glimpses of Southern Appalachian haeological Project. Normandy Arc- Folk Culture: Papers in Memory of haeological Project Vol. 6. Report of Norbert F. Riedl. Miscellaneous Paper Investigations 21. Department of Anth- No. 3. Tennessee Anthropological As- ropology, University of Tennessee, sociation, Knoxville. Knoxville. 1983a Seventh Report of the Normandy Arc- Faulkner, Charles H., Bill Deane, and Howard haeological Project. Normandy Arc- Earnest, Jr. haeological Project Vol. 7. Report of 1984 A Mississippian Period Ritual Cave in Investigations 32. Department of Anth- Tennessee. American Antiquity 49(2): ropology, University of Tennessee, 350-361. Knoxville. 1983b Eighth Report of the Normandy Arc- Faulkner, Charles H., and Major C. R. McCol- haeological Project. Normandy Arc- lough haeological Project Vol. 8. Report of 1973 Introductory Report of the Normandy Investigations No. 33. Department of Reservoir Salvage Project: Environ- Anthropology, University of Tennes- mental Setting, Typology, and Survey. see, Knoxville. Normandy Archaeological Project Vol. 1. Report of Investigations No. 11. Faulkner, Charles H. and Jan F. Simek Department of Anthropology, Universi- 1996 1st Unnamed Cave: A Mississippian ty of Tennessee, Knoxville. Period Cave Art Site in East Tennes- 1974 Excavations and Testing, Normandy see, USA. Antiquity 70(270):774-784. Reservoir Salvage Project: 1972 Sea- 2001 Variability in the Production and Pre- son. Normandy Archaeological Project servation of Prehistoric Mud Glyphs Vol. 2. Report of Investigations No. 12. from Southeastern Caves. In Fleeting Department of Anthropology, Universi- Identities: Perishable Material Culture ty of Tennessee, Knoxville in Archaeological Research, edited by 1976 Third Report of the Normandy Reser- P.B. Drooker, pp. 335-356. Occasional voir Salvage Project: 1973 Testing Papers No. 28. Center for Archaeolog- Program, Lithic Resource Survey, Lith- ical Investigations, Southern Illinois ic Annealing Project, and Report on University, Carbondale. Botanical and Faunal Remains from the 1972 Excavations at the Banks III Faulkner, Charles H., Jan F. Simek, and Alan Site. Normandy Archaeological Project Cressler Vol. 3. Report of Investigations No. 16. 2004 On the Edges of the World: Prehistoric Department of Anthropology, Universi- Open-Air Rock-Art in Tennessee. In ty of Tennessee, Knoxville. The Rock Art of Eastern North Ameri- 1977 Fourth Report of the Normandy Arc- ca, edited by Carol Diaz-Granados haeological Project: 1973 Excavations and James R. Duncan, pp. 77-89. The of the Hicks I, Eoff I and Eoff III Sites. University of Alabama Press, Tusca- Normandy Archaeological Project Vol. loosa. 4. Report of Investigations No. 19. Department of Anthropology, Universi- Griffin, James B. (editor) ty of Tennessee, Knoxville. 1952 Archaeology of the Eastern United 1978a Fifth Report of the Normandy Arc- States. University of Chicago Press, haeological Project: The Banks V Site. Chicago. Normandy Archaeological Project Vol. 5. Report of Investigations No. 20. Hamby, E. Brooke Department of Anthropology, Universi- 1999 An Archaeological and Historical In-

23 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

vestigation of the Blount Mansion tegrating Appalachian Highlands Arc- Slave Quarters. Unpublished Master’s haeology, edited by S. Prezanno and thesis, Department of Anthropology, L. Sullivan, pp. 49-64. University of University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Tennessee Press, Knoxville.

Kline, Gerald W., Gary D. Crites, and Charles Taylor, Walter, Jr. H. Faulkner 1983 A Study of Archeology. Reprinted. 1982 The McFarland Project: Early Middle Center for Archaeological Investiga- Woodland Settlement and Subsis- tions, Southern Illinois University, Car- tence in the Upper Duck Valley in bondale. Originally published 1948, Tennessee. Submitted to the National Memoir 69, American Anthropological Science Foundation. Department of Association, Menasha, WI. Anthropology, University of Tennes- see, Knoxville. Webb, William 1938 Archaeological Survey of Norris Basin Lewis, Thomas and Madeline Kneberg in Eastern Tennessee. Bulletin No. 1946 Hiwassee Island: An Archaeological 118. Bureau of American Ethnology, Account of Four Tennessee Indian Smithsonian Institution, Washington, Peoples. University of Tennessee DC. Press, Knoxville. Timothy E. Baumann Patterson, Judith A. Glenn A. Black Laboratory of Archaeology 1998 Dietary Patterning at an Upland South Indiana University Plantation: The Ramsey House Site 423 N. Fess Avenue (40KN120), Knox County, Tennessee. Bloomington, Indiana 47405

Unpublished Master’s thesis, Depart- Charles H. Faulkner ment of Anthropology, University of Department of Anthropology Tennessee, Knoxville. University of Tennessee Knoxville, Tennessee 37996 Simek, Jan F., Alan Cressler, Charles H. Faulkner, Todd M. Ahlman, Brad Creswell, and Jay D. Franklin. 2001 The Context of Later Prehistoric Cave Art: The Art and Archaeology of 11th Unnamed Cave, Tennessee. Sou- theastern Archaeology 20(2):142-153.

Simek, Jan F., Charles H. Faulkner, Susan R. Frankenberg, Walter E. Klippel, Todd M. Ahlman, Nicholas P. Herrmann, Sarah C. Sherwood, Renee B. Walker, W. Miles Wright, and Richard Yarnell 1997 A Preliminary Report on the Archaeo- logy of a New Mississippian Cave Art Site in East Tennessee. Southeastern Archaeology 16(1):51-73.

Simek, Jan F., Susan R. Frankenburg, and Charles H. Faulkner 2001 Towards an Understanding of Sou- theastern Prehistoric Cave Art. In In-

24

UNDERSTANDING HISTORIC FARMSTEAD CONTINUITY AND CHANGE USING HUMAN BEHAVIORAL ECOLOGY

Todd M. Ahlman

The study of Upland South historic farmsteads has typically employed a normative approach where sites are placed in a comparative context with an ideal farmstead. Human behavioral ecology provides an approach that does not rely on the norm but allows for the direct compari- son of farmsteads to understand diachronic continuity and change. In this study, an optimization model is developed using data from sites in Tennessee and the surrounding states. The model is explored further by in-depth analysis of the Tipton-Dixon farmstead, which was occupied from 1819 to 1969.

Over the past 20 years, historical arc- 1996; Groover 1993) have pointed out haeologists have turned to the Upland that this model of the Upland South cul- South cultural tradition model to explain tural tradition is atemporal and atheoreti- cultural remains found during investiga- cal because it fails to explain or under- tions of nineteenth century farmstead stand culture change in a diachronic sites (Ahlman 1996, 1998, 2000; Ahlman manner. Ahlman (1996, 2000) further et al. 1999; Groover 1993, 1998; Hill et al. notes that variation in the archaeological 1987; Jurney and Moir 1987; Longmire record among farmsteads has been large- 1996; McCorvie 1987; McCorvie et al. ly ignored, especially those occupied into 1989; McKelway 1996; Moir 1987; Moir the twentieth century. When variation is and Jurney 1987; O’Brien et al. 1982; Ro- acknowledged, it is usually attributed to tenizer 1992; Selby et al. 1984). To facili- ethnicity rather than random variation tate an understanding of the behaviors (Longmire 1996). that created the archaeological record, This essentialist approach of typologi- historical archaeologists, employing Knif- cal ascription fails to address population- fen’s (1965) and Newton’s (1974) Upland wide variation. Unfortunately, many appli- South farmstead characteristics and arc- cations of the model to interpret past haeological data, have developed a set of farmstead activities, mostly on the fringes traits considered characteristic of the tra- of the Upland South culture region (Hill et ditional late eighteenth and early nine- al. 1987; Jurney and Moir 1987; McCorvie teenth century Upland South farmstead. 1987; McCorvie et al. 1989; Moir and Jur- These traits are what some call “theoreti- ney 1987; Moir 1987; O'Brien et al. 1982; cal traits” (Dunnell 1986; Lyman et al. Rotenizer 1992; Selby et al. 1984) have 1997; O’Brien and Lyman 2000) because followed this path. These studies examine they represent the ideal traditional Upland the persistence of characteristics of the South farmstead. The archaeological and traditional Upland South traits seen on ni- historical studies that have addressed the neteenth century farms in north-central Upland South farmstead typically have Texas and southern Illinois maintained by been normative in nature focusing on how people who migrated from Kentucky, archaeologists can fit individual eigh- North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia. teenth and nineteenth century farmsteads The Upland South model, therefore, is into the theoretical model of the ideal Upl- used as an archetype for interpreting the and South farmstead. Some (Ahlman archaeological record by comparing cul-

25 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

tural remains, primarily architectural rem- tion at the expense of other actions while nants and archaeological features, to the time minimizers undertake a strategy traditional pattern to determine if a where actions relating to resource acquisi- farmstead conforms to the model. tion and accumulation take a back seat to An effort to expand the Upland South other actions such as leisure activities. model by Ahlman (1996) to include later The basis for this model is explained in farmsteads resulted in the delineation of detail below and the archaeological signa- trait sets termed transitional and modern. tures for the different strategies are also Some (Ahlman 1996; Cabak et al. 1999) outlined. have used modernization theory to ex- As noted above, diachronic change is plain the variation they identified in the frequently seen in the archaeological archaeological record among the record of farmsteads and the model pro- farmsteads examined. Modernization posed here can also be effective in ex- theory, however, did little to explain why plaining this change through, of all things, some farm families were not pursuing continuity. As will be shown below, modernization of their farmstead at all or changes on the farmstead landscape and at the same rate as other farm families. the modernization studied by Ahlman The author proposes that variation (1996) and Cabak et al. (1999) were a re- among farmsteads is best explained with sult of farm families undertaking the same a model rooted in the tenants of human strategy through time regardless of behavioral ecology. Human behavioral household, owner, or land tenure ecologists propose that through natural changes. An example of this continuity is selection humans have the evolved ca- given by examining the land history of the pacity for phenotypic plasticity, which al- Tipton-Dixon House site (40LD179), an lows for the ability to weigh the short-term Upland South farmstead in east Tennes- costs and benefits of a behavior and the see that was occupied from around 1820 adjustment of their behavior to maximize to 1970. The occupants of this farm all their fitness accordingly (Hames 1992; appeared to have undertaken a resource Krebs and Davies 1997; Smith and Win- maximization strategy, which is reflected terhalder 1992; Winterhalder and Smith in the archaeological and historical 1992, 2000). This paradigm acknowledg- records of the farm. es that human intent and innovation play a major role in artifact and cultural Human Behavioral Ecological Models change. The proponents of human beha- vior ecology also advocate an individual Darwinian evolutionary theory has perspective in their analysis. A central te- been sparingly applied to historical arc- net of this paradigm is that culture reflects haeological situations (Ahlman 2000; the accumulation of individual behaviors; Galle 2006; Neiman 1990; O’Brien and therefore, it may be more appropriate to Lyman 2000), with most taking a selec- study behavior at an individual level rather tionist perspective (Neiman 1990; O’Brien than at the population level. and Lyman 2000). The selectionist pers- The model outlined here assumes that pective is quite effective at identifying var- most farm families took one of two strate- iation, but is not as proficient in explaining gies: resource maximization or time mini- variation or change as evolutionary ecolo- mization. Resource maximizers focus the gy. A human behavioral ecology model bulk of their efforts on resource accumula- incorporating resource maximization and

26 Understanding Historic Farmstead...

TABLE 1. Human Behavioral Ecology Strategy Models for Upland South Farm Fami- lies.

Resource Maximization Strategies

Strategy Description Archaeological Signature

Focus time, energy and resources toward both agricultural Relatively high occurrence of both agricultural and food pro- and food production. duction structures. Relatively high diversity among the farmsteads in the types of structures and features.

Focus time, energy, and resources on agricultural produc- Relatively high occurrence of agriculturally related buildings tion rather than food production. relative to food production structures and features.

Focus time, energy, and resources on food production rather Relatively high occurrence of food production buildings rela- than agricultural production. tive to agricultural production structures and features.

Focus time, energy, and resources on other activities not Relatively few outbuildings or features. related to agricultural or food production.

Time Minimization Strategies

Strategy Description Archaeological Signature

Focus time, energy, and resources on activities with a mi- Fewer structures and features relating to agricultural and food nimal investment in agricultural and food production. production relative to resource maximizers.

Focus time, energy, and resources on activities other than Relatively lower occurrence of agricultural production struc- agricultural and food production; however, there is a rela- tures and an even lower occurrence of food production struc- tively greater minimal investment in agricultural production tures. than food production.

Focus time, energy, and resources on activities other than Relatively lower occurrence of food production structures and agricultural and food production; however, there is a rela- an even lower occurrence of agricultural production structures. tively greater minimal investment in food production than agricultural production.

Focus time, energy, and resources on activities other than There would be relatively few outbuildings. agricultural and food production. There is almost no in- vestment in agricultural or food production. time minimization strategies is suggested time for leisure activities later in life. This as a viable way to explain the variation does not mean that there will be insuffi- seen among Upland South Farmsteads. cient resources allocated for proper child In this model, which is primarily applicable growth and development, but rather there to nineteenth and twentieth century farm may be less time spent for nurturing and families, resource maximizers focus their familial education relative to time spent in production toward the greatest return on agricultural or food production. Resource their crop or product regardless of the maximizers tend to have larger plots of amount of time required for the task (Ta- land and are more likely to undertake ble 1). The costs to a resource maximizer modernization improvements in an effort in this model are less time spent at child- to obtain a greater return on their invested rearing and immediate leisure activities, labor. The strategies are provided in Ta- while the benefits include potentially ble 1 with the proposed archaeological greater immediate and accumulated signatures of these strategies using archi- wealth and, given the right strategy, more tectural and archaeological features. The

27 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 1. Location of the Tipton-Dixon House within the Upland South Cultural Tradition. strategies are ordered from the highest sure activities; however, it does not mean relative potential payoff to a resource that there will be equal or greater time in- maximizer, which reflects an emphasis on vested into childcare relative to resource agricultural and food production, to the maximizers because the “extra” time may one with the lowest relative potential actually be allocated to leisure activities payoff. rather than childcare. Time minimizers In this model, time minimizers tend to tend to occupy smaller plots of land that spend relatively less time in crop produc- produce less, and if the farm’s occupants tion and subsistence activities to focus on were tenants they were more likely to be other behaviors. Because time minimizers transient. For these reasons, they have are undertaking a strategy that probably fewer motives tying them to the land, and provides the necessary resources for so- therefore, it would be beneficial for them matic growth and reproduction but not not to undertake costly modernization im- consistent surpluses, there probably is provements. little surplus produced for commercial This model takes into account several sale; therefore, the primary cost to a time factors. The first factor is the relatively minimizer is less accumulated wealth rela- long time period, in historical archaeologi- tive to a resource maximizer. The benefits cal terms, that the cultural tradition has of a time minimization strategy can be been recorded in the archaeological more time, energy, and resources availa- record. This length of time, approximately ble for investments in childcare and lei- 150 years from the beginning of the nine-

28 Understanding Historic Farmstead...

teenth century to the mid-twentieth cen- tivities may have occurred in some build- tury, would imply some degree of cultural ings, such as the dwelling, and the most change or at least phenotypic change. common activity associated with that loca- Second, is the wide geographical range of tion is listed. Some buildings occur in the tradition that extends from Southern more than one category because there is and includes portions of the an equal likelihood that either activity oc- Ohio Valley, Midwest, and the Mississippi curred there. A good example is a chicken Valley (Figure 1). Although this is techni- house, where poultry may have been cally all one cultural region, there is loca- raised for home consumption or sold to lized variation, especially related to agri- neighbors. Child rearing and leisure activi- cultural production, which may have an ties leave few architectural signatures and effect on farmstead composition. Third, a relative lack of structures does not the model addresses the issues of social mean that these activities did not occur. stratification, ethnicity, and gender. Final- The traits listed in Table 2 are meant ly, the model accounts for a wide range of to represent the behaviors associated with variation among the farmsteads due to all the different strategies available to Upland of these factors. South farm families; however, this list is The archaeological record of many by no means an exhaustive treatment of Upland South farmsteads indicates the the types of buildings present at Upland sequence of families and households that South farmsteads. The traits representing occupied them undertook similar strate- the different strategies are non-inclusive gies through time (Ahlman 2000). At these and some traits occur in two or more sets farmsteads the landscape typically exhi- (Table 2). Some behaviors are difficult to bits structural and feature ratios over long detect based on structural data alone be- periods of time that are indicative of one cause they do not leave structural re- of the strategies in Table 1. The archaeo- mains. It is assumed that the absence or logical record at the Tipton-Dixon House near absence of certain variables explicit- site implies that the families that lived ly relating to agricultural and food produc- there undertook a resource maximization tion suggests that other activities were strategy as evidenced by the relatively occurring, and implies the farm family had high number of outbuildings and features undertaken a strategy not directed at indicative of agricultural and food produc- those behaviors. tion throughout the majority of the site oc- The traits listed in Table 2 do not in- cupation. The continuity in strategy selec- clude all the traits likely seen among Upl- tion over time at the Tipton-Dixon House and South farmsteads. Table 3 lists the 25 site and other farmsteads demonstrates most frequently occurring traits seen at the heritability of a strategy among familial Upland South farmsteads (Ahlman 2000). generations and site occupants. Certain traits that occur infrequently (<5 The archaeological recognition of be- percent of the population) were concate- havior associated with a strategy can be nated into more inclusive categories. The determined by examining architectural concatenated trait categories include va- and archaeological structures and fea- riables with similar functions that are in- tures most often corresponding with rele- dicative of like behaviors. For instance, vant behaviors and activities. The different the food storage trait category includes structures associated with a behavioral cellars, dairies, vegetable beds, potato strategy are listed in Table 2. Multiple ac- sheds, and berry sheds.

29 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

TABLE 2. List of Structures and Features Associated with the Strategy Behaviors.

Agricultural Production Food Production Child Rearing Leisure

Barn/Stable Dwelling Dwelling Dwelling

Crib Detached Kitchen** Privy

Pens Root Cellar

Hog House* Wood Shed

Chicken House* Hog House*

Sorghum Furnace Chicken House*

Blacksmith Shop** Smokehouse/meat house

Machine Shed Shed*

Shed* Vegetable Bed

* = Evidence for either strategy ** = Not used in statistical analysis

Continuity and Resource gy in 1997 and 1998 prior to the develop- Maximization at the Tipton-Dixon ment of the site area (Ahlman 1998; Ahl- House Site man et al. 1999). The goals of archaeo- logical research were to provide informa- The Tipton-Dixon House site tion about the historic yard layout to un- (40LD179) is an excellent case for ex- derstand the activities that were per- amining a resource maximization strategy formed there and learn more about the as seen in the archaeological record, the human behaviors that created them; to continuity of a strategy undertaken by a understand the construction sequence of series of families at a single farm, and the the historic dwellings on the property; and strong explanatory power of the human to gain further information concerning en- behavioral ecology model in explaining slaved African-Americans in an Upland the landscape changes at the site. This South frontier and farmstead setting well-documented, East Tennessee (Ahlman et al. 1999:19-23). farmstead, occupied continuously from 1820 to 1969, is located on an older al- Historical Context of the Tipton-Dixon luvial terrace of the Little House Site in Loudon County, Tennessee. The site is on property purchased by Tennessee Val- It is not currently known when the first ley Authority for the construction of the Euro-American occupation of the Tipton- in 1969 and was first Dixon House site occurred, but it is sus- identified in the late 1970s (Carnes 1980). pected that the initial historic occupation Further archaeological investigations of of the site occurred in 1819 when William the site were undertaken by the University Dixon either purchased or was granted of Tennessee, Department of Anthropolo- the land after the Cherokee ceded it

30 Understanding Historic Farmstead...

TABLE 3. List of Variables Used in the Farmstead Analysis. Recorded Variable Associated Behavior or Activity Concatenated Concatenated Variable (Yes/No) Name (if applicable)

Dwelling Food Production, Child Care, Leisure No Barn Agricultural Production-facility for animal husbandry No Corn Crib Agricultural Production-storage of crops intended for animal feed or No for commercial sale Hog House Agricultural and Food Production-building for holding swine No Cattle Shed Agricultural Production-building for holding cattle Yes Barn Chicken House Agricultural and Food Production-building for holding chickens No Sorghum Furnace Agricultural Production-processing facility of sorghum to make Yes Agricultural Processing sorghum molasses Blacksmith shop Agricultural Production-facility for the construction and repair of agricultural implements Stable Agricultural Production-barn type structure for holding horse, mules, Yes Barn and/or cattle Machine Shed Agricultural Production-facility for the repair and storage of agricul- Yes Garage/Machine Shed tural implements Undifferentiated Agricultural and Food Production-typically a shed with an unknown Yes No Shed function but probably served either function Berry Shed Agricultural and Food Production-facility to store surplus fruits Yes Yes Detached Kitchen Food Production, Child Care, Leisure-facility for cooking food and No may serve as a leisure location in an informal manner Spring House Food Production, Child Care-storage facility for surplus food crops Yes Yes and may serve as water source Well House Agricultural and Food Production, Child Care Yes Yes Smoke house/meat Food Production-facility for curing and storing meat and other food Yes No house products Wood Shed Food Production-facility for the storage of wood, typically for the Yes No house Root cellar Food Production-facility for the storage of surplus food crops Yes No Vegetable Bed Food Production-facility for the storage of surplus food crops Potato Shed Food Production-facility for the storage of surplus food crops Yes Yes Well/Cistern Agricultural and Food Production, Child Care, Leisure Yes No Silo Agricultural Production-facility for the storage of surplus crops Yes No Dairy Agricultural Production-facility for milking cattle and/or storing Yes Yes milk products Garage Agricultural Production, Leisure-facility for storing and repairing Yes Yes cars and agricultural implements Scale House Agricultural Production-facility for weighing surplus crops No

(Ahlman 1998; Ahlman et al. 1999). Dixon Sometime between 1820 and 1822, was prominent in Monroe County politics David Taylor acquired the property and in and his house was the location for the first 1822 John B. Tipton purchased 640 acres Monroe County Circuit Court in May 1820. from Taylor that probably contained the Court was only held there once as Dixon house site (Monroe County Deed A/36). In apparently became ill and died shortly addition to serving as Circuit Court Clerk, thereafter. Tipton was also a surveyor and planter

31 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

TABLE 4. Agricultural Production at the Tipton/Dixon House Site Based on United States Agricultural Censuses.

Year Acreage Crops

Improved Woodland Wheat Bu- Corn Bushels Oats Bushels Hay Tons shels

1850 200 11,000 60 2,500 300 ** 1860 230 13,000 248 1,200 ** 12 1870 165 1,585 200 400 100 18 1873* *** *** 150 600 150 *** 1880 60 115 180 500 150 **

Year Livestock

Horses Cattle Sheep Swine Poultry

1850 11 38 40 100 *** 1860 5 27 42 38 *** 1870 7 12 49 10 *** 1873* 2 5 36 10 *** 1880 4 11 28 31 90

Year Other

Cotton Wool Irish Potatoes Sweet Potatoes Lb. Butter Lb. Molasses Bales Lb. Lb. Gallons

1850 ** ** ** 20 100 ** 1860 150 60 20 150 200 ** 1870 ** 100 5 40 ** ** 1873* *** *** *** *** *** *** 1880 ** 100 5 5 50 10 * Information from John B. Tipton’s estate inventory. ** Apparently none produced. *** No information provided. who held some very large tracts of land. ings were cultivated (USCB 1870). According to federal agricultural censuses During Tipton’s tenure the farm’s pro- he is listed as owning over 11,000 acres duction was diversified, with several dif- in 1850 and 1860 (United States Bureau ferent grain crops and types of livestock of the Census [USCB] 1850, 1860a); (Table 4) (USCB 1850, 1860a, 1870). The however, most of this land was unim- primary crops were corn, wheat, and oats. proved mountain land. By 1870 Tipton Tipton and his family also raised numer- had disposed of a large amount of this ous stock animals, which were probably land, much to his children (Loudon County sold at market. It appears that there was Will Book A), as he is listed as only own- production for the household such as po- ing 1,740 acres and 165 acres of his hold- tatoes and butter and surplus goods were

32 Understanding Historic Farmstead...

FIGURE 2. Archaeological investigations at Tipton-Dixon House site. sold outside the home. The drop in pro- for 52 weeks of work. Louisa held onto the duction between 1860 and 1870 probably property until her death in 1893, at which relates to Tipton selling off much of his time Caswell and Aurelia split the 375- property and the end of . acre home place. Caswell gained control The property stayed in John B. Tip- of the north 175 acres of the property, ton’s possession until his death in 1873, while Aurelia received the 170 acres con- at which point it passed to his wife Louisi- taining the house and ferry landing plus ana Wear Tipton (Loudon County Will 30 acres on the south side of the river Book A). He also gave some of his land to with the other ferry landing (Loudon Coun- his sons Malcom and Gilbert, while the ty Deed 14/259). remainder of his children received money. Aurelia apparently lived in the house His will also stipulated that following Loui- with her brother John and it appears that sa’s death his children Caswell and Aure- several hired farm laborers lived on the lia were to split the home place. property (USCB 1900). Aurelia never mar- According to the 1880 agricultural ried and upon her death the Tipton heirs census, Louisa farmed 175 acres with 60 sold the property and divided the acres in cultivation (USCB 1880). The proceeds. In December 1909, T.T. Webb farm continued to be diversified with grain and J.K. Walters of Hawkins County, crops and livestock remaining important Tennessee, purchased the land (Loudon and the continuing production of fruits and County Deed 20/277). It is not apparent if vegetables. The census reports that Loui- Webb or Walters lived on the property sa paid out $250 in farm labor and hired during this time. Webb, Walters, and their

33 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

respective wives then sold the property to sess its eligibility for inclusion in the Na- Sam R. Cusak in May 1914 (Loudon tional Register of Historic Places. Under County Deed 29/331). According to the an agreement between TVA and the Telli- 1920 census, Cusak lived on the property co Reservoir Development Association, with his wife, children, mother-in-law, and the site was subject to compliance with a nephew (USBC 1920). Section 106 of the National Historic Pre- Cusak sold the property to Sam servation Act prior to development of the Sparks in January 1931. Apparently site area. Sparks could not keep up the payments, The archaeological evaluation involved and in 1933, C.P. and Laura Taliaferro the excavation of mechanically stripped assumed the remainder of the note and trenches and the hand excavation of 1 x 1 took control of the property (Loudon m test units. The data recovery involved County Deed 37/348). In 1937 the Talia- the mechanical stripping of the backyard ferros also purchased the land that Cas- area of the house and the hand excava- well Tipton had inherited (Loudon County tion of 85 1 x 1 m and four 1 x 2 m test Deed 39/462). When C.P. Taliaferro died units. Approximately 1400 square meters he willed one-half the property to his wife of the project area was removed by me- Laura and the other half to their daughter chanical stripping (Ahlman 1998; Figure Elizabeth (Loudon County Will Book B). In 2). 1939 Laura Taliaferro died and willed her The archaeological investigations share of the property to Elizabeth (Loudon identified 50 features (Figure 3), 54 possi- County Will Book B/Loudon County Deed ble postholes, and recovered 14,249 his- 40/512). toric artifacts (Ahlman 1998; Ahlman et al. Sometime between 1939 and 1963 1999). Seven features dated to the prehis- Elizabeth Taliaferro married Rueben T. toric occupation of the site, four features Sharp and rented the property to a suc- were determined to be non-cultural stains, cession of renters. They sold the property and five stains identified as features were to J.D. and Sarah Lee in 1963 (Loudon later determined to be postholes. Ten County Deed 75/190). In 1970 the Lees stains initially identified as postholes were sold the property to TVA, after which the determined to be either rodent burrows or farm was abandoned. The buildings were tree stains upon excavation. The majority demolished in the late 1970s. of these artifacts date from the late nine- teenth through the mid-twentieth century. Archaeological Investigations The most frequent artifacts were curved glass (n=5,793) followed by nails The initial archaeological survey of the (n=3,102), ceramics (n=1,666), flat or site involved general surface reconnais- window glass (n=1,325), metal objects sance of the site area and controlled sur- (n=1,226), miscellaneous objects (n=855), face collection of a “designated area [that] and construction material (n=295). was plowed” (Carnes 1980:29). This sur- The remains of eight structures and vey recovered 1,619 historic artifacts that five structurally related features were dated from the early nineteenth century identified during archaeological investiga- through the mid to late twentieth century. tions. The interpretation of the structural In December 1997, the University of Ten- remains and feature function came from nessee was contracted to conduct an arc- the recovered artifacts, feature characte- haeological evaluation of the site to as- ristics, and the TVA land acquisition map

34 Understanding Historic Farmstead...

FIGURE 3. Identified features during archaeological investigations.

35 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 4. Tennessee Valley Authority land acquisition map 421K506-10 showing 1960s layout of the Tipton-Dixon House site (Courtesy of The Tennessee Valley Authority, Knox- ville, Tennessee). of the property that was produced in 1967 ta sources, a chronology of the farmstead (Figure 4). Additional information on struc- layout has been established (Ahlman ture location and function came from Larry 1999; Ahlman et al. 1999). This sequence and James R. Lane, who lived at the site corresponds to the major site occupations from 1942 to 1955 (Ahlman 1998; Ahlman (Table 5). These occupations do not nec- et al. 1999). essarily occur with household change or reflect a change in the strategy underta- Farmstead Layout ken by the farm’s occupants but rather are variations in the manner that this strategy Through a synthesis of a variety of da- was pursued.

36 Understanding Historic Farmstead...

TABLE 5. Major Occupation Periods at coming the facade of the house that now the Tipton/Dixon House Site. faced the Morganton Ferry Road. The shift in the facade reflects the change in Period Years Major Occupants approach to the farm as well as what might be perceived as Tipton’s wealth display to travelers along the road. Early 1819- William Dixon, Tipton Farmstead 1820s Family Numerous buildings appear on the farm’s landscape during this period. Agri- John B. Tipton 1820s- Tipton Family culturally related buildings include a corn Tenure 1873 crib, hog house, and barn. The barn and hog house were probably built after the th Late 19 -Early 1873- Tipton Heirs, S.R. Cusak, frame addition was added because these 20th Century 1939 Sam Sparks buildings lie between the house and the Mid 20th Cen- 1939- Lane Family, other tenants river. In addition, the African-American tury 1969 slave dwelling persists through the Ante- bellum Period as evidenced by Tipton’s Early Farmstead (1819-late 1820s). slave quarter listed in the 1860 census This period coincides with the William Di- (USBC 1860b). This building appears to xon and early John B. Tipton occupation. be used through the 1860s, at which time Very little is known about this period be- it was removed from the landscape. cause there is scant archival and arc- There is sparse structural and artifact haeological data. The farmstead layout evidence to interpret the behaviors that did center around the early log cabin that occurred in the yard around the house. No faced the (Figure features or structural remains relating to 5). The only other known structure during food production were identified during the this period is the African-American dwel- archaeological investigations. The re- ling to the east of the log cabin. There mains relating to these structures were were probably other buildings and fea- probably obscured by later activities in the tures associated with agricultural and food rear yard and by TVA’s demolition of the production during this period but it ap- structures in the 1970s. It can be as- pears that later activities in the house yard sumed that there was a smoke house or obscured much of the information relating meat house on the property at the time of to these early structures and features. Tipton’s death because he is listed as John B. Tipton Tenure (1820s-1873). owning 1,500 pounds of bacon at that During John B. Tipton’s occupation from time. the 1820s to 1873, the farmstead went While structures and features general- through a lengthy period of expansion and ly associated with activities relating to dispersal where new buildings (Figure 5) food production were typically performed were constructed reflecting the Tipton’s in the yard, they appear to have been lo- growing political importance and the fami- cated further away from the dwelling than lies’ efforts to increase agricultural and expected. There is a suggestion that food production. By 1830 the early log ca- these structures were located to the south bin had been replaced by a one-story of the dwelling near a spring because no brick house that faced the Little Tennes- well or cistern dating to this time period see River. By the late 1840s, a frame ad- was recorded during the excavations dition was added to the brick house be- (Ahlman 1999; Ahlman et al. 1999). This

37 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 5. Changing layout of the Tipton-Dixon House site.

area o f the site is located on TVA property well as the addition of numerous other and was not investigated because this buildings (Figure 5). Structures that per- area will be preserved from development. sisted from the earlier period include the A surface collection from the exposed Tel- barn, crib, and hog house while the slave lico Reservoir beach produced stoneware quarter was removed. Another barn was and curved glass sherds that date to the added south of the house and a silo was mid-nineteenth century (Ahlman 1998). built adjacent to the first barn. There is Relative to the amount of this material re- evidence for privies located closer to the covered on the remainder of the site, dwelling as well as a cistern near the these artifacts suggest a higher concen- kitchen. A two pen shed, which housed a tration of human activity and disposal oc- smoke house and wash house, two other curred during this period here. smoke houses, a sorghum processing Late Nineteenth–Early Twentieth Cen- furnace, a smithy, and a chicken house tury (1873-1939). During the late nine- were also constructed near the dwelling. teenth and early twentieth centuries, when An increase in the sheet midden size the site was occupied by the Tipton heirs and density dating to this period was and a subsequent series of owners who noted during the archaeological investiga- probably lived at the site, there is a con- tion (Ahlman 1999; Ahlman et al. 1999). tinued dispersal of the farm buildings as This increase is probably attributable to

38 Understanding Historic Farmstead...

the greater proximity of the support struc- Resource Maximization Strategy by tures to the dwelling as a result of the Tipton-Dixon House Site Occupants construction of the cistern. The addition of a readily available water source would fa- Several prior reports suggested that cilitate the performance of these activities the Tipton-Dixon House site was an atypi- in the yard. Ahlman (1999) hypothesized cal Upland South farm (Ahlman 1996, that the construction of a cistern and the 1999, 2000; Ahlman et al. 1999). First, subsequent moving of the food production they argue that there were few outbuild- structures closer to the dwelling was in- ings during the initial historic occupation, itiated by Louisa or Aurelia Tipton follow- although this may actually be characteris- ing the death of John B. Tipton. tic of Upland South farmsteads with early Middle Twentieth Century. The occu- occupations. They also note that the pation during this period more than likely symmetrical layout of the farm during coincides with a series of tenants at the John B. Tipton’s tenure is not like the typi- site. The primary source of information for cal Upland South dispersed layout. This this period comes from conversations with layout is more like a Georgian symmetric- Larry and James R. Lane (see Ahlman al farmstead layout and it was suggested 1998) and the 1967 TVA land acquisition that Tipton, and other wealthier farmers in map of the property. During this period, East Tennessee, attempted to emulate the older barn and silo were removed and the farmsteads on the South- a new silo was constructed near the new- ern Coastal Plain and elsewhere by creat- er barn (Figure 5). The hog house was ing a symmetrical farmstead layout that abandoned and removed as indicated by denoted wealth. They speculate that it the 1967 TVA land acquisition map. The was not until the late nineteenth century crib was either removed or converted into that the farmstead began to have a layout a chicken house. The chicken house con- more typical of Upland South farms. This structed in the earlier period became a dispersed layout continued, through sev- coal shed. The cistern was abandoned eral different configurations, until the farm and replaced by a well and pump adjacent was purchased by TVA and demolished. to the dwelling. A small root cellar was The argument posited by Ahlman et al. constructed that probably replaced or (1999) is a valid line of reasoning because supplemented the cellar or cellars under the typical Upland South farmstead to the house. It was also during this period which they compared the Tipton-Dixon that the house was electrified and indoor House site is based on a normative mod- plumbing was installed. The Lanes re- el, which does not exist but is a theoretical member the farm being mechanized by construct of archaeologists. The evidence the time their family occupied the place, from the Tipton-Dixon House site, and and the farm remained mechanized other farmsteads in the Upland South, in- throughout the mid-twentieth century. The dicates that there is a small range of vari- sheet midden around the house appears ation in the occurrence of different build- to have been the densest during this pe- ing and feature types within farmsteads in riod of occupation. the Upland South (Ahlman 2000). This variation suggests that the Tipton-Dixon House site is more like other Upland South farmsteads then previously sus- pected. This similarity relates to the re-

39 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

source maximization undertaken by the indicates that the farm was producing al- farmstead’s occupants. most as much as it was in 1870 when the During John B. Tipton’s early occupa- Tipton’s owned and cultivated more land. tion, there appears to have been few Because Aurelia Tipton had no heirs, buildings on the farm landscape. Based upon her death the farm left the Tipton on the evolutionary ecology model out- family’s hands, thus ending some 80 lined above, this configuration is characte- years of tenure by one family. Aurelia’s ristic of a time minimization strategy; apparent choice of not marrying and hav- however, within 15 years of initial historic ing children appears to be a maladaptive settlement of the property the farmstead behavior because it ultimately meant that apparently expanded to include several the property passed out of the Tipton outbuildings and a new dwelling. This oc- family; however, human behavioral ecolo- currence suggests that John B. Tipton gy models do not assume that the actors and his family were developing a resource will always choose strategies that have maximization strategy where the payoffs long-term reproductive fitness pay-offs, included greater wealth and prestige, which is why there is a range of strate- eventually translating into more buildings gies. It is postulated that to Aurelia, the on the property. This is further supported operation of the farmstead may have had by Tipton adding onto his house in a a greater short-term payoff relative to a manner displaying his wealth and pres- long-term payoff of having children to tige. John and Louisa Tipton had a rela- maintain the family’s possession of the tively large family of 17 children; however, farmstead. Tipton still purchased enslaved African- In the early twentieth century between Americans. This suggests that Tipton 1909 and 1939, the configuration of the needed a large labor force to care for his farmstead indicates that the owners and crops and livestock. By 1860, Tipton had occupants of the farmstead maintained one of the largest land holdings in Monroe the resource maximization strategy fol- County and was a prominent citizen in lo- lowed by the Tiptons. The succession of cal politics (Sands 1989). Therefore, the relatively short-term owners, however, undertaking of a resource maximization suggests that the resource maximization strategy by the Tipton family paid off in strategy did not have the payoff for these wealth and prestige in the local communi- people as it did for the Tiptons. This can ty. By the time Tipton died, he had dis- be deceiving because the owners may persed a majority of his wealth and land have undertaken other strategies, such as among his children. speculating in the real estate market, and Following John B. Tipton’s death the the long-term ownership of the property farmstead landscape changed as Louisa was not part of this strategy. and Aurelia Tipton apparently rearranged The strategy seemed to work for S.R. the house yard in a manner that they con- Cusak as he owned and occupied the ceived to be more convenient to them. farm for 27 years. During his tenure at the Because Aurelia never married and had farm, he and his wife had at least three no children of her own and the other Tip- children (USCB 1920). The reason for his ton heirs owned their own property, Loui- selling the property to Sam Sparks is un- sa and Aurelia hired laborers to work on known, but it may have been as a result of the farm. This strategy seems to have the effects of the Depression suggesting been beneficial because the 1880 census that the strategy did not have a long-term

40 Understanding Historic Farmstead... benefit for the Cusak family. The Lanes, indicate that agricultural production was however, remembered Cusak being still important. These improvements are around the farm during their tenure, which direct indications that food production was suggests Cusak may have been a farm still being conducted in the house yard manager after he sold the property. because the building identified by the Apparently the resource maximization Lanes as a wash house/smoke house strategy, if adapted, did not pay off for was still standing at the time of acquisi- Sam Sparks because he could not main- tion. The electrification of the house and tain making the payments on the farm and outbuildings probably meant that some of he had to sell the property within two the activities formerly undertaken in the years of acquiring it. Based on the events yard were now accomplished in the that transpired after Sparks sold the prop- house. The recovery of prepackaged food erty, it seems that C.P. and Laura Talia- wrappers and containers (Ahlman et al. ferro purchased the property with the goal 1999) suggests that the occupants were of providing their daughter security after purchasing these goods and could afford their deaths. Elizabeth Taliaferro, and lat- to do such because of the wealth gener- er with her husband Rueben T. Sharp, ated by the resource maximization strate- appeared to have a manager operate the gy. property with tenants and sharecroppers. Throughout the historic occupation of The Lanes were one of the tenant families the Tipton-Dixon House site, the occu- on the property from 1942, when they pants of this farmstead undertook a re- moved to the property from the nearby source maximization strategy that focused Cherokee Reservoir area, until 1957, simultaneously on agricultural and food when they moved to a different house on production. Although there were changes the Taliaferro property. The farm’s layout in the farmstead layout during the different during the family’s tenure and their re- periods of occupation of the farm, there membrances, indicates the family had un- was continuity through time in the strategy dertaken a resource maximization strate- undertaken by the farm’s occupants. gy. The Lane family was large, with over eight people living in the house during the Conclusion time they occupied the property, providing adequate labor for agricultural and food Human behavioral ecology models can production. The various farm improve- be very useful for studying social stratifi- ments they engaged in, attempts at great- cation, ethnicity, gender, and race be- er agricultural production through mecha- cause they can take into account the nization, and emphasis on food produc- perspective of an individual and their in- tion by the family indicates they continued tentions. For these reasons, a human be- the tradition of resource maximization. havioral ecology perspective was em- Following the Lane occupation of the ployed in this study to develop a model farmstead, various tenant families occu- accounting for the differences among pied it until TVA acquired the property in Upland South farmsteads. The resource 1969. The layout of the farm based on the maximization and time minimization strat- 1967 TVA land acquisition map indicates egies developed in this study are broadly that many of the behaviors undertaken by defined but not meant to be inclusive of earlier residents of the property continued the behavioral range undertaken by Upl- to be in place. The barn, silo, and sheds and South farm families. The strategies

41 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

that are developed are based on those ronmental constraints acting on a farm activities where the farm family focused family, which ranged from localized topo- the majority of their time, energy, and re- graphy that could limit the acreage availa- sources. The resource maximization ble for production to cyclical weather pat- strategies included farm families that fo- terns, to property ownership, and tenure cused their time, energy, and resources at class, required a farm family to weigh its both agricultural and food production, at options in relation to short-term goals ra- agricultural production rather than food ther than long-term relative fitness. Did a production, at food production rather than family realize that their short-term goals agricultural production, or at activities oth- would translate into a long-term strategy? er than agricultural and food production. No, the long-term results of a specific be- The time minimization strategies were havioral strategy are actually the accumu- similar; however, there was a greater in- lation of the results from short-term goals. vestment of the family’s time, energy, and Some behaviors, in a post hoc analysis, resources in activities other that agricul- appear to have been initiated with long tural and food production. term fitness enhancing (or depreciating) To demonstrate the continuity of a goals in mind; however, they too may strategy undertaken by a farm’s occu- have been initiated as short term goals pants, an in depth analysis of the Tipton- and represent the accumulation of results Dixon House site in East Tennessee was from these short term behaviors. Certain conducted. This analysis depicted a farm long-term goals, like constructing a barn where the occupants had undertaken a or making house improvements, were ob- resource maximization strategy that fo- viously implemented with the intention of cused simultaneously on agricultural and having a positive effect on some aspect of food production for close to 150 years. the family’s life; however, these “im- The sheer number and diversity of struc- provements” may have had the opposite tures and activities areas at this site dur- result of the intended outcome resulting in ing this time indicate that the occupants of financial hardships and shortages of the site were maximizing returns for both needed time, energy, and resources for agricultural and food production. such things as investment in childcare. Several questions arise from these re- The modification of a farm family’s beha- sults that pertain to the core issues of viors as a result of changing social and human behavioral ecology of phenotypic ecological environmental constraints, plasticity and human intent: Why was a which probably occurred quite frequently, specific strategy undertaken by the fami- is an example of phenotypic plasticity. ly(ies) that occupied an individual These behavioral modifications may not farmstead given the numerous constraints have long term positive affects on fitness, acting on the family? How did the but appear to be beneficial in the short farmstead occupants weigh the costs and term. benefits for undertaking such a strategy? The “how” behind weighing the costs More importantly, did these families weigh and benefits of a specific behavior is the the costs and benefits of their behaviors most difficult question to address because such that they realized that the strategy human behavior will ultimately have a that they pursued would have either a long term affect on fitness. Basically, a positive or negative effect on their long family had to address a multitude of ques- term relative fitness? The social and envi- tions, such as: Would having a large

42 Understanding Historic Farmstead...

number of children be beneficial to the ton family was a ready labor force; how- family’s ability to increase production? Or, ever, none of them were probably old would this decision cause an even greater enough to do farm work until the 1830s. It drain on already thin energy and re- can be assumed that the enslaved Afri- sources? Important here is the role of in- can-Americans who worked the farm pro- tent in the decision making process, and vided all the labor until the children were what did the person or family intend to do. old enough to help around the farm. It is Did a family intend to have a large num- probably impossible to predict the Tipton ber of children to provide a ready labor family’s motivation behind undertaking a force, or did a family have fewer children resource maximization strategy while oth- because of limited resources? A family ers in the Little Tennessee River Valley may intend to cultivate more acreage in did not; however, it is obvious that Tipton the long term; however, to achieve this had social motivations by the time he goal they must have a larger labor force moved to Monroe County (he was the which would mean either having more county’s first Circuit Court Clerk). By ac- children or hiring more labor. Either way quiring large tracts of land (reportedly it would require more time, energy, and re- took him three days to ride across his sources but the latter provides a short- property [Sands 1989]) he was solidifying term solution, while the former provides a his , but at the same time long-term solution. To accomplish both he was preparing what could be consi- goals, labor may be hired in the short term dered a “nest egg” for his children follow- until the family’s children are old enough ing his death. As stated previously, child- to work on the farm. These solutions are care is a life-long investment and it seems also based on an individual’s or family’s that Tipton had invested for his children’s perception of short term costs and bene- well being after his death by purchasing fits rather than long term relative fitness large tracts of land and parsing it out to decisions. his children following his death. Tipton al- The occupants of the Tipton-Dixon so intended to demonstrate his wealth House site are an excellent example of and by adding onto his strategy continuity and the concepts of house and changing the facade from the phenotypic plasticity and human intent Little Tennessee River, which was the that are crucial to human behavioral ecol- main thoroughfare through Monroe Coun- ogy explanations and provide further in- ty until a good road system was built in sight into the questions and conclusions the 1820s, to the well-traveled Morganton posed immediately above. During John B. Ferry Road that passed in front of his Tipton’s early occupation of the Tipton- house. He further attempted to convey his Dixon House site there are few outbuild- wealth and prestige by arranging his out- ings at the site; however, within 10 to 15 buildings in such a manner that emulated years there were numerous outbuildings wealthy farmers in the Northeast. Once on the farm’s landscape and within a 30- the mechanisms were in place at the Tip- year period Tipton was one of the largest ton-Dixon House site, it seems that the landholders in Monroe County. These fac- subsequent occupants continued the re- tors obviously had an effect on his fitness source maximization strategy that John B. because he and his wife had 17 children Tipton and his family had implemented. and the family was prominent in Monroe County politics and society. The large Tip-

43 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

References vey of Tennessee Valley Authority Lands on the Watts Bar Reservoir. Ahlman, Todd M. Submitted to Tennessee Valley Au- 1996 Backwards Farmers or Modernizing thority, Cultural Resources Program, Farms? The Tennessee Valley Farms Knoxville. Copies available from De- of East Tennessee in the Early Twen- partment of Anthropology, University tieth Century. Unpublished M.A. The- of Tennessee, Knoxville and Tennes- sis, Department of Anthropology, Uni- see Valley Authority, Cultural Re- versity of Tennessee, Knoxville. sources Division, Knoxville. Depart- 1998 A Report on Phase II Archaeological ment of Anthropology, University of Investigations of 40LD179, The Tip- Tennessee, Knoxville. ton-Dixon House Site, Loudon County, Tennessee. Submitted to Rarity Bay Boyd, Robert, and Peter J. Richerson on Lake Tellico, Vonore, Tennessee. 1985 Culture and the Evolutionary Process. Copies available from Department of University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Anthropology, University of Tennes- see, Knoxville and Tennessee Valley Cabak, Melanie A. and Mary M. Inkrot Authority, Cultural Resources Division, 1997 Old Farm, New Farm: An Archaeology Knoxville. of Rural Modernization in the Aiken 1999 Archaeological Investigations at the Plateau, 1875-1950. South Carolina Tipton-Dixon House Site: Deciphering Institute of Archaeology and Anthro- Changing Layouts of an Upland South pology. Savannah River Research Farmstead. Paper presented at the Papers 9. Columbia. Joint Meeting of the Symposium on Ohio Valley Urban and Historic Arc- Cabak, Melanie A., Mark D. Groover, and haeology and the Conference on His- Mary M. Inkrot toric Site Archaeology in Illinois, 1999 Rural Modernization During the Re- Springfield, Illinois. cent Past: Farmstead Archaeology in 2000 An Examination of Upland South the Aiken Plateau. Historical Archaeo- Farmstead using an Evolutionary logy 33(4):19-43. Ecology Methodology. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Carnes, Linda F. Anthropology, University of Tennes- 1980 A Summary of Historical Archaeologi- see, Knoxville. cal Resources Located within Tellico Industrial Area II. Submitted to Ten- Ahlman, Todd M., Susan R. Frankenberg, and nessee Valley Authority, Cultural Re- Erin Pritchard sources Program, Knoxville. Copies 1999 A Report on Phase III Archaeological available from Department of Anthro- Investigations at the Tipton-Dixon pology, University of Tennessee, House Site (40LD179), Loudon Coun- Knoxville and Tennessee Valley Au- ty, Tennessee. Submitted to Rarity thority, Cultural Resources Division, Bay on Lake Tellico, Vonore, Tennes- Knoxville. Department of Anthropolo- see. Copies available from Depart- gy, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. ment of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville and Tennessee Dunnell, Robert C. Valley Authority, Cultural Resources 1986 Methodological Issues in Division, Knoxville. Americanist Artifact Classification. Ad- vances in Archaeological Method and Ahlman, Todd M., Susan R. Frankenberg, and Theory 9:149-207. Nicholas P. Herrmann 2000 Archaeological Reconnaissance Sur-

44 Understanding Historic Farmstead...

Groover, Mark D. Leone, Mark P., and Parker B. Potter 1993 The Upland South Tradition as an 1988 Introduction: Issues in Historical Arc- Archaeological Model: A Comparison haeology. In The Recovery of Mean- of Sites in Illinois, Tennessee, and ing: Historical Archaeology in the South Carolina. Proceedings of the , edited by Mark Conference on Ohio Valley Urban and P. Leone and Parker B. Potter, pp. 1- Historical Archaeology No. 10, pp. 7- 26. Smithsonian Institution Press, 15. Washington, D.C. 1998 The Gibbs Farmstead: An Archaeolog- ical Study of Rural Economy and Ma- Logan, Michael H. and Hector N. Qirko terial Life in Southern Appalachia, 1996 An Evolutionary Perspective on Mala- 1790-1920. Unpublished Ph.D. disser- daptive Traits and Cultural Conformity. tation. Department of Anthropology, American Journal of Human Biology University of Tennessee, Knoxville. 8:615-629.

Hames, Raymond Longmire, Charles A. 1992 Time Allocation. In Evolutionary Ecol- 1996 Archaeological Investigations at Two ogy and Human Behavior, edited by Nineteenth Century Farmsteads in Bruce Winterhalder and Eric Alden Rhea and Roane Counties, Tennes- Smith, pp. 203-236. Aldine De Gruy- see. Unpublished MA thesis, Depart- ter, Hawthorne, New York. ment of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Hill, M., L.D. Rogers, and M.R. McCorvie 1987 A Thematic Study of Rural Historic Loudon County, Tennessee Farmsteads, Pope County, Illinois. 1893-1963 Deed Books: 14 (1893), 20 Cultural Resources Management Re- (1909), 37 (1931), 39 (1937), 40 port No. 118. American Resources (1939), 75 (1963), Loudon County Group Ltd., Carbondale, Illinois. Clerk's Office, Loudon County Court- house Annex, Loudon, Tennessee. Jurney, D.H. and R.W. Moir (editors) 1873-1939 Will Books A and B. Loudon 1987 Historic Buildings, Material Culture, County Clerk's Office, Loudon County and People of the Prairie Margin. Courthouse Annex, Loudon, Tennes- Richland Creek Technical Series Vo- see. lume V, Archaeology Research Pro- gram, Institute for the Study of Earth Lyman, R. Lee, and Michael J. O’Brien and Man, Dallas, Texas. 1998 The Goals of Evolutionary Archaeolo- gy: History and Explanation. Current Kniffen, F. Anthropology 39:615-652. 1965 Folk Housing, Key to Diffusion. Annals of the Association of American Geo- McCorvie, Mary R. graphers 55:549-577. 1987 The Davis, Baldridge, and Huggins Sites: Three Nineteenth Century Upl- Krebs, John R. and Nicholas B. Davies and South Farmsteads in Perry Coun- 1997 The Evolution of Behavioral Ecology. ty Illinois. Preservation Series 4. In Behavioral Ecology: An Evolutio- American Resources Group Ltd., Car- nary Approach, Fourth Edition, edited bondale, Illinois. by John R. Krebs and Nicholas B. Da- vies, pp. 3-12. Blackwell Science Ltd., McCorvie, M.R., M.J. Wagner, J.K. Johnson, Oxford. T.J. Martin, and K.E. Parker 1989 Archaeological Investigations at the Fair View Farm Site: A Historic

45 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

Farmstead in the Hills of edited by H.J. Walker and W.G. Haag, Southern Illinois. Cultural Resources pp. 143-154. Geoscience and Man, Management Report No. 135. Ameri- Volume V. Louisiana State University, can Resources Group Ltd., Carbon- Baton Rouge. dale, Illinois. O’Brien, Michael J. and R. Lee Lyman McKelway, Henry St. Clair 2000 Darwinian Evolutionism is Applicable 1994 Slaves and Master in the Upland to Historical Archaeology. International South: Archaeological Investigations Journal of Historical Archaeology at the Mabry Site. Unpublished Ph.D. 4(1):71-112. dissertation. Department of Anthropol- ogy, University of Tennessee, Knox- O’Brien, M.J., R.D. Mason, and J.E. Suanders ville. 1982 The Structure of Historic Communities. In The Cannon Reservoir Human Moir, R.W. Ecology Project: An Archaeological 1987 Farmstead Proxemics and Intrasite Study of Cultural Adaptations in the Patterning. In Historic Buildings, Ma- Prairie Peninsula, edited by M.J. terial Culture, and People of the Prai- O’Brien, R.E. Warren, and D.E. Le- rie Margin, edited by D.H. Jurney and warch, pp. 125-147. Academic Press, R.W. Moir. Richland Creek Technical New York. Series Volume V. Archaeological Re- search Program, Institute for the Study Orser, Charles E. of Earth and Man, Dallas, Texas. 1996 A Historical Archaeology of the Mod- ern World. Plenum Press, New York. Moir, R.W. and D.H. Jurney (editors) 1987 Pioneer Settlers, Tenant Farmers, and Rotenizer, D.E. Communities. Richland Creek Tech- 1992 In the Yard: An Examination of Spatial nical Series Volume IV. Archaeological Organization and Subdivision of Activi- Research Program, Institute for the ty Areas on Rural Farmsteads in the Study of Earth and Man, Dallas, Tex- Upland South. In Proceedings of the as. Tenth Symposium on Ohio Valley Ur- ban and Historic Archaeology, edited Monroe County, Tennessee by A.L. Young and C.H. Faulkner, pp. 1822-1940 Deed Book A (1822, 1830, 1833, 1-21. Tennessee Anthropology Asso- 1840). Monroe County Clerk’s Office, ciation Miscellaneous Paper No. 16, Monroe County Courthouse, Madison- Knoxville. ville, Tennessee. Sands, Sandra G. Cox Neiman, Fraser D. 1989 History of Monroe County, Tennessee: 1990 An Evolutionary Approach to Archaeo- From the Western Frontier Days to the logical Inference: Aspects of Architec- Space Age Volume III. Gateway ture Variation in the 17th-Century Press, Inc., Baltimore. Chesapeake. Ph.D. Dissertation, Yale University, Cambridge. University Mi- Selby, W., M.J. O’Brien, and L.M. Snyder crofilms International, Ann Arbor, 1984 The Frontier Household. In Grassland, Michigan. Forest, and Historical Settlement: An Analysis of Dynamics in Northeast Newton M.B. Missouri, edited by M.J. O’Brien, pp. 1974 Cultural Preadaptation and the Upland 87-107. University of Nebraska Press, South. In Man and Cultural Heritage: Lincoln. Papers in Honor of Fred B. Kniffen,

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Smith, Eric A., and Bruce Winterhalder Evolutionary Anthropology 9:51-72. 1992 Natural Selection and Decision- Making: Some Fundamental Prin- Todd M. Ahlman ciples. In Evolutionary Ecology and HRA Gray & Pape, LLC Human Behavior, edited by Eric A. 125 Bank Street, 5th Floor Smith and Bruce Winterhalder, pp. 25- Missoula, Montana 59802 60. Aldine de Gruyter, New York.

United States Bureau of the Census (USBC) 1850 Seventh Census of the United States, Production of Agriculture, Schedule 4, Monroe County, Tennessee. Microfilm, Hodges Library, University of Tennes- see, Knoxville. 1860a Eighth Census of the United States, Production of Agriculture, Schedule 5, Monroe County, Tennessee. Microfilm, Hodges Library, University of Tennes- see, Knoxville. 1860b Eighth Census of the United States, Slave Schedules, Monroe County, Tennessee. Microfilm, Hodges Library, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. 1870 Ninth Census of the United States, Production of Agriculture, Schedule 6, Monroe County, Tennessee. Microfilm, Hodges Library, University of Tennes- see, Knoxville. 1880 Tenth Census of the United States, Production of Agriculture, Schedule 7, Monroe County, Tennessee. Microfilm, Hodges Library, University of Tennes- see, Knoxville. 1900 Twelfth Census of the United States, Census of Population, Loudon County, Tennessee. Microfilm, Hodges Library, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. 1920 Fourteenth Census of the United States, Census of Population, Loudon County, Tennessee. Microfilm, Hodges Library, University of Tennes- see, Knoxville.

Winterhalder, Bruce, and Eric A. Smith 1992 Evolutionary Ecology and the Social Sciences. In Evolutionary Ecology and Human Behavior, edited by Eric A. Smith and Bruce Winterhalder, pp. 3- 23. Aldine de Gruyter, New York. 2000 Analyzing Adaptive Strategies: Human Behavioral Ecology at Twenty-Five.

47

CAMPS TOLERABLY WELL POLICED: ARTIFACT PATTERNS AND FEATURE FUNCTION AT THE FLORENCE STOCKADE

Paul G. Avery

Excavations in the camp of the Confederate guards at Florence Stockade revealed a large num- ber of features in a wide variety of forms. The 179 excavated features produced nearly 6000 arti- facts. The relationship between the artifacts and the features from which they were recovered was an important analytical tool in interpreting the site. This paper presents a brief discussion of how the artifact patterns vary within and between feature types, how they reflect the function of a specific feature and how those patterns were influenced by various factors.

As the Union Army under General Wil- arrived on September 15. The liam Sherman marched across the South were gathered in an open field near the during the summer of 1864, the Confede- tracks and surrounded by guards, consist- rate government faced a number of cris- ing of just over 100 men from several es. Not the least of which was the issue of South Carolina reserve battalions and the 33,000 Union prisoners of war held at armed locals. The guards were rushed at Camp Sumter near Andersonville, Geor- least once and hundreds of prisoners es- gia. By August, Sherman’s forces were caped. Most were recaptured within a few close enough to the camp that it was sus- days. The reserves were reinforced by a ceptible to cavalry raids. Fearing the re- few cavalry troops and an artillery battery, lease of the prisoners should the camp be which helped to prevent further mass es- attacked, the Confederates began ship- capes. The stockade was completed in ping those that were healthy enough to November 1864, but the prisoners were travel to Savannah and Charleston to be marched inside by the end of September held until other facilities were prepared. (King 1974; Snell 1996). With more than 7,000 Union prisoners in The Florence Stockade, a smaller Charleston and more arriving daily, the copy of the post at Andersonville, was situation was becoming critical. A site far constructed of logs set vertically into the enough away from the front to be secure ground with a small stream running but accessible by rail was needed, and through the center (Figure 1). To prevent the small village of Florence, South Caro- the prisoners from tunneling out, a deep lina met these criteria. Located over 100 moat was excavated around the perimeter miles east of Columbia at the intersection of the stockade and the soil piled against of three rail lines, Florence was safe from the outside wall, creating a parapet on the Yankees for the moment and had the which the guards were stationed. Plat- means to bring in the prisoners. forms for artillery pieces were located at In a field surrounded by pine forest the corners and the main gate. A shallow and swamps about one mile southeast of ditch or short rail fence placed 10 to 12 Florence, a group of slaves under the di- feet inside the outer wall marked the rection of Major Frederick F. Warley of the “dead-line.” Any prisoner crossing this line Second South Carolina Artillery began would be shot without warning (OR II, VII construction of the stockade on Septem- 1899:1097-1099; Snell 1996:62). ber 12, 1864. Construction had just begun For the unfortunate prisoners who when the first of the initial 6,000 prisoners were transferred from Andersonville to

48 Florence Stockade

FIGURE 1. Plan map of the stockade (Kellogg 1868:318). Florence, the conditions were no better. ade in mid-October (OR II, VII 1899:972- No shelter was provided with the excep- 974), and by November 5, 1864 the guard tion of a few pine boughs left from clear- force was reported to include a total of ing the site. The prisoners who were able 1,832 men, with 1,528 fit for duty (OR II, created whatever shelter they could, often VII 1899:1097-1100). The guards at Flo- digging a hole large enough to lie down in rence included a mix of regular army vet- which was covered by shelter halves if erans and conscripted reservists. By the they were fortunate enough to have such, end of September, elements of the 5th or pine boughs. Those who lacked the Georgia Infantry arrived to reinforce the strength to create their own shelter, or a reserve battalions already in place. The comrade willing to share shelter, simply Georgia regulars were later reassigned lay on the open ground (Kellogg and left Florence on November 18th. They 1868:319; Snell 1996:66). Only uncooked were soon replaced by 90 members of the rations were issued and no cooking uten- 55th Georgia Infantry (Woods 1947:4, 9, sils were provided (Hoster ca.1865). The 11). Both the 5th and 55th were veteran poor quality of the rations combined with combat regiments, each suffering high the constant exposure to the elements casualties before being removed from the and generally unsanitary conditions lead lines. The 5th Georgia lost over half of its to rampant disease. By mid-October, over number at Chickamauga, while the majori- 12,000 men were being held in the stock- ty of the 55th was captured at Cumber- ade (OR II, VII 1899:972-974). land Gap (National Park Service [NPS] As the prison population grew, so did 2006). the number of guards. Approximately The majority of the guards were at- 1,600 guards were in camp at the stock- tached to one of the five State Reserve

49 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 2. Map of South Carolina showing the counties of origin of the State Re- serves who served as guards at the stockade. Battalions detailed to the Florence Stock- After taking Savannah, Georgia in De- ade. Made up of conscripted men either cember 1864, Sherman’s army turned to- too old or too young to serve in regular ward South Carolina. As the Yankees army units, the State Reserves bore the neared Columbia in February 1865, the brunt of guarding the stockade throughout Confederate government realized that its existence. Of the 1,832 reported in they had nowhere safe to ship the prison- camp on November 5, approximately ers at Florence. Therefore, it was decided 1,200 of them were members of the 3rd, that the prisoners would be paroled. The 4th, 5th, 6th or 7th State Reserve Batta- 7,187 prisoners remaining in the stockade lions (OR II, VII 1899:1097-1100). The were first transported to Goldsborough, men of these units came from counties North Carolina where they were paroled, across the state of South Carolina (Figure and then into the Federal lines at Wilming- 2) and received minimal training before ton. The first group left Florence on Feb- being placed on duty guarding the prison. ruary 15, and by the beginning of March

50 Florence Stockade the stockade was empty (OR II, VII ceeded 15,000 men during the five and 1899:449-454). Upon leaving Florence, one-half month occupation of the stock- prisoner Ezra Ripple of the 52nd Pennsyl- ade, over 2,700 died. The dead were bu- vania Infantry wrote (Snell 1996:138-139), ried in a small cemetery initially, but this “…our hearts were so full of joy that we soon became inadequate. A plantation could not act like sane persons, but would owner north of the stockade provided cry and laugh and hug each other, and do space for large trenches to be excavated the most foolish things, in our unutterable that were used for the burial of the Union joy.” prisoners. Each soldier’s information was recorded in a death register and a number Florence National Cemetery assigned. Each grave was marked with a wooden plank bearing the number of the The harsh conditions, lack of supplies, deceased. The register was lost after the shelter, and adequate food combined with war and no complete record exists of the already weakened conditions of many those who are buried there or their exact of the prisoners led to a staggering death burial locations (Congressional Record toll. Of a prison population that never ex- 1868:982-985; Rusling 1866). Today,

FIGURE 3. Florence National Cemetery today. The large open area is where the burial trenches for the prisoners are located.

51 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

each trench is marked with only a single representing every major conflict and pe- marker inscribed with the number of sol- riod of peace since the Civil War, are in- diers interred in the mass grave (Figure terred within the National Cemetery. 3). The burial trenches are now part of the Archaeology in the Camp Florence National Cemetery, which is overseen by the Department of Veteran’s In 2005, the U.S. Department of Vet- Affairs, National Cemetery Administration. eran’s Affairs planned to expand the Flo- The original National Cemetery is cen- rence National Cemetery. The proposed tered around the trenches north of Na- 10-acre expansion area, located south of tional Cemetery Road, but has since ex- the existing cemetery, included a portion panded to a large tract south of the road. of site 38FL2, the Florence Stockade Over 9,000 soldiers and their spouses, (Figure 4). Although the project area was

FIGURE 4. Site location map.

52 Florence Stockade

north of the stockade itself, it was be- disturbances and prehistoric pits. While lieved that part of the support system for some categories provided more specific the prison was located between it and the typological or functional information, such cemetery. Phase II archaeological testing as privies or posts, others required further (Grunden and Holland 2005) was con- specification, such as structures, trenches ducted on the expansion area prior to and pits. construction, although ground clearing Mapping of the structural features at had already taken place. Testing revealed Florence revealed that the camp was ar- the presence of numerous Civil War- ranged in company streets (Figure 5), but period features, but did not reveal the apparently did not strictly follow military function of the area. rule. The location of the structures strong- During the spring and summer of ly influenced the positioning of the other 2006, MACTEC Engineering and Consult- features. Military regulations dictated how ing conducted a Phase III archaeological a camp was to be arranged, but these data recovery project in the area ex- rules were often changed based on ter- amined during Phase II investigations rain, the number of men encamped, and (Avery et al. 2008). The research design the duration of the occupation. For the called for stripping the plowzone from the Civil War soldier in camp, shelter took nine-acre portion of the project area within many forms (ranging from a shelter half to the boundaries of site 38FL2, the record- a log cabin) depending on the season, the ing of all features discovered, and the ex- tactical situation and length of deploy- cavation of 150 site features. The small ment. The guards at Florence were far tract adjoining the southern edge of the from the front and were there for a rela- existing cemetery that was determined to tively long period of time which extended be outside the site boundary was also into the winter. monitored while construction was taking Excavated features revealed that sev- place. The types of features present and eral structural types were constructed. their locations revealed that the area had Three curved, shallow trenches likely been part of the camp of the Confederate marked the location of Sibley tents. Mea- guards. suring approximately 18 feet in diameter, Sibley tents were conical in shape with a Features round base. They were often placed on top of a short wall of vertical logs that Five hundred and twenty-one features were placed in a trench. Sibley tents could were recorded during Phase III investiga- accommodate at least 12 men, but they tions, including the 149 features previous- were expensive and heavy, so they were ly recorded during testing. During the data relegated to use by rear echelon troops recovery project, 179 features were exca- through most of the war (Nelson 2006; vated, although some of these features Whitehorne 2006). Each of these trenches were determined to be trees or other non- had an elongated protrusion perpendicu- cultural disturbances. The excavated fea- lar to the main trench that probably marks tures were assigned to one of 10 general an entryway. categories based on size and shape in More permanent structures included both plan and profile. Feature types in- dug-outs or semi-subterranean huts and cluded structures, trenches, privies, slit possibly small log cabins. With sawn trenches, wells, pits, posts, trees, other lumber scarce, logs were the basic

53 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 5. Feature location map showing the location of the residential blocks. building material for these structures. shelter halves or pine boughs, was placed Semi-subterranean huts consisted of a on poles across the top of the wall. The hole excavated three to four feet into the dirt walls and floor were clad in boards if ground with short log walls on the surface. available. Chimneys were typically placed A roof, usually consisting of combined at a gable end of the hut and were

54 Florence Stockade

FIGURE 6. Feature 223 prior to excavation. constructed with bricks, mud coated bar- house based on its location north of the rels or boxes, or sticks and clay (Nelson main residential area and its large size. 2006; Whitehorne 2006). Feature 223 This structure measured approximately 10 (Figure 6) was a clear example of a semi- feet by 15 feet and had a small pit cellar subterranean hut. Measuring 10 feet by near its center. 10 feet and extending to a depth of 38 The most common features recorded centimeters below the truncated ground at Florence were pits, which ranged wide- surface, this hut was one of the largest ly in shape, size and profile. Specific func- structures recorded and was the deepest. tions were determined for some, but the Burned wood located on the floor of the purpose for most of them was unclear. structure, including fragments of bark and Many appear excavated specifically for possible boards, may indicate that the the disposal of refuse, while others may walls or floor were covered as described have served as sources of fill or other un- above. The hearth of this hut was ex- known functions. One pit, Feature 215 tremely well-preserved. (Figure 7), appears to have been exca- Similar features were also excavated vated specifically for the disposal of trash but were generally much more shallow as it was basin-shaped and contained than the better preserved examples. discrete layers of artifact-rich fill. Two oth- These may represent cabins constructed er features appear to have been used as above a shallow excavation or may simply a source for clay based on their shape indicate that more of the feature was lost and depth. Feature 217 was excavated to plowing. One large example, Feature well into the hard, red clay subsoil and 540, may have been used as a guard was bell-shaped in profile. Wooden planks

55 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 7. East profile of Feature 215. Note the concentration of organic soil and large artifacts at the base of the pit. were located on the base of the pit, which from the feature alone. The image of a may have been used as a work surface. soldier with the 153rd New York cooking Feature 425 lacked the bell shape, but on an oval stove presented in Figure 8 was dug well into the clay. Clay was wide- illustrates one possible functional interpre- ly used in the construction of stick or bar- tation for the feature. rel chimneys and was not readily available in this area of the camp. An easy solution Artifacts would have been to dig through the soft sand to the clay that lay below. In addition to providing a wealth of in- Clues to the function of another pit formation on the material culture of the were provided by a historic photograph. Confederate soldiers stationed at Flo- Feature 286 was a long narrow pit with rence, it was hoped that the 5,828 arti- larger, oval ends. The base of one end facts recovered would provide some in- was baked hard and a concentration of formation on the function of the excavated ash and charcoal was noted within the features. Specifically, the distribution of rest of the pit. The feature was presumed the different artifact groups among the to have been used for cooking, but the features was examined with that goal in specific functional details were unclear mind. South’s (1977) functional groups

56 Florence Stockade

were used as a basic framework for the artifact analysis. Although South’s groups were designed for domestic assemblages, it was deemed appropriate for this project due to the site’s overall domestic function within a military framework. As for the dis- tribution of the artifacts, the average num- ber of artifacts from each group was cal- culated for each feature type to provide the basis for the distribution of each group. The locations of certain individual artifact types were also examined in order to assist with the interpretation of feature types and the location of activity areas within the site (Table 1). Activities Group artifacts were most frequently located in pits. This is likely due FIGURE 8. Member of the 153rd New York us- to the recovery of a large number of metal ing a cook stove in 1862 (photo from the Brady fragments as a result of the discard of Collection, Library of Congress). sheet tin items in refuse pits. The relative- nails and brick fragments that were com- ly high frequency of these materials re- mon across the site. The presence of covered from the structures can most like- these materials in the wells and pits is ly be accounted for in the same way. primarily from the dumping of refuse, al- The Architectural Group was more though the base of at least one well was evenly distributed among the various probably lined with a wooden crate or box types of features, but the majority of the held together with nails. Likewise, one of material was recovered from the wells. the privies was apparently lined with a The vast majority of the rest of the as- wooden crate (Figure 9). The bricks and semblage was recovered from pits, privies nails recovered from the houses may and slit trenches and the structures. Most represent primary deposits derived from of the architectural artifacts consisted of efforts to improve the structures with board walls and brick TABLE 1. Artifact Group Frequencies by Feature Type. hearths. The majority of the Activities Architectural Feature Arms Clothing Kitchen Personal Pipes Tobacco Type Arms Group artifacts were recovered from

houses and pits. The ar-

tifacts recovered from the houses consisted primarily of ammunition Disturbance/Tree 1 1 1.8 0.7 0.0 2.3 1.6 0.0 Structure 23.9 19.5 37.6 50.0 12.7 30.1 24.0 components, such as Pit 53.5 25.2 26.0 34.2 48.7 22.2 64.0 percussion caps and bul- Post 0.08 0 3 0.7 0.0 15.0 3.2 0.0 lets. Such small items Privy/Slit Trench 16.3 21.4 14.9 13.2 8.0 34.9 4.0 Trench 1.6 0 3 1 3 0.0 0.8 4.8 0.0 were easily lost. While Well 3 52 31.5 18.8 2.6 12.5 3.2 8.0 ammunition was recov- TOTAL (%) 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 ered from pits, canteen

57 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 9. Feature 535, a rectangular, wood-lined privy. parts (Figure 10) and cartridge box parts (Figure 11) contributed to the assemblage from the pits, where these items were in- tentionally dumped. Exactly one-half of the Clothing Group artifacts was recovered from structures, although this figure is primarily due to the relatively large number of buttons and but- ton fragments directly associated with the burial in Feature 95. If the buttons from Feature 95 are omitted, the majority of the Clothing Group would have been recov- ered from pits, followed by privies and slit trenches. It would be expected to find these items in the houses as this would have been where the maintenance of clothing took place, and buttons were cer- FIGURE 10. Confederate drum canteen re- tainly easy to lose if dropped. Those but- covered from the base of Feature 502, one of tons found in pits suggest that they were the wells.

58 Florence Stockade

FIGURE 11. Cartridge box tin recovered from Feature 425, a large clay extraction pit. intentionally disposed of, while those but- were somewhat evenly distributed within tons in privies and slit trenches may have privies and slit trenches, houses and pits, been lost while unfastening and fastening although they were recovered from all fea- garments. ture types. The majority of the personal Kitchen Group artifacts were encoun- tered in all feature types but were most commonly recovered from pits. Most of these materials were fragmentary glass containers and ceramic vessels probably thrown into the pits after they were broken elsewhere. However, a few pits appear to have been directly associated with the preparation of food. The high frequency of items from posthole fill was unexpected and consisted almost exclusively of con- tainer glass. Artifacts from the Personal Group FIGURE 12. A hard rubber comb.

59 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

patterns were evident that might provide relevant interpretive information about the camp. This approach was of little analyti- cal value using artifacts such as nails or container glass that were distributed wide- ly across the site. Therefore, smaller as- semblages and those with specific func- tions were examined. Although a very small number of win- dow glass sherds was recovered, the lo- cations where they were found is informa- tive. All of the sherds were located in structures, with 12 of the 13 fragments coming from Features 223 and 540. This distribution may indicate that these struc- tures were built with glazed windows. It FIGURE 13. Representative types of ammuni- was common for officers on extended du- tion recovered from the camp. The two balls on ty (such as winter quarters) to place win- the left are .69 caliber. Note the uncut sprue dows in their cabins or huts, using window left from casting the ball in the upper left. The buckshot in the center are .31 caliber and were frames scavenged from other buildings likely components of .69 caliber buck and ball (Nelson 2006; Whitehorne 2006). This ac- loads favored by guards. The minie-ball and tivity was much less common among en- round ball on the right are .54 caliber. listed men. Feature 540 was large in plan- materials was located in privies or slit view but shallow, which may indicate a trenches and were likely lost from pockets fairly substantial cabin or guardhouse built or disposed of intentionally. Artifacts re- primarily above the ground surface. As covered from the houses were more likely described above, Feature 223 was the lost. Broken tines from hard rubber combs largest of the subterranean huts and ap- (Figure 12) were the most common re- parently had board walls. These two fea- covered personal artifact and were pri- tures appear to represent substantial marily located in pits and houses. structures and may very well have in- Only a small number of Tobacco Pipe cluded glazed windows. fragments was recovered, with the vast Besides small buckshot, only two cali- majority of these artifacts located in pits. bers of bullets were recovered (Figure No intact or complete specimens were re- 13). The .54 caliber bullets were likely covered, indicating that they were broken used in either Mississippi/Palmetto rifles elsewhere then disposed of in the pits. or Lorenz rifles. The .69 caliber balls The next most frequent location for pipe could have been fired by a wide variety of fragments was in houses, which more older weapons, but were likely used in likely represents their location of use and Model 1842 muskets (Coates and Tho- possibly breakage. mas 1990). This disparity in weaponry may indicate the presence of different Artifact Patterning units of infantry. However, a single re- serve unit might be issued a mixture of The distributions of some specific arti- weapons based on availability, especially fact types were selected to determine if late in the war. The distribution of the dif-

60 Florence Stockade

FIGURE 14. Distribution of .69 caliber and .54 caliber ammunition across the site. ferent calibers further suggests that at tures and the large pits encountered in least two different units were present in this block. One .54 caliber minie ball was the portion of the camp investigated (Fig- recovered from Feature 540 within the ure 14). The .54 caliber ammunition was northern perimeter of the site as well. concentrated in the northern portion of the The .69 caliber ammunition was much site, specifically in and around Block A. more widely dispersed across the site This type was recovered only from struc- than the .54 caliber bullets. Ammunition in

61 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 15. Blue transfer-ware plate recovered from the base of Feature 493. this caliber was recovered from as far fact, no effort was made to pattern the south as Feature 109 and as far north as container glass as it was recovered from Feature 212. These bullets were recov- every type of feature across the site. Ce- ered from a wider variety of features as ramics, however, provided a better oppor- well, including structures, pits and a privy. tunity for analysis. The distributions of re- This may indicate that this caliber was fined wares and utilitarian stoneware were more commonly in use, at least in this plotted separately. Refined ceramics were portion of the camp. It is interesting to widespread, but were concentrated in the note that no features contained both .54 northern area of the site, including Block and .69 caliber ammunition. Two .69 cali- A. All of the wells contained small ber balls were recovered from Feature amounts of refined ware, including a blue 212 located in Block A immediately adja- transfer printed plate (Figure 15). Ten cent to two features that contained .54 ca- sherds from another blue transfer ware liber bullets. While no real evidence ex- plate were recovered from Feature 239 ists, the presence of differing ammunition that represents a slit trench associated calibers within the same block may indi- with a possible Sibley tent in Block E. The cate that different units occupied this area concentration of these materials in the over the time the camp was in use. structures and associated pits in the Block The distribution of Kitchen Group arti- A area may mark a different status be- facts was somewhat more problematic tween the soldiers who lived on this block due to the large number of artifacts. In as opposed to the others. What this dif-

62 Florence Stockade

single vessel. Likewise, the 22 sherds re- covered from Feature 425 represented two vessels deposited in two discrete areas of the feature. What the distribution of stoneware indicates is unclear, al- though it could simply mean that more of this material was in use on the northern end of the site. Kitchenware, those items used to store, prepare and consume food, was widely scattered from as far south as Fea- ture 485 and north to Feature 217. Uten- sils were recovered from Features 212, 215, 223, 239 and 248. Most of these items were forks or spoons, but a folding corkscrew was located in Feature 223. Two fragments of a kettle or dutch oven were recovered from Feature 217 while a portion of an iron spider skillet was lo- FIGURE 16. Stoneware jug recovered from Fea- ture 502. The decorative motif is known as the cated in Feature 518. The remaining kit- “broken flower”, commonly found on vessels made chenware consisted of a nearly complete by Thomas Chandler in the Edgefield District of tin can and fragments of another can. The South Carolina between 1840 and 1852 (Joe Jo- actual number of tin cans and other food seph, Pers. Comm.). containers should probably be much ference represents is unclear, but could higher as a very large number of tin frag- be interpreted that the soldiers in this area ments were recovered that could not be of the camp held a higher status (possibly identified as to form or function. due to rank) than those to the south. Another possibility is that these soldiers Conclusions were relatively new recruits that arrived from home carrying their private dinner- The distribution of the artifact groups ware. among the various feature types provided Stoneware was much more common valuable information for defining general than refined wares and more widely distri- activity areas across the camp. This dis- buted. However, it was concentrated in tribution also produced some intriguing the northern portion of the camp that in- evidence as to which military units were cludes Block A. Stoneware was recovered living within the project area. Less suc- from Features 223 and 95, but only single cessful was the determination of feature sherds. Two wells (Features 518 and 502) function. The main difficulty was the lack produced stoneware, but these tended to of obvious primary deposits within the fea- be larger sherds and more complete ves- tures. While some primary deposits were sels, such as the nearly complete jug certainly encountered, they were often (Figure 16) and jar recovered from Fea- impossible to separate from the second- ture 502. The largest number of sherds ary refuse dumped into the features at a was recovered from Feature 376, a pit in later time. This practice is not a major Block B that produced 162 sherds from a concern with the more obvious features,

63 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

such as the structures, privies or wells, the United States Department of Vet- where the feature morphology is usually erans Affairs, National Cemetery Ad- sufficient to determine its function. But in ministration, Washington, D.C., by features (such as the pits) where the main MACTEC Engineering and Consulting, function cannot be determined by shape Inc., Knoxville, Tennessee. alone, the lack of primary deposits makes Coates, Earl J. and Dean S. Thomas any interpretation of function much more 1990 Introduction to Civil War Small Arms. problematic. Many of the pits, for exam- Thomas Publications, Gettysburg, ple, may well have been intended as a . receptacle for secondary debris, but in many cases this cannot be assumed. In Congressional Record other cases, the artifacts can be mislead- 1869 Treatment of Prisoners of War by the ing, as with several post holes that con- Rebel Authorities During the War of tained complete liquor bottles and animal the Rebellion. Reports of Committees bone. Secondary functions combined with of the House of Representatives Made secondary deposits can certainly lead to During the Third Session of the For- tieth Congress. Washington, D.C. confusion.

The excavations conducted in the Grunden, Ramona and Jeff Holland campground of the Confederate guards at 2005 Archaeological Investigations for the the Florence Stockade provided a unique Florence National Cemetery Expan- opportunity to examine the day-to-day life sion Project, Florence County, South of rear echelon soldiers during the latter Carolina. Report to Department of days of the Civil War. The short period of Veterans Affairs, Washington, D.C. occupation and the relatively small num- from TRC, Columbia, South Carolina. ber of men who inhabited the campground provided a discrete sample of documenta- Hoster, John L. ry, spatial and material data that is being 1864-1865 Adventures of a Soldier, Partial Diary, October 1864-March 1865, Un- analyzed in great detail. While much has published Diary in Possession of Ms. been written by and about the Union pris- Ruth G. Deike, Vienna, Virginia. Na- oners who suffered and died within the tional Register of Historic Places File prison walls, the Confederate guards have for the Stockade, South Carolina De- remained conspicuously silent through partment of Archives and History, Co- history. Our work within their camp has lumbia, South Carolina. shed some light on them and the condi- tions under which they served, and it is Kellogg, Robert H. my hope that this research will serve as a 1868 Life and Death in Rebel Prisons. L. starting point for more archaeological stu- Stebbins, Hartford, Connecticut. dies in the future. King, G. Wayne

1974 Death Camp at Florence. Civil War References Times Illustrated, January, pp. 35-42.

Avery, Paul G., Patrick H. Garrow, Judith A. National Park Service Sichler, Kandace D. Hollenbach and 2006 Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System. Nicholas P. Herrmann http://www.itd.nps.gov/cwss. 2008 Phase III Archaeological Investigations at 38FL2, the Florence Stockade, Flo- Nelson, Dean E. rence, South Carolina. Submitted to 2006 Right Nice Little Houses: Winter Camp

64 Florence Stockade

Architecture of the . Paul G. Avery In Huts and History: The Historical MACTEC Engineering and Consulting Archaeology of Military Encampment 9725 Cogdill Road During the American Civil War, Cla- Knoxville, Tennessee 37932 rence R. Geier, David G. Orr and Mat-

thew B. Reeves, editors, pp. 177-193. University Press of Florida, Gaines- ville.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion (OR) 1899 The War of the Rebellion: An Official Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series II, Volume VII. United States War Department, Washington, D.C.

Rusling, James F. 1866 Report to Brevet Major General M. C. Meigs, Quartermaster General, Office of the Inspector, Quartermaster De- partment, Charleston, S.C. May 27, 1866. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Copy on File, South Carolina De- partment of Archives and History, Co- lumbia.

Snell, Mark A. (editor) 1996 Dancing Along the Deadline. Presidio Press, Novato, California.

South, Stanley A. 1977 Method and Theory in Historical Arc- haeology. Academic Press, New York.

Whitehorne, Joseph W. A. 2006 Blueprint for Nineteenth-Century Camps: Castramentation, 1778-1865. In Huts and History: The Historical Archaeology of Military Encampment During the American Civil War, Cla- rence R. Geier, David G. Orr and Mat- thew B. Reeves, editors, pp. 28-50. University Press of Florida, Gaines- ville.

Woods, Walter D. 1947 Notes on the Confederate Stockade of Florence, South Carolina 1864-1865. United Daughters of the Confederacy, Florence, South Carolina.

65

THE WEB OF CULTURAL IDENTITY: A CASE STUDY OF AFRICAN- AMERICAN IDENTITY AND “SOUL FOOD”

Timothy E. Baumann

A new model of cultural identity is presented as a tool to visualize the complexity of person- al/group identity formation through social interaction and stratification. In this model, artifacts are seen as remnants of this identity process, but they do not create identity by themselves. In- stead, they can be used by an individual or a group to create and reinforce kinship and commu- nity relationships or to deny full of others through segregation and racial stereotypes. Foodways probably provide the best evidence to explain this model and to understand past cul- tural identities. A case study on African-American identity as seen through “soul food” is offered from two sites in Missouri’s Little Dixie Region.

Identity is a complex cultural construct ous and changing levels of cultural identi- that is formed and transformed over time ty from slavery to freedom. through social interaction and stratifica- tion. Using a case study of African- The Web of Cultural Identity American identity as seen through “soul food,” a new analytical model is presented Food in human culture can provide a to visualize this cultural process of identity visible representation of social interaction formation. The term “soul food” is used and identity (Brown and Mussell 1984; today to describe African-American cook- Caplan 2007; Counihan and Kaplan 2007; ing traditions that extend back to the days Counihan and Van Esterik 2008; Cussler of enslavement and formed through a and de Give 1952; Gabaccia 1998; Pilch- creolization of African, European, and Na- er 1998; Twiss 2007b; Warner 1998; Wat- tive American foodways (Blanks 1984; son and Caldwell 2005; Williams-Forson Bower 2008; Ferguson 1989; Franklin 2008; Xu 2007). The common adage of 2001; Mitchell 1993; Whitehead 1984, “we are what we eat” is an oversimplifica- 1992; Williams-Forson 2007, 2008). The tion of food and identity forma- procurement, preparation, and consump- tion/transformation (Twiss 2007a). In- tion of food have been used by African stead, cultural identity should be studied Americans and to through “the interactions of food, gender, define various levels of black identity. As race, class, and power” (Williams-Forson enslaved citizens or as free domestic ser- 2008:343). Food by itself has no true vants in white households, cooking and meaning until it is viewed within its cultural food consumption formed and reinforced theater or web of social interaction. To gender, class, and racial stereotypes. understand this process, a new model has Within the black household and communi- been created called the Web of Cultural ty, foodways have been used to define Identity (WCI) (Figure 1). The WCI is con- African-American ethnicity. Zooarchaeo- figured with five concentric rings with six logical data from a Missouri slave/tenant cultural levels of interaction that range context at the Oak Grove Plantation and from the most intimate at the individual (1) from a nearby postbellum African- to the broadest at the global environment American community in Arrow Rock, Mis- (6). These culture levels are then crosscut souri, provide a case study into the vari- by ten lines of , which

66 Web of Identity

FIGURE 1. The Web of Cultural Identity (WCI) include age, , class, estate, ethnicity, can be both extrinsic and intrinsic in its gender, political ideology, race, religious formation. Caught within the web between ideology, and sexual orientation. These the cultural levels of interaction and the stratification levels and their definitions forms of social stratification are the flies expand upon on the work of cultural anth- that represent material culture, which in- ropologist Gerald Berreman (1972, 1981), cludes foodways. In a living culture, we whose research has focused primarily on might be able to see the effects of social comparative social inequality on a global interaction and stratification on material scale. culture, but in an archaeological context Social identity can be created at all all we have left is the dead flies or the ma- eight levels of social stratification and is terial by-product or mediums of these so- formed and transformed constantly with cial relationships. Thus, defining artifacts each new encounter and social interac- to a single level of social stratification tion. No single social stratification line can (e.g., ethnicity) or to a single level of inte- truly be linked to an identity. Each line of raction is problematic and oversimplified. social stratification can affect the forma- The WCI model can help to conceptualize tion of identity, but never equally and it the complexity of interactions that has

67 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1) Summer 2009

formed and transformed the African- sonal and community identity in the face American tradition of “soul food.” of oppression. The “food” of soul food consists of What is Soul Food? preparation styles and diet (Table 1) (Fer- guson 1989; Fisher 1995 [1881]; Harris The term “soul food” was coined in the 1989, 1995; Jones 1996; Joyner 1971; 1960s as an outgrowth of ethnic pride and Mitchell 1993; The National Council of revitalization of African-American identity Negro Women 2000; Opie 2008; Tillery (Bower 2008). The “soul” represents the 1996, 2002; White 1998; Whitehead 1992; historical formation and psychological Williams-Forson 2001, 2006, 2007, 2008; sense of African-American identity. The Woods 1999). Pork and chicken are the creation of the African-American commu- most common soul food meats, including nity in the United States truly began dur- cuts that are typically the most economi- ing the Middle Passage on slave ships to cal. From the pig, these inexpensive ele- the New World (Mintz and Price 1992). ments are the ears, feet, heads, intes- On these ships, enslaved Africans were tines, and backs and for the chickens the torn away from their family, friends, and wings, necks, backs, feet, heart, and liver. cultural homelands and were forced to Pork grease or hot spices are also impor- develop new kinship and community tant in cooking the soul food staples of bonds that were not based on genetic or chicken, fish, and potatoes as well as ethnic/tribal affiliations. Once in the New vegetables like collard or turnip greens World, these enslaved Africans struggled (Whitehead 1992:98). Corn and sweet po- against the trading block that separated tatoes are a favored component used in mother from child and husband from wife cornbread, grits, hominy, and sweet pota- to develop and maintain these new kin- to pudding or pie. Wild game are also an ship and community bonds. This struggle important element on the soul food menu for personal and community identity con- and included deer, duck, fish, geese, gui- tinued after emancipation as newly freed nea hen, opossum, rabbit, squirrel, and African Americans faced Jim Crow laws turkey (Blanks 1984; Ferguson 1989; that prohibited or hindered property own- Franklin 2001). Drinks and desserts are ership and religious and educational facili- best known for their high quantity of sug- ties, as well as business and social estab- ar. lishments (Lewis and Lewis 2009). An etic or outsider’s perception of soul The social interaction between Afri- food is filtered through racial, class, and cans and Europeans in the New World gender classification or stereotypes, was primarily a power relationship of do- which were often associated with the minance (master) and resistance (en- “mammy” figure, fried chicken, chitterl- slaved). In reaction to enslavement and ings, and watermelon. The “mammy” fig- racism, African-American cooks, predo- ure will be forever characterized by Hattie minantly women, utilized their imagination McDaniels in her Academy Award winning and resourcefulness to create new reci- performance in the 1939 movie Gone pes and dishes forming a traditional food- With the Wind (Bogle 1997:86-94; Turner ways pattern now called “soul food.” This 1994:43). This fictitious character of the food tradition fulfilled nutritional needs of happy, simple slave or domestic cook is a the body as well as sociocultural and psy- romantic view of the nineteenth century by chological needs of the soul creating per- white America. This perception began

68 Web of Identity

TABLE 1. Whitehead’s (1992:102) Non-exhaustive List of Traditional Black Core, General Traditional, and Non-traditional Foods in the Present Southeastern United States.

Traditional Black Core Foods Traditional Foods External to the Non-traditional Foods Now Black Core Present in the South Pig tails/ears/feet/heads/backs Bacon/sausage Processed and canned meats, fish Neckbones Hams/ribs/chops/loins/roast/shoulder Hot dogs Heads/backbones Chicken breast/legs Hamburgers Liver Nonfish seafood Cole slaw Kidney Beef/steak/roast Noodles, macaroni, spaghetti Brain Raw apples/peaches Doughnuts Chitterlings Bananas Honeybuns Fatback/salt pork/side meat Oranges Instant cereals Chicken wings/necks/backs/feet Lemons Prepackaged biscuits, rolls, Wild game Cheese cornbread Fish Cookies Soups Eggs Fish Applesauce Collard/mustard/turnip greens Raw tomatoes Grapefruit Cabbages Beef stew Margarine Okra Honey Chocolate milk Peas and beans Lettuce Fruit juice Sweet potatoes Pickles White bread White potatoes Butter Carbonated beverages Corn Poke salad Cornbread Biscuits Pies/cakes/cookies Rice Whole milk Butter milk Coffee Tea Onions Molasses Jelly/jams/preserves

duri ng slavery and persists today. At the can-American diet at museums and in 1893 Columbia Exposition in Chicago, a publications must be critically evaluated to pancake flour company hired Nancy ensure that they do not inadvertently pro- Green, a black cook, to give demonstra- vide evidence that could support these tions of making pancakes and to tell sto- stereotypes. For a case in point, archaeo- ries of the Old South as the mammy cha- logical evidence of enslaved African racter “Aunt Jemima” (Turner 1994:49). American diet, which included melon This image of Aunt Jemima, along with seeds, was collected from the slave vil- Uncle Ben, can still be found in the gro- lage at the Carter’s Grove plantation in cery store, perpetuating the racial, class, Virginia. This foodways data, including the and gender stereotypes of African- watermelon, was then used in first person American identity. historical interpretations of enslaved Afri- Because of these persistent racial ide- can American life in reconstructed slave ologies, historical interpretations of Afri- homes by the Colonial Williamsburg

69 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1) Summer 2009

FIGURE 2. The Cultural Systems Paradigm (Redrawn and adapted from Whitehead 1992:96). Foundation. The use of these melons was tures have their own soul food that helps quickly removed after they were identified to frame one’s sense of self. The next by African-American staff as a racially im- question is “how can we document the bued item that could reinforce these old formation and transformation of African- stereotypes (Gable et al. 1992:802). American identity in the archaeological An emic perspective of soul food is record?” linked to African-American ethnic tradi- tions and heritage that define and bind an African-American Foodways Research individual with a family or community. This was best highlighted in the 1997 20th Anthropological research on African- Century Fox movie Soul Food, in which American foodways has included histori- an African-American family is brought to- cal/folklore studies documenting early gether by a weekly Sunday dinner. At African-American life and traditions (Ge- these dinners, the food and the conversa- novese 1974; Hess 1998; Hilliard 1972; tions around this meal provided a multi- Joyner 1971, 1984; Poe 1999; Williams- generational bonding mechanism that re- Forson 2001, 2006, 2007, 2008), ethno- newed kinship and community ties. Con- graphic field work that was often asso- sciously and unconsciously, these bonds ciated with clinical nutrition (Blanks 1984; were historically grounded, reflecting on Jerome 1969; Whitehead 1984, 1992) and previous generations and traditions, and archaeological investigations (Ascher and provided a present identity and a founda- Fairbanks 1971; Barber 1976; Crader tion for future personal and community 1990; Cheek and Friedlander 1990; Cres- identity development. In the end, all cul- sy 1985; Franklin 2001; Gibbs et al. 1980;

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McKee 1987, 1999; Otto 1984; Reitz 4) Persistent economic and political 1986, 1987, 1994; Reitz et al. 1985; Scott marginality for African Americans; 2001; Tuma 1998; Warner 1998, 2000; 5) The emergence of social, ideational, Yentsch 1994, 2008; Young 1993). The and organic (taste) preferences for ethnographic fieldwork of Tony Whitehead patterns related to traditional south- ern foodways; (1984, 1992) and his former student Deli- 6) The universal tendency for foodways lah Blanks (1984) focused on the forma- to meet human needs other than tion of African-American subsistence pat- mere nutrition. terns and their impact on contemporary African-American nutrition and health. In Information compiled through this ethno- particular, they worked with multi- graphic research has resulted in a histori- generational African-American families in cal understanding of African-American North Carolina to understand their contin- foodway traditions and the development uing and changing food habits. From this of preventative health care to address the research, Whitehead created “The Cultur- high occurrence of diabetes, stroke, and al Systems Paradigm” (CSP), an ecologi- hypertension in the contemporary African- cal model that emphasizes the sociocul- American community. tural context of historical processes that Archaeological studies have focused have formed and transformed African- primarily on foodways from enslaved con- American foodways (Figure 2). The CSP texts rather than free African-American helps to explain “food behavior as a part sites and have fallen into two categories: of a cultural system by allowing us to note 1) diet/nutrition and 2) social stratification what the food is (content) and who is par- (e.g., class, ethnicity, gender, race). The ticipating in its use, as well as how (partic- archaeological study of African-American ipation and method), when and with what diet has been at the core of African- regularity (routinization), and where (loca- American archaeology since its inception tion) a group’s, household’s, or individu- by Charles Fairbanks (1974) in the 1960s al’s food is acquired, prepared, preserved, at the University of Florida. Historical doc- distributed and consumed” (Whitehead uments, like planter’s diaries or account 1992:97). The application of this paradigm books, often outline food rations given to can provide a mechanism to better under- their enslaved African Americans, such as stand the cultural milieu of soul food. salted pork and molasses. Some histo- Whitehead (1992:101-102) concluded that rians have used these records to argue soul food was produced through the fol- that enslaved African-American’s diet and lowing cultural processes: health were extremely poor, lacking an adequate caloric and vitamin intake and 1) African foods brought by slave ships resulting in severe health problems (Fogel and foods and other components of and Engerman 1995). Archaeological ex- the African foodways created by the cavations of slave quarters have shown African servants; 2) Sociocultural processes that resulted that a slave’s diet was not limited to the in the integration of African, Euro- planter’s rations, but included more di- pean, and Native American foodway verse foods including domestic animals or systems; produce raised in adjacent animal pens or 3) A rural physical environment that has gardens and wild resources gathered or long supported traditional African hunted in nearby fields and forests (Fair- and European foods now a part of banks 1974; Singleton 1991). The faunal the southern food system; assemblage from slave/tenant households

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at the Levi Jordan plantation in eastern The overall quality and quantity of food Texas supports this statement and also that enslaved African-Americans acquired suggests a dietary shift to a greater re- can contrast greatly. This statement is liance on domesticated animals over time carried by Amy Lynne Young’s (1993) from slavery to tenant occupations (Brown faunal research at the Mabry Plantation and Cooper 1990:14-15). A similar trend and her comparative analysis of selected of decreased wild resources over time Southeastern plantations, which ad- was found at the Mabry Plantation site in dressed the diversity of diet and the cuts East Tennessee (Young 1993). of meat from both planter and slave con- Dietary patterns have also been com- texts. She concluded that “diets on planta- pared between the enslaved, overseer, tions varied depending on the local envi- and planter households at the Cannon’s ronment" and that “plantations along the Point Plantation in Georgia to determine coastline gave slaves and planters greater status and ethnic differences (Otto 1977; access to estuarine resources and thus 1984). Otto observed that wild resources created a more diverse diet than inland provided nearly 50 percent of the slave’s plantations” and on the Mabry plantation protein and that the enslaved and over- that “there was no significant difference seer faunal remains were normally between the cuts of domestic meat con- processed with cleavers for “one-pot” sumed” by the enslaved and planter fami- meals (e.g., stews, gumbos). This is in lies, but the slave component had a contrast to the planter’s household, which greater diversity of wild resources (Young typically had sawn for individual and McKelway 2000:200). In contrast, cuts of meat. Linked to this processing sites like Cannon’s Point Plantation indi- difference, the enslaved households had cate a distinct difference in the percen- a statistically higher frequency of bowls tage of species and cuts of meat between than flatware when compared to the plan- the enslaved and planter households ter assemblage, which had more plates (e.g., pork vs. beef) (Otto 1977, 1984). than bowls. These processing and vessel According to Gibbs et al. (1980:179), this form differences suggest that stews and variation in enslaved African-American gumbos were more frequently eaten by diet was affected by eight factors: the enslaved. 1) the location of the plantation within a Banded and transfer print decoration given state; were also significantly different by social 2) the size of the farm or plantation; position with the former associated with 3) the personnel directed to issue food; the enslaved and overseer households 4) the frequency with which food was and the latter with the planters assem- distributed; blage. Otto argues that these faunal and 5) the ability of slaves to raise their own ceramic differences reflect both status food or steal it; and possibly ethnic differences on the 6) the personnel allowed to prepare the Cannon’s Point Plantation, but I would ar- food; 7) the status of the slave; and gue these patterns are probably not visi- 8) cooking utensils. ble on all plantation or other African- American contexts over time (e.g., urban, postbellum, northern states).

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FIGURE 3. Sources of food in the diet of plantation slaves (Redrawn and adapted from McKee 1999:239, Figure 11.2) Similarly, Larry McKee (1999) pro- similar to the proposed WCI model in that vided a glimpse into the enslaved African- it is attempting to explain the underlying American foodways system with his mod- social interaction between master and el of food acquisition on southern planta- slave. Despite this similarity, his concep- tions (Figure 3). In this diagram, food is tual diagram is still lacking in that it does placed as the medium between planters not address the complex inner workings and enslaved citizens, revealing their between the planter’s family and domestic power and resistance relationship. As you cook/servants in the “Big House” nor does move from left to right in McKee’s model, it speak to the changing or diachronic re- there is a shift from master to slave con- lationships from slavery to freedom as trol. From top to bottom, there is a transi- well as the complex hierarchies within the tion from allowable means to disallowed African-American community. methods of obtaining food. In the center of Other social stratification studies of this model are two forms of food distribu- African-American diet have focused on tion via a central kitchen and direct rations these more complex social relationships to the slave cabins. McKee’s model is of racism, ethnicity, gender, and class.

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FIGURE 4. Map of Missouri’s "Little Dixie" counties shaded with the locations of the Oak Grove Plantation and Arrow Rock, Missouri For example, the work of Elizabeth Scott had access to both high and low-quality (2001) at the Nina Plantation in central cuts of beef and ate very little pork. In Louisiana provided evidence for how eco- contrast, antebellum African Americans at nomics and ethnicity affected the diet of Nina Plantation consumed little beef, but pre-Emancipation and post-Emancipation had access to all varieties of pork cuts. African Americans. Differences were best This evidence partially supports the ethnic represented by the changing proportions origins of pork as a staple in “soul food.” of meat cuts, species of animals, and ce- Similarly, research data from urban and ramic forms (Scott 2001:684). In particu- postbellum contexts has documented a lar, distinct ethnic foodway patterns were preference for pork by nineteenth century identified between the French planters African-American communities in Wash- and antebellum African-American resi- ington, D.C., Annapolis, Maryland, Alex- dents (Scott 2001:688). French planters andria, Virginia, and now in Missouri

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FIGURE 6. Contemporary view of the Planter House at Oak Grove Plantation African-American community in Arrow Rock, Missouri, provide empirical informa- tion on African-American foodways and identity.

Oak Grove Plantation

Oak Grove Plantation was started by George A. Murrell, an immigrant from Bar- ren County, Kentucky in 1852 (Figure 5). He constructed a Greek Revival style FIGURE 5. Portrait of George A. Murrell frame house by 1859 and it has remained (Cheek and Friedlander 1990; Cressey in the family until the present day (Figure 1985; Warner 1998, 2000; Baumann 6). The 1860 U.S. census recorded that 2001). Oak Grove was inhabited by of George Murrell and his wife Sophia, a European- Soul Food In Missouri's Little Dixie American laborer (who may have served as an overseer), and 13 enslaved African The “Little Dixie” region is located in west central Missouri within its historic plantation district (Hurt 1992; Marshall 1981) (Figure 4). This region was settled after the Louisiana Purchase primarily by Upper South immigrants from Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and the Carolinas. These immigrants established a diverse agricultural system that used enslaved African Americans to produce cash crops of tobacco and hemp. Data from two arc- haeological studies within this region of a slave/tenant household at the Oak Grove FIGURE 7. 1860 Census of enslaved African Plantation and at the nearby postbellum Americans on the Oak Grove Plantation.

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FIGURE 8. 1876 “Bird’s Eye View” drawing of the Oak Grove Plantation (Missouri Publishing Company 1876) Americans (Figure 7). The slaves lived in tion, two nights a week. In slavery or free- three separate quarters with two likely oc- dom, African Americans struggled to form cupied by slave families headed by a and maintain these family and community male and female with five children divided bonds against the oppression of Euro- between them, and the third household pean Americans. consisting of four teenage or young adult In the 1880 U.S. census, George Mur- males. Historic records cannot substan- rell is recorded as living with his second tiate if any of the possible family ties are wife Sarah, his sons Leonard and William, genetically bound or created between un- a niece Sada Ingram, and two female related persons in reaction to the slavery African-American domestic servants, Mar- system. What is known is that the slave tha Spece and Rina Scott. Census community extended beyond Oak Grove records and oral history indicate that two and included a network of kin and social to three African Americans continued to relationship with other slaves on neighbor- work on Oak Grove Plantation until the ing farms. For example, in 1863, George early twentieth century. Murrell (1863) recorded in his account Insights into the Murrell family and book that one of his male slaves had their African-American servants’ subsis- permission to visit his wife, who was en- tence can be partially discerned from an slaved on the nearby Marmaduke planta- 1876 “Bird’s Eye View” drawing of the

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potatoes. Other farm products included 350 pounds of butter, 10 tons of hay, and 10 bushels of grass seeds. The Oak Grove plantation also grew 350 tons of hemp, of which Missouri was the number one producer in 1860 (Hurt 1992). The 1870 U.S. cen- sus documented 308 acres of land worth $12,000 with 9 horses, 6 mules, 6 milk cows, 40 other cattle, 28 sheep, and 70 pigs. Secondary prod- ucts from these animals included 40 pounds of FIGURE 9. Close-up of the Servant’s Quarters behind the Main House wool and 400 pounds of in the 1876 “Bird’s Eye View” Drawing of the Oak Grove Plantation butter. Agricultural prod- (Missouri Publishing Company 1876) ucts included 600 bushels farm and the U.S. agricultural census of wheat, 1500 bushels of corn, 150 bu- (Missouri Publishing Company 1876) shels of oats, 5 bushels of peas and (Figure 8). The 1876 Oak Grove drawing beans, 20 bushels of potatoes, 5 bushels was created in a county atlas and illu- of sweet potatoes, and 75 dollars of orc- strates an active farmstead landscape hard fruits. with representations of eleven people and Dietary data was also collected from numerous animals, including 28 cows, 17 2003 archaeological excavations, which sheep, 14 horses/mules, 13 pigs, 2 dogs, focused on a two-room slave/tenant quar- and some possible beehives. Additional ters behind the main house (Figure 9). subsistence related features in this image This structure, which is now razed, was a include a smokehouse, which is still single story frame building with two rooms standing today behind the main house, and a central chimney. Written records and a large garden, which likely fed both and family lore put forward that this build- the white and black families on this farm. ing was utilized by enslaved and then When compared to the agricultural freed African Americans. The fieldwork census, this historic drawing appears to consisted of 22 units (3’ x 3’) that unco- be a fairly accurate representation. The vered a limestone foundation measuring 1860 U.S. census recorded the Murrell 37’ x 18’ with a central brick chimney and farm with 640 acres worth $12,800. Lives- fire hearth measuring 15’ x 15’ in size tock at this time included 17 horses and (Figure 10). Evidence of joist piers as part mules, 7 milk cows, 5 oxen, 12 other cat- the foundation and the extended fire tle, and 100 swine. Cultivated food crops hearth suggested that the rooms had included 200 bushels of wheat, 3000 bu- wooden floors. Overall, excavations fo- shels of corn, 600 bushels of oats, 6 bu- cused on the western wing of the two shels of peas/beans, and 40 bushels of rooms because the eastern room was

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FIGURE 10. View of the 2003 excavation of the Servant’s Quarters (foundation is outlined in yellow) severely disturbed by a large maple tree. lar documented, the proposed raised The front doorway of the western wing wooden floor likely acted as a filter pre- was identified by two limestone steps and venting the deposition of any faunal ma- a limestone entryway or platform. Interior terial that was too large to slip between investigations of the two-room quarters the floorboards. A similar depositional expected to find a pit cellar, which have process was identified at the Levi Jordan been identified in similar African-American Plantation in East Texas (Brown and structures in the Upper South (Neiman Cooper 1990). This resulted in 42 percent 1997; Samford 1999), but no pit was lo- of the Oak Grove faunal remains being cated. Artifacts uncovered from the inte- tiny, unidentifiable fragments. rior included ammunition, beads, ceram- Of the identifiable sample, mammals ics, a fishhook, sewing related artifacts, a account for the highest frequency group wine bottle, a whiskey flask, and faunal within the assemblage (Miller 2004). Of remains. these, pig (Sus scrofa) was the most The faunal assemblage was recovered common taxa with 36 specimens from both dry screening with ¼” mesh and represented primarily by molars and pha- flotation samples producing a total of 868 langes. Cow (Bos taurus) elements were animal bones (Table 2). The preservation found in two units with a single cow femur of the animal bones was very good as and six fragments from a single large long many smaller mammal and bird skeletal bone shaft, which were from a hand- elements were recovered. With no pit cel- carved bone bracelet with high polish.

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TABLE 2. Faunal Assemblages from the Oak Grove Plantation and Lots 106 and 121 in Arrow Rock, Missouri.

TAXONOMIC CATEGORY Oak Grove % Taxa % Total Lot 106 % Taxa % Total Lot 121 % Taxa % Total Amphibians Anura (indt. toad/) 2 50.0% 0.3% Bufo sp. (indt. toad) 2 50.0% 0.3% Total Amphibians 0 0.0% 4 100.0% 0.6% 0 0.0% Bird Indeterminate Bird 47 95.9% 7.2% 719 98.8% 33.0% Anas sp. (duck) 6 0.8% 0.3% Gallus gallus (domestic chicken) 2 4.1% 0.3% 2 0.3% 0.1% Meleagris gallopavo (turkey) 1 33.3% 0.1% Passeriformes (song bird) 1 0.1% 0.0% Tympanuchus cupido 2 66.7% 0.2% (c.f. prairie chicken) Total Birds 3 100.0% 0.3% 49 100.0% 7.5% 728 100.0% 33.4% Fish Indeterminate Fish 5 83.3% 0.6% 54 67.5% 8.3% 22 84.6% 1.0% Aplodinotus grunniens 1 16.7% 0.1% 3 3.8% 0.5% 1 3.8% 0.0% (freshwater drum) Carpiodes sp. (Indt. sucker) 3 11.5% 0.1% Cyprinus carpio (carp) 22 27.5% 3.4% Pylodictis olivaris(flathead ) 1 1.3% 0.2% Total Fish 6 100.0% 7.0% 80 100.0% 12.2% 26 100.0% 1.2% Invertebrates Bivalvia (indt. bivalave) 32 19.9% 3.7% 1 0.6% 0.2% 187 35.3% 8.6% Gastropoda (land/freshwater snail) 129 80.1% 14.9% 169 99.4% 25.8% 343 64.7% 15.7% Total Invertebrates 161 100.0% 19.0% 170 100.0% 26.0% 530 100.0% 24.3% Mammal Indeterminate Mammal 66 42.9% 10.1% 285 58.5% 13.1% Indeterminate Large Mammal 41 12.6% 4.7% 3 1.9% 0.5% 2 0.4% 0.1% Indeterminate Med. - Lg. Mammal 15 9.7% 2.3% 96 19.7% 4.4% Indeterminate Medium Mammal 11 3.4% 1.3% 5 3.2% 0.8% 13 2.7% 0.6% Indeterminate Sm. - Med. Mammal 2 1.3% 0.3% 2 0.4% 0.1% Indeterminate Small Mammal 29 8.9% 3.3% 11 7.1% 1.7% 13 2.7% 0.6% Bos taurus (domestic cow) 2 0.6% 0.2% 4 2.6% 0.6% 2 0.4% 0.1% Canis familiaris (dog) 1 0.3% 0.1% Didelphis marsupialis(opossum) 14 9.1% 2.1% Felis domesticus (domestic cat) 1 0.3% 0.1% 1 0.2% 0.0% Marmota monaz(woodchuck) 2 0.6% 0.2% 1 0.6% 0.2% Rattus sp. (indt. old world rat) 2 1.3% 0.3% Rodentia (indt. rodent) 193 59.2% 22.2% 2 1.3% 0.3% 6 1.2% 0.3% Scalopus aquaticus (eastern mole) 1 0.6% 0.2% Sciurus sp. (indt. Squirrel) 4 1.2% 0.5% 2 1.3% 0.3% 1 0.2% 0.0% Sus scrofa (domestic pig) 36 11.0% 4.1% 19 12.3% 2.9% 57 11.7% 2.6% Sylvilagus floridanus (eastern cottontail) 6 1.8% 0.7% 7 4.5% 1.1% 9 1.8% 0.4% Total Mammal 326 100.0% 38.0% 154 100.0% 23.5% 487 100.0% 22.4% Reptile 0.0% Testudines (indt. Turtle) 1 100.0% 0.2% Total Reptiles 0 0.0% 1 100.0% 0.2% 0 0.0% Indeterminate Indt. Bird/Mammal 0 0.0% 0.0% 35 17.9% 5.4% 26 6.4% 1.2% Indt. to class 372 100.0% 43.0% 161 82.1% 24.6% 381 93.6% 17.5% Total Indeterminate 372 100.0% 43.0% 196 100.0% 30.0% 407 100.0% 18.7% TOTAL FAUNA 868 100.0% 654 100.0% 2178 100.0%

Additional domestic animals recovered part of the diet. included a dog (Canis familiaris) (n=1) The remainder of the mammal bone and a cat (Felis domesticus) (n=1) quantified into small (rabbit and smaller represented by a single tooth for each. size), medium ( size), and large Wild mammal resources identified (deer and pig size) animals. Small mam- were eastern cottontail (Sylvilagus florida- mals had a NISP of 29, medium mammals nus) (n=6), woodchuck (Marmota monax) a NISP of 11, and the large mammal (n=2), squirrel (Sciurius sp.) (n=4), and a group had a NISP of 41 (Miller 2004). The sizeable rodent category (n=197). Histori- small and medium groups were likely cal accounts suggest that the first three made up of dietary or economically impor- species may have been hunted/trapped tant animals. The large group probably by African Americans in order to supple- represents deer and pig and consists al- ment their diet. The rodent category was most entirely of small rib fragments, which not taxonomically identified because they prevented identification to the species were mostly intrusive mice that were not level.

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The bird remains from the site com- kitchen for the main house, as well as a prise 14.5 percent of the assemblage residence for slaves, and then freed Afri- (n=147), but only two species of bird were can Americans, also limits a clear inter- identifiable at the taxonomic level; a tur- pretation of the diet, but important trends key (Meleagris gallopavo) and two prairie were uncovered in the analysis. Both wild chickens (Tympanuchus cupido c.f.). and domestic fauna were aspects of the Eggshell was also very common. The re- site occupants’ subsistence. Comparing mainder of the avian skeletal material, 13 the written documents with the archaeo- percent of the assemblage, was too frag- logical data, pig was the most common mented to identify to species, but this identifiable species in both written and higher percentage may correspond to archaeological records. In contrast, cattle, chicken, which was a core element of soul horse/mule, and sheep are not food. represented equally between these data Fish resources made up an extremely sets suggesting a differential access to small portion of the assemblage consist- food and/or a preference for pork over ing of six fish specimens with only one other animals. The large number of avian identifiable to a species; freshwater drum fauna also argues for a heavy reliance, (Aplodinotus grunnien). Invertebrates but most were not identifiable to a spe- were plentiful, but not all are associated cies. Only turkey and prairie chicken could with human consumption. Twenty three be positively identified, but domestic birds, freshwater mussel shells were collected like chicken and duck, were likely contri- across the site with three complete spe- buting resources. The sheer number of cimens recovered as a cache at the junc- rodents lends credence to the presence of tion of the west doorway’s front steps and a wooden floor, creating a crawl space the foundation. This cache was likely de- that would provide a perfect habitat for posited after they were eaten on the front multiple rodent species. Do these dietary stoop or inside the quarters, but they may trends with a reliance on pork and avian have also been used as tools, for shell species and the presence of wild re- button manufacturing, or possibly set as a sources continue into the postbellum pe- house charm associated with African- riod in the neighboring town of Arrow American traditions (Leone 2005; Price Rock, Missouri? and Hastings 1998). A large quantity of small snail shell fragments (n=129) were Arrow Rock, Missouri also documented, which can be linked to the natural habit of snails congregating After the Civil War, Missouri’s African near structure foundations. Americans did one of four things (Bau- In conclusion, a zooarchaeological mann 2001). Many continued working in analysis of the structure unfortunately agricultural pursuits for their former mas- gives us only a glimpse into the dietary or ters like those at Oak Grove Plantation. economic basis for the inhabitants. The Others moved out of Missouri, a “slave” proposed wooden floor would filter all but state, into towns in neighboring “free” the small bones and fragments away from states such as Kansas, , and Illinois. the soil. Unfortunately, the lack of a root Still others created their own Missouri cellar also impedes contexutal analysis towns, like Pennytown in Saline County. from a specific feature. This structure’s Lastly, African Americans moved into ex- multiple functions as a possible summer isting Missouri cities or towns, like Arrow

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FIGURE 11. 1896 Map of Arrow Rock, Missouri with Block #30 labeled (Northwest Publishing Company 1896) Rock, creating their own segregated neighborhoods. No matter if they settled in a rural or urban environment after the Civil War, blacks struggled against Jim Crow laws to develop their own communi- ties. Arrow Rock, founded in 1829, is lo- cated in west-central Missouri on the western bluffs of the in Sa- line County and approximately 10 miles east of the Oak Grove Plantation (Figures 4 and 11). During the antebellum period, Arrow Rock was a major Missouri river- port and a starting point on the Santa Fe Trail in Missouri’s plantation district with an 1860 population of approximately 1000 citizens (Dickey 2004; Fisher et al. 1988; Hamilton 1972; Prouse 1981; Van Ra- venswaay 1959). The town of Arrow Rock was not recorded separately on the U.S. census until 1880 when 77 African Ameri- FIGURE 12. African-American family in Arrow Rock, circa 1915 (Source: Missouri cans were listed, constituting 25 percent Department of Natural Resources) of the town’s population of 305. By 1910,

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Arrow Rock emerged as a strong African- American community with 44 percent of the town’s population (Figure 12). Beginning in 1996, an archaeological project was started to document Arrow Rock’s postbellum African-American community. Excavations have explored multiple households, an African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, a schoolhouse, a speakeasy, an emancipation day picnic field, a restaurant/bar, and a Masonic lodge, called the Brown Lodge No. 22 of FIGURE 13. Brown Lodge No. 22 of Ancient Free Ancient Free and Accepted Masons (Fig- and Accepted Masons in Arrow Rock, Missouri ure 13). Faunal remains presented below come from the Brown Lodge and an Afri- can-American residence on city block 30, lots 106 and 121 and represent foodways from both public and private contexts (Figure 14). Oral histories from former African- American residents of Arrow Rock docu- mented foodway patterns at the Brown Lodge and in the African-American com- munity in general. Thelma Conway, the former wife of William Huston Van Buren, worked as a waitress in the Brown Lodge in the 1940s and 1950s. She stated that during this time “hamburgers, hot dogs, FIGURE 14. Close-up of Block #30 on the 1896 rabbit, fish, and chicken” were served, as map of Arrow Rock, Missouri (Northwest Publish- well as barbecued raccoon on some oc- ing Company 1896) casions (Conway 1997). The most detailed subsistence prac- More detailed information was record- tices were described by Pearl Adams ed in these oral histories about household (1996) and Hortense Nichols (1996). foodways. Ruth Perry (1996) stated “we When asked about what wild greens were had a sow and…sometimes had sixteen gathered, Pearl Adams (1996) responded pigs and we raised our own meat…we with “wild lettuce, dandelions, maridock, cured the hams and sausages…we fried lambsquarter, and pokeweed… worked them down… put them in quart jars…we good as long as you put [bacon] grease didn’t have the deep freeze in those days, with it…everyone ate the greens…they but we had to fry all that stuff down… say it’s just like medicine.” In the same we’d put up beans and cabbages and can interview, they suggested that their main tomatoes…we raised our own pota- diet was “beans, cornbread,” but fruit was toes…bury the potatoes in the winter also eaten, including “wild fruit, blackber- time… put straw in there and [then] get ries, blueberries, gooseberries…plums” out the potatoes for the week and leave as well as “[crab]apples.” The latter was the others in the hole.” often buried in a hole and covered with

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straw. Pearl Adams (1996) stated that her fraternal halls and the black churches family would “put straw down in there and were centers of Arrow Rock’s African- put your stuff in there and then you put American community. “The Brown Lodge the dirt back in.” When asked about meat, was the place where black males congre- they responded with “we didn’t get too gated to participate in Masonic rituals, to much beef…most of the time it was pork, make decisions relating to the relief and chicken, turkeys, geese, and ducks” burial funds, to discuss and decide allega- (Adams 1996; Nichols 1996). If there was tions of un-Masonic conduct, and to so- a cow, it was normally a milk cow from cialize away from the scrutiny of whites” which butter and cottage cheese were (Kremer and Hoaglin 1997:25). Prior to made as well as a drink called “clabber.” World War II, the Brown Lodge was also Clabber was made by putting the “milk on the location of the annual “Emancipation the back of the old stove and you just Day Picnic” that was held in Saline Coun- clabbered it up…and then put a little sug- ty and in other Missouri counties on Au- ar in it and drank it” (Adams 1996). In gust 4th of each year. Kenneth Van Ars- Charles Joyner’s (1984:98-99) work Down dale, a former resident of Arrow Rock, by the Riverside, clabber was described remembers blacks from all around the as the “most common and most enjoyed county gathering at the lodge for August dairy product” which was made from milk 4th picnics that featured goat roasts (Van that is heated and let to stand for two Arsdale 1997). Fielding Draffen, who grew hours after which it becomes a thick curd up in Saline County during the 1930s, re- also known as “curds and whey.” When members Emancipation Day during his asked what foods were bought in the youth as follows: “When I was a kid… the store, Pearl Adams (1996) stated that 4th of August was sacred to black people. they “mostly had to buy sugar and flour… By the threat of death you didn’t even go salt and coffee.” to work on that day. You celebrated on Lot 106 - The Brown Lodge. The that day… people would talk about com- Brown Lodge was constructed in 1881 ing up… It was considered a day [on and is the only structure still standing on which] you kind of reflected on what your Block 30 (Figure 13). The lodge is a two- ancestors came through and [you] just story frame building made with cut nails kind of enjoyed the day” (Draffen 1997). In and limestone pier foundations measuring sum, the Brown Lodge served not only as approximately 26’ x 18’ in size. A later a Masonic hall, but also as a restau- front porch was added to the lodge’s rant/bar, the location for the “Emancipa- façade, constructed with a cement foun- tion Picnic,” and likely other community dation and wire nails. At one time, the functions. At the center of these various lodge also had a rear two-story addition, uses was food. now razed, which included a kitchen on In order of frequency, the faunal the first floor for a restaurant/bar and an counts from Brown Lodge by taxonomic external stairwell and entrance to the category were invertebrates (n=170), second story Masonic hall. The local his- mammals (n=154), fish (n=80), birds torical society, the Friends of Arrow Rock, (n=49), and amphibians (n=4) (Table 2). is currently restoring the Brown Lodge All but one of the invertebrates was and transforming it into a museum for represented by land/freshwater snail African-American history. shells (Gastropoda) not associated with The Brown Lodge along with the other foodways, but rather the result of snails

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congregating near structure foundations. census, Franklin and Susie Bush resided The identifiable species of mammals were on Block #30 with a black schoolteacher, represented by pig (n=19), the most Albert A. Bell, boarding with them. At this common, followed by opossum (n=14), time, Franklin was working as a "day la- rabbit (n=7), cow (n=4), squirrel (n=2), old borer." His wife Susie was listed with no world rat (n=2), indeterminate rodents occupation. In the 1920 U.S. census, (n=2), woodchuck (n=1), and a mole Franklin and Susie Bush were still living (n=1). The smaller mammal remains on Morgan Street and still with a boarder, (opossum, rabbit, squirrel, rat, rodents, but at this time it was a farm laborer woodchuck, and mole) are most likely as- named Samuel Brown. In 1920, Bush's sociated with non-human scavenging as occupation was listed as "plasterer." The most have evidence of heavy gnawing ac- Bushes had no children when Franklin tivity and no visible cut marks, but some Bush died in 1931 at the age of 57. Susie could have been a byproduct of human Bush continued to live on Lot 121 until her consumption. death in 1940. After this time, oral history Identifiable fish remains are represent- suggests that the Bush residence and Lot ed by carp (n=22), the most common, 121 remained empty until the 1970s when drum (n=3), and catfish (n=1). A single the house was burned down by the local bird species was recorded of a domestic fire department. chicken (n=2) with the remainder of bird Identifiable faunal remains from the bones being of unknown species (n=47). African-American household on lot 121 Overall, the faunal resources at the Brown included, in order of frequency, birds Lodge represent both human consump- (n=728), invertebrates (n=530), mammals tion and non-human scavenging. The hu- (n=487), and fish (n=26) (Table 2). Com- man consumption was represented by pared to the Lot 106 assemblage, Lot 121 both wild and domestic species, including has a greater percentage (33.4 percent) the most common by count of pig and of bird remains than Lot 106 with only 7.5 carp, which correlates well with the oral percent of the faunal remains, but Lot 121 testimonies. had a lower percentage of fish remains Lot 121 – African-American House- with only 1.2 percent of the assemblage hold. Lot 121 is located at the corner of versus 12.2 percent from the Brown Morgan and Seventh streets, and imme- Lodge. Identifiable bird species from Lot diately west of Lot 106 and the Brown 121 included indeterminate duck (n=6), Lodge. In 1883, Joseph Armstead, an domestic chicken (n=2), and indetermi- African-American day laborer, purchased nate songbird (n=1). The remaining bird this lot and lived there with his wife Clarah elements (n=719) were unidentifiable as and four children (Baumann 2001:88-90). to species. Due to the small amount of On January 16, 1889, Armstead borrowed identifiable bird bone, an accurate inter- $200 against this property, but could not pretation as to the importance of chicken, pay the loan and his property was forec- duck, or other edible bird species in the losed upon. Between 1890 and 1899, this diet of Arrow Rock’s African-American residence was used by the African- community cannot be made, but chickens American Odd Fellows as a meeting hall were typically a major component of soul until they could build a new lodge hall. In food. 1903, African-Americans Franklin and Su- Invertebrates were represented by in- sie Bush bought Lot 121. In 1910 U.S. determinate land/freshwater snail shells

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FIGURE 15. Comparison of pork cuts by price ranking between the Oak Grove Plantation, Lots 106 and 121 of Arrow Rock, Missouri, and pre- and post-1870s African American neighborhood deposits from Alexandria, Virginia (Cressey 1985:320-332) (n=343) and indeterminate bivalve higher percentage of pork by lot (75 per- (n=187). Similarly to the Brown Lodge, the cent) with Lot 106 having only 36.5 per- gastropods collected were not likely the cent of its faunal remains represented by product of human activity, but instead pig. Yet, on both lots, pig was the most were a result of habitat preference by common mammal eaten. Absent from the these snails to live around building foun- Lot 121 mammal bone assemblage was dations. The large number of bivalves opossum, which represented 26.9 percent suggests that they were associated with of the faunal remains from Lot 106. As food consumption, but they could also be stated above, opossum and other smaller linked to tool use, non-human scavenging, mammals may not have been the result of or to human curiosity. human consumption, but may have been Lot 121 mammal remains in the order the result of non-human scavenging or of frequency were recorded as pig (n=57), natural death below the standing Brown eastern cottontail (n=9), indeterminate ro- Lodge. dent (n=6), domestic cow (n=2), domestic Fish species from Lot 121 were identi- cat (n=1), and indeterminate squirrel fied as indeterminate sucker (n=3), and (n=1). Compared to the Lot 106 assem- freshwater drum (n=1). Noticeably missing blage, the Lot 121 collection contained a from the Lot 121 bone collection was a

85 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1) Summer 2009

high frequency of carp. In the Brown lar, the most common pork cuts were Lodge assemblage, carp is the most head and feet, which correspond to soul common fish species consumed, food preparation and cooking traditions. representing 85 percent of the total identi- Comparing the Missouri pig consump- fiable fish species and 3.4 percent of the tion data with Pamela Cressey’s (1985) total faunal sample. Overall, Lot 106 had work on a nineteenth century African- a 13 times greater number of fish than Lot American neighborhood in Alexandria, 121, suggesting that fish fries or bakes Virginia, there is a similar pattern of head were very common in the public restau- and feet cuts (Figure 15). To determine rant or for the Emancipation Day picnics the quality of pork cuts, Cressey em- held at the Brown Lodge, but were infre- ployed an economic index with the loin as quently consumed in the private house- the best cut of meat graded as one (1) to holds. the head and feet as the lowest and THE ALMIGHTY PIG ranked as nine (9) (Figure 16). Applying this ranking system to the Missouri sam- Comparisons between the Oak Grove ple resulted in indexes of 6.1 for the Oak and Arrow Rock assemblages indicate Grove assemblage and 6.6 to 6.8 for the that there were African-American foodway Arrow Rock data. These indices are high- patterns that can be associated with the er than the Virginia sample of 5.4 (pre- formation of soul food. Pork was the most 1870) and 4.8 (post-1870), which was frequent identifiable food source, but this likely caused by the fewer rib cuts found was supplemented by other wild and do- and/or positively identified to a species in mestic species of chicken, cow, prairie the Missouri data. chicken, turkey, squirrel, fish, opossum, Despite this supporting evidence, high woodchuck, and fresh water mussel percentages of pork and pork cuts of head shells. Overall, the high percentage and and feet do not equal African-American meat cuts of the “almighty pig” may pro- identity. This falls into the same oversim- vide the best evidence of African- plification of ethnic or class markers, like American subsistence patterns. In particu- blue beads = African-American ethnicity

FIGURE 16. Pork cuts and price rankings diagram (Redrawn and adapted from Cressey 1985:324, Figure VI-2)

86 Web of Identity

or Chinese porcelain = a wealthy house- (Fox-Genovese 1988). As the cook in the hold. As archaeologists, we frequently fo- planter’s home, the food she prepares cus on the material culture, but these arti- and serves mediates her social interac- facts are the dead flies in the Web of Cul- tions, resulting in both intrinsic and extrin- tural Identity diagram. Instead of limiting sic categorization. Living and working in our research to artifact pattern analysis, the main house, the cook is both a part of we need to use these patterns of material and separate from her white owners. She culture to help recreate the web of cultural prepares the food and serves it to her identity or the social interactions that masters, but she is not invited to join them these dead flies are caught between. for dinner at the same table. This relation- Without the day to day human interaction, ship is determined by race, class, and artifacts would be meaningless. Pork can gender roles defined by the white majori- be viewed through all levels of identity ty. Intrinsically her identity can be shaped formation, but most archaeologists will on- by herself and her slave community ly attempt to tackle one level of social through ethnic and kinship bonds or stratification, like ethnicity or class. through social or economic hierarchical Soul food as an indicator of African- relationships. Working in the main kitchen, American social identity can have various she may have access to better quality definitions depending on the time, region, food or leftovers and can provide some of and social situation. Many of the foods these resources to enslaved family or that make up “soul food” can also be friends that do not live in the big house, broadly defined as southern cookery and resulting in her higher status among the found in both white and black households. enslaved community. Even this explana- For example, 79 percent the faunal sam- tion is oversimplified as her identity is ple from the Widow Harris site, a Euro- constantly being defined and redefined pean-American farmstead in the Missouri daily and over time with each social en- Ozarks dating from 1820 to 1850, was counter. And the food remains that are pork (Price 1985). Again, the key here is caught within her relationships are only a that the food remains or material object type of artifact. Other material culture, like does not make the person. The person ceramics or the use of space, can be just utilizes the food remains or material object as important to identity development. The within their own worldview or social cir- WCI diagram was designed as a tool to cumstances. Pork can help to identify visualize these complex levels of social both the African-American and European- interaction that lead to personal and group American identities. The key is to interpret identity beyond ethnic markers. Linking the faunal remains within a historical, cul- “soul food” to African-American traditions tural, and spatial context. is just one challenging example of the cul- Utilizing the Web of Cultural Identity tural processes of identity formation. model, the complex nature of individual and group identity can be visualized and References better understood. In the case of an en- slaved female cook in the Big House, her Adams, Pearl personal and group identity was situation- 1996 Oral interview with Pearl Adams con- ally, psychologically, and spatially defined ducted by Gary Kremer, October 27, 1996. Manuscript on file, Friends of through the acquisition, storage, prepara- Arrow Rock, Inc., Arrow Rock, Mis- tion, consumption, and disposal of food souri.

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Ascher, Robert and Charles F. Fairbanks Brown, Kenneth L. and Doreen C. Cooper 1971 Excavations of a Slave Cabin: Geor- 1990 Structural Continuity in an African- gia, U.S.A. Historical Archaeology 5:3- American Slave and Tenant Commu- 17. nity. Historical Archaeology 24(4):7- 19. Barber, Michael 1976 The Vertebrate Fauna from a Late Brown, Linda Keller and Kay Mussell (editors) Eighteenth Century Well: The Bray 1984 Ethnic and Regional Foodways in the Plantation, Kingsmill, Virginia. Histori- United States: The Performance of cal Archaeology 10:68-72. Group Identity. University of Tennes- see Press, Knoxville. Baumann, Timothy E. 2001 "Because That's Where My Roots Caplan, Pat Are": Searching for Patterns of Afri- 2007 Food, Health and Identity. Taylor & can-American Ethnicity in Arrow Rock, Francis Group Ltd, Oxford. Missouri. Unpublished Ph.D. disserta- tion, Department of Anthropology, Cheek, Charles D. and Amy Friedlander University of Tennessee, Knoxville. 1990 Pottery and Pig’s Feet: Space, Ethnici- ty, and Neighborhood in Washington, Berreman, Gerald D. D. C., 1880-1940. Historical Archaeo- 1972 Race, Cast, and Other Invidious Dis- logy 24(1):34-60. tinctions in Social Stratification. Race 13:385-414. Conway, Thelma 1981 Social Inequality: Across-Cultural Ap- 1997 Oral interview with Thelma Conway proach. In Social Inequality: Compara- conducted by Gary Kremer, June 17, tive and Developmental Approaches, 1997. Manuscript on file, Friends of edited by G. Berreman, pp. 3-40, Aca- Arrow Rock, Inc., Arrow Rock, Mis- demic Press, New York. souri.

Blanks, Delilah B. Counihan, Carole M. and Steven L. Kaplan 1984 Cultural Continuity and Change in 2007 Food and Gender. Taylor & Francis Food Habits among a Select Sample Group Ltd, Oxford. of Southern Black Families in a North Carolina Community. Unpublished Counihan, Carle M. and Penny Van Esterik Ph.D. dissertation, Department of (editors) Health Education, School of Public 2008 Food and Culture: A Reader. Second Health, University of North Carolina, Edition, Routledge, New York Chapel Hill. Crader, Diana C. Bogle, Donald 1990 Slave diet at Monticello. American An- 1997 Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, tiquity 55:690-717 and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. The Conti- Cressey, Pamela nuum Publishing Company, New York. 1985 The Alexandria, Virginia City Site: Archaeology in an Afro-American Bower, Anne (editor) Neighborhood, 1830-1910. Unpub- 2008 African American Foodways: Explora- lished Ph.D. dissertation, Department tions of History and Culture. University of Anthropology, University of Iowa. of Illinois Press, Urbana. Iowa City.

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Cussler, Margaret, and Mary L. de Give. Black and White Women of the Old 1952 'Twixt the Cup and Lip: Psychological South. University of North Carolina and Socio-Cultural Factors Affecting Press Chapel Hill. Food Habits. Twayne, New York. Franklin, Maria Dickey, Michael 2001 The Archaeological Dimensions of 2004 Arrow Rock: Crossroads of the Mis- Soul Food: Interpreting Race, Culture, souri Frontier. Friends of Arrow Rock, and Afro-Virginian Identity, In Race Inc., Arrow Rock, Missouri. and the Archaeology of Identity, edited by Charles E. Orser Jr., pp. 88-107. Draffen, Fielding The University of Utah Press, Salt 1997 Oral interview with Fielding Draffen Lake. conducted by Gary Kremer, June 19, 1997. Manuscript on file, Friends of Gable, Eric, Richard Handler, and Anna Law- Arrow Rock, Inc., Arrow Rock, Mis- son souri. 1992 On the Uses of Relativism: Fact, Con- jecture, and Black and White Histories Fairbanks, Charles H. at Colonial Williamsburg. American 1974 The Kingsley Slave Cabins in Duval Ethnologist 19(4)791-805. County, Florida, 1968. Conference on Historic Site Archaeology Papers 7:62- Gabaccia, Donna R. 93. 1998 We Are What We Eat: Ethnic Food and the Making of Americans. Harvard Ferguson, Sheila University Press, Cambridge, Massa- 1989 Soul Food: Classic Cuisine from the chusetts. Deep South. Grove Press, New York. Genovese, Eugene D. Fisher, Abby 1974 Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the 1995 [1881] What Mrs. Fisher Knows about Slaves Made. Pantheon Books, New Old Southern Cooking, Soups, York. Pickles, Preserves, etc. Women’s Co- Operative Printing Office, San Fran- Gibbs, Tyson, Kathleen Cargill, Leslie Sue cisco, California. 1995 facsimile ed. Lieberman, and Elizabeth Rietz Applewood Books, Bedford, Massa- 1980 Nutrition in a Slave Population: An chusetts. Anthropological Examination. Medical Anthropology 4(2):175-262. Fisher, Virginia, James Kennedy, Pat Kenne- dy, and David Perkins Hamilton, Jean Tyree 1988 Arrow Rock Places: The Architecture 1972 Arrow Rock: Where Wheels Started and Environs of Arrow Rock, Missouri, West. Guard Printing & Publishing A National Historic Landmark. Historic Co., Centralia, Missouri. Arrow Rock Council, Arrow Rock, Mis- souri. Harris, Jessica B. 1989 Iron Pots and Wooden Spoons: Afri- Fogel, Robert W. and Stanley L. Engerman ca's Gifts to New World Cooking. Bal- 1995 Time on the Cross: The Economics of lantine-Random, New York. American Negro Slavery. W.W. Norton 1995 The Welcome Table: African American & Co., New York. Heritage Cooking. Simon & Schuster, Inc., New York. Fox-Genovese, Elizabeth 1988 Within the Plantation Household:

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Hess, Karen Lewis, Catherine and J. Richard Lewis (edi- 1999 Carolina Rice Kitchen: The African tors) Connection. The University of South 2009 Jim Crow America: A Documentary Carolina, Columbia. History. The University of Arkansas Press, Fayetteville. Hilliard, Sam Bowers. 1972 Hog Meat and Hoecake: Food Supply Marshall, Howard W. in the Old South, 1840–1860. South- 1981 Folk Architecture in Little Dixie: A Re- ern Illinois University Press, Carbon- gional Culture in Missouri. University dale. of Missouri Press, Columbia.

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Samford, Patricia sional Paper No. 34, Center for Arc- 1999 Strong is the Bond of Kinship: West haeological Investigations, Southern Il- African-Style Ancestor Shrines and linois University, Carbondale. Subfloor Pits on African-American 2007b (editor) The Archaeology of Food and Quarters. In Historical Archaeology, Identity. Occasional Paper No. 34, Identity Formation, and the Interpreta- Center for Archaeological Investiga- tion of Ethnicity, edited by Maria tions, Southern Illinois University, Car- Franklin and Garrett Fesler, pp. 71– bondale. 91. Colonial Williamsburg Research Publications, Colonial Williamsburg Van Arsdale, Kenneth Foundation, Williamsburg, Virginia. 1997 Oral Interview with Kenneth Van Ars- dale conducted by Gary Kremer, Sep- Singleton, Theresa tember 8, 1997. Manuscript on file, 1991 The Archaeology of Slave Life. In Be- Friends of Arrow Rock, Inc., Arrow fore Freedom Came: African American Rock, Missouri. Life in the , edited by Edward C.C. Campbell III and Kym S. Van Ravenswaay, Charles Rice, pp. 155-175. University Press of 1959 Arrow Rock, Missouri. Bulletin of the Virginia, Charlottesville. Missouri Historical Society 15:203- 223. Scott, Elizabeth M. 2001 Food and Social Relations at Nina Warner, Mark Plantation. American Anthropologist 1998 Food and the Negotiation of African- 103:671-691. American Identities in Annapolis, Mar- yland and the Chesapeake. Unpub- lished Ph. D. dissertation, Department Tillery, Carolyn Quick of Anthropology, University of Virginia, 1996 The African American Heritage Cook- Charlottesville. book: Traditional Recipes and Fond 2000 The Power of the Pig: Pork Consump- Remembrances from Alabama’s Re- tion and African-American Identity. nowned Institute. Citadel Paper presented at the 33rd annual Press, New York. conference of the Society for Historical 2002 A Taste of Freedom: A Cookbook with Archaeology, Quebec, Canada. Recipes and Remembrances from the Hampton Institute. Citadel Press, New Watson, James L. and Melissa L. Caldwell York. (editors) 2005 The Cultural Politics of Food and Eat- Tuma, Michael W. ing. Wiley-Blackwell, Hoboken, New 1998 Slave Subsistence at Saragossa: Pre- Jersey. liminary Report on Faunal Data. Mis- sissippi Archaeology 33:125-138 White, Joyce 1998 Soul Food: Recipes and Reflections Turner, Patricia A. from African-American Churches. 1994 Ceramic Uncles & Celluloid Mammies: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc., New Black Images and Their Influence on York. Culture. Anchor Books, New York. Whitehead, Tony L. Twiss, Katheryn 1984 Sociocultural Dynamics and Food Ha- 2007a We Are What We Eat. In The Arc- bits in a Southern Community. In Food haeology of Food and Identity, edited and the Social Order, edited by Mary by Katheryn Twiss, pp. 1-15. Occa- Douglas, pp. , The Russell Sage

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Woods, Sylvia 1999 Sylvia’s Family Soul Food Cookbook: From Hemingway, South Carolina, to . William Morrow and Compa- ny, Inc., New York.

Xu, Wenying 2007 Eating Identities: Reading Food in Asian . University of Press, Honolulu.

Yentsch, Anne 1994 A Chesapeake Family and Their Slaves: A Study in Historical Archaeo- logy. Cambridge University Press, New York. 2008 Excavating the South’s African Ameri-

93

EARLY ARCHAIC RAW MATERIAL USE PATTERNS IN TENNESSEE

Andrew P. Bradbury and Philip J. Carr

Models of Early Archaic settlement patterns are often proposed for a specific area of the South- east and then an individual model is treated as if it has pan-regional applicability. The Band- Macroband model is arguably the current choice, but there are alternatives. Here, it is argued that no model is easily transferred from a specific region to another due to variation in the envi- ronment and uneven knowledge of both the environment, particularly raw material distribution, and the archaeological record. An overview of lithic material sources and Early Archaic arc- haeological record of Tennessee demonstrates that the wholesale adoption and testing of any current model is not currently possible. The challenge is to provide more detailed syntheses and begin to build models appropriate to specific physiographic regions and test these models with available data.

Two decades ago, David Anderson er areas a cumbersome fit. However, why and Glenn Hanson (1988) published an not take the basic tenets concerning Early American Antiquity article entitled “Early Archaic lifeways, such as technological Archaic Settlement in the Southeastern organization and biocultural aspects, and United States: A Case Study from the Sa- hypothesize how these would manifest in vannah River Valley.” Arguably, the a given environment and test these “Band-Macroband” model proposed in ideas? Our answer has nothing to do with that article became the exemplar of Early the excellent work of Anderson and Han- Archaic lifeways in the Southeast as well son or the model itself, but rather with the as engendering debate and the proposal state of our knowledge in other regions. of an alternative (Daniel 1998). The model Too often, not only is less known of the goes beyond site specific data and com- environment, but also of the Early Archaic bines broad aspects of technological or- record, including site locations and report- ganization and biocultural factors in con- ing of tool raw material types, amongst ceiving of Early Archaic settlement pat- other data. One important factor is con- terns making it appealing. Textbooks temporary knowledge of the prehistoric (Bense 1994:72-73; Fagan 2005:380) use availability, distribution, and quality of this model as the way to characterize the suitable tool stone in various regions. This Early Archaic and, despite the debate, lack of basic archaeological and environ- others cite it and not its alternatives (e.g., mental information greatly inhibits the de- Delcourt and Delcourt 2004:65-67). The velopment of broad considerations of Ear- model is widely accepted and cited as the ly Archaic settlement patterns and site model of Early Archaic lifeways in the specific functions are more often the focus Southeast. than the detailed yearly settlement round After 20 years as the exemplar, one offered in the Band-Macroband model. would be right to ask why this model has Here, we take one tantalizing idea not inspired applications beyond the from an original Anderson and Hanson South Atlantic Slope? One answer to this figure (1988:Figure 3), illustrating the question is that variation in environment presence of a Tennessee River- and topography makes a wholesale adop- Cumberland Plateau Macroband, as our tion of the Band-Macroband model in oth- inspiration to characterize raw material

94 Early Archaic Raw Material Use

distributions across the state of Tennes- 1982). A number of radiocarbon dates see. We review what is known of raw ma- have been obtained for Dalton compo- terial use in the state and the surrounding nents across the Southeast. Dates of region from select sites and projects. We 10,530 + 650 B.P. (Colman 1972) and find that we are not yet at the point where 10,200 + 330 B.P. (Crane and Griffin we can apply something akin to the Band- 1972) were associated with Dalton com- Macroband model or alternative to any ponents at the Rodgers Shelter site. In the portion of the Tennessee Early Archaic, Kentucky Lake area of Tennessee, a Dal- but lay the foundation for such applica- ton component on the Puckett site tions and hypothesis building in the future. (40SW228) was radiocarbon dated to 9790 + 160 B.P. (Norton and Broster Early Archaic: Temporal Placement 1993). Dates of 9115 + 100 B.P. and 9975 and Raw Material Use + 125 B.P. were obtained from the Olive Branch site (Gramly and Funk 1991). Dal- The Early Archaic is traditionally, and ton materials are found throughout the somewhat conveniently, dated from Southeast and Midwestern U.S. Driskell 10,000 to 8,000 B.P. (Anderson et al. (1994) reported radiocarbon dates of 1996:14). Based on hafted biface types 10,490 + 360 B.P., 10,330 + 120 B.P. and and radiocarbon dates, this two thousand 10,345 + 80 B.P. associated with Early year time period can be divided into three Side-Notched horizons at Dust Cave in segments: early, middle, and late for ease Alabama. These, with additional dates for of discussion. There is some dispute con- Early Side-Notched components at Dust cerning the beginning of the Early Archaic Cave, indicate a range of 10,000 to 9000 with some researchers placing Dalton and BP (Driskell 1996:318). Bradbury and Hardaway-Dalton types in Late Paleoin- McKelway (1996) report a date of 10,350 dian such that these types extend only + 60 B.P. associated with an Early Side into the earliest portion of the Early Arc- Notched component at 40CH162 in Chea- haic (Anderson et al. 1996:15) and others tham County, Tennessee. placing these types in the Early Archaic Kirk Corner-Notched forms (including (Goodyear 1982). More recently, Ander- types such as Charleston, St. Charles, son (2001), in seeking to more closely link Palmer, Pine Tree, Kirk Corner-Notched cultural transitions with environmental large variety, and Kirk Corner-Notched changes, suggests the end of the Young- small variety) comprise the middle portion er Dryas (ca. 11,450 cal. B.P.) as marking of the Early Archaic sub-period. Excava- the beginning of the Early Archaic and the tions at buried sites in the Tellico Valley of time period ending with the Middle Holo- Tennessee (Chapman 1975, 1976, 1977), cene Hypsithermal at ca. 8900 cal. B.P. the Kanawha Valley of West Virginia Anderson (2001:157) suggests that “the (Broyles 1964, 1971), and in the Piedmont occurrence of successive side- and cor- area of North Carolina (Coe 1964) have ner-notched and bifurcate-based points” is help to further define and date this type. used to recognize Early Archaic compo- Dates from the Tellico Valley range from nents across most of Eastern North Amer- 7500 to 6900 B.C. (Chapman 1976, ica. 1977). Two dates from St. Albans of 6900 Types such as Early Side Notched and + 320 B.C. and 6850 + 320 B.C. were as- Dalton are recognized as the earliest of sociated with Kirk materials (Broyles the Early Archaic sequence (Goodyear 1971). Norton and Broster (1993) reported

95 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

dates of 8820 + 180 B.P. and 8490 + 180 might encapsulate some of the previously B.P. associated with a Kirk component at conceptualized long-term cultural changes the Puckett site (40SW228) in Stewart that took place over the Archaic and simp- County, Tennessee. ly characterized as “settling in.” If Early The final part of the Early Archaic is Archaic populations “settled in” to their recognized by Bifurcate Base types local environment, then other explana- (MacCorkle, St. Albans, LeCroy, and Ka- tions of cultural difference and similarity nawha). Broyles (1971) reports dates of are necessary to explain the events of the 6300 + 100 B.C. (LeCroy), 6870 + 500 remainder of the Archaic period. B.C. (St. Albans), and 6880 + 700 B.C. (St. Albans) associated with Bifurcate ma- Lithic Raw Material Procurement terials from the St. Albans site. Several Method and Theory dates were obtained from Bifurcate levels at the Rose Island site (Chapman 1975). Lithic analysts have increased their ef- Based on these dates, Chapman forts to obtain relevant cultural data from (1975:213-214) suggests a date of 6770 + chipped-stone assemblages, but many 250 B.C. for the St. Albans horizon and problems persist such as use of outdated circa 6300 B.C. for the LeCroy horizon. and demonstrably inaccurate methods, Creasman et al. (1996:166) report dates lack of an agreed upon minimal attribute between 8500 and 8030 B.P. associated list, and so on (Carr and Bradbury 2000). with bifurcate hafted bifaces from the The major problem with raw material stu- Main Site in Bell County, Kentucky. dies is the continued reliance on subjec- The examination of raw materials from tive criteria to determine raw material Early Archaic sites in the Southeast has type. Often raw material data are reported resulted in the observation that there is a with no discussion of how determinations change from the use of more distant were made or there is an over reliance on sources early in the time period to greater color, texture, and quality. Comparative use of more local sources at its terminus. collection use appears uncommon and Anderson and Hanson (1988:271) sug- when available are too often incomplete. gest that if this raw material pattern accu- That is, the raw material collection is li- rately indicates settlement “dynamics,” mited in scope and depth, such that it only then this is evidence of increasing popula- includes nearby sources and limited ex- tions and decreasing mobility. In general, amples of each type. only examining raw material use would Despite these problems, there is much cause one to associate the early portion potential in raw material studies because of the Early Archaic with the Paleoindian of the baseline data that are provided for period and the middle and late Early Arc- the entire lithic analysis. In Nelson’s haic with the remainder of the Archaic. (1991) diagram of the structure of an or- Obviously, there are too many descriptors ganization of technology approach, the here to make clear sense of the situation, environment sets the stage upon which a but suffice it to say that documenting raw technology is organized. If one wants to material use over the Early Archaic has understand how prehistoric peoples orga- the potential to provide insight into prehis- nized their lithic technology, a key ele- toric lifeways of this time period and help ment is raw material distribution and us better understand cultural change and availability in the prehistoric natural and process. In a sense, the Early Archaic cultural environment. Further, if one wants

96 Early Archaic Raw Material Use to understand the use-life of stone tools the exact same evidence (non-local mate- (sensu Collins 1975), then raw material rials, well-manufactured tools, stylistic si- acquisition is the first consideration. A re- milarities) is used to argue for or against vised diagram of the organization of tech- exchange. Meltzer’s (1989:Table 2.1) re- nology further illustrates these points and view of the issue revealed few situations demonstrates the critical nature of the in which one could support an argument knowledge of raw material distribution and for one over the other. He does suggest acquisition (Carr and Bradbury 2008). The that for the late Pleistocene Southeast examination of raw materials used in “Stone was likely the only resource suffi- chipped stone manufacture can provide ciently localized and predictable to pro- inferences concerning several aspects of mote reuse of a particular locality… high prehistoric life such as mobility and trade, settlement mobility was probably not a as well as providing insights concerning critical element of the adaptation, and the tool design choices. Further, decisions assemblages likely would have been concerning the discard of a stone tool de- dominated by locally available stone” pend on considerations of future activities, (Meltzer 1989:38). including anticipated mobility pattern and Additionally, the distribution and quali- the distribution of raw materials. ty of raw materials are important factors As Binford (1979:260) notes, variability that condition their use and can have an in the proportions of raw material at a site affect on the organization of lithic technol- are a function of the scale of the habitat ogy (e.g., Andrefsky 1994). A variety of exploited from that location. It should be local and non-local raw materials may be recognized, however, that the proportions available to prehistoric groups in an area of raw materials recovered from a site and be sufficient for chipped stone tool likely represent only the minimal extent of production; however, “certain materials a group’s annual range (Ingbar 1994). may be chosen over others because of That is, people arrive at a site with a tool- differences in mechanical efficiency at kit produced elsewhere, but that toolkit hand” (Beck and Jones 1990:284). The likely does not contain raw materials from Clovis hafted biface comes to mind here, the entire extent of territory exploited. Try- because tools overdesigned as hunting ing to reconstruct an annual range is fur- weapons likely would be manufactured ther complicated if a large region lacks from the highest quality raw material to be variation in raw materials. reliable and insure functionality when Lithic raw materials also can provide needed. evidence of social connections as indirect This brief overview illustrates the im- acquisition or trade can affect the raw ma- portance of accurately identifying raw ma- terial proportions in an assemblage. The terials in archaeological assemblages as role of exchange is most often examined well as having a clear understanding of for chiefdoms and states, but archaeolog- the distribution and prehistoric availability ists are giving greater consideration to ex- of raw material sources. Examinations of change amongst hunter-gatherers. The lithic materials from Paleoindian and Arc- provocative title “Was Stone Exchanged haic sites have provided insights into mo- Among Eastern North Paleoindians?” bility patterns, tool design, and social inte- raised an important question and pointed ractions, but debates continue. Here, we out the difficulty of trying to answer it briefly discuss some of these models and (Meltzer 1989). In the Paleoindian case, review the Early Archaic raw material data

97 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

from various areas of Tennessee, as for exchange of raw materials among oth- these are disparate raw material environ- er things. Or, did bands regularly cross ments in which Early Archaic peoples op- drainages in the coastal plain, but were erated. In addition, we cross the state tethered to raw material sources as out- border on occasion to provide additional lined in the Uwharrie-Allendale Model, context. and this explains the low raw material di- versity at such sites (e.g. Daniel 1998). Early Archaic Settlement Models In the Band-Macroband Model (biocul- tural model), Anderson and Hanson Much of what we surmise about the (1988) suggest a winter strategy of logis- Early Archaic in the Southeast is based tical mobility and a summer strategy of on lithics. Anderson and Hanson increased residential mobility. Aggrega- (1988:267), in citing a number of studies, tion sites are important for information state “Early Archaic sites occur in a wide sharing and maintaining a viable popula- range of microenvironments, and that ex- tion. They postulate two levels of settle- tra-local raw materials are common in as- ment organization (local band-level, re- semblages” with both trade and extensive gional macroband level) for the Early Arc- mobility being proffered as explanations. haic on the South Atlantic Slope. Eight While nonlocal materials are common, a bands are suggested to compose the greater use of local, lower quality mate- South Atlantic macroband with each oc- rials is also apparent during the Early cupying the eight major drainages. Given Archaic and may reflect less concern with low population densities during this pe- certain elements of tool design as com- riod, 3-5 bands had to have been in regu- pared with Paleoindian. This illustrates the lar contact to maintain viable populations. complexity of making inferences concern- The fluid movement of individuals and ing mobility strategies from raw material coming together of members of two or use. A variety of settlement models have more bands at aggregation sites located been proposed to represent Early Archaic at the Fall Line are the mechanisms sug- lifeways in different areas, but little testing gested to maintain social contact. Winter or direct assessment has been accom- base camps are located in the Upper plished. Coastal Plain from which a collector strat- With reference to the Southeast, for egy was employed. The rest of the year example, there is debate concerning the was characterized by high residential mo- inferences to be made from raw material bility or a forager mobility strategy. proportions on the South Atlantic Slope Movement away from the winter base and the roles played by settlement mobili- camp in early spring is proposed to have ty and exchange in assemblage forma- been toward the coast and back into the tion. Did individual bands stay within ma- Upper Coastal Plain and Piedmont from jor drainages while occupying the coastal late spring to early fall. While returning to plain and aggregate at piedmont sites as winter base camps during the late fall, outlined in the Band-Macroband Model side trips to aggregation sites are pro- (Anderson and Hanson 1988)? Such ag- posed. They see the gradual, rather than gregation sites produce chipped stone as- step-like, drop off of raw material types is semblages with greater raw material di- taken as support of minimal social boun- versity than sites on the coastal plain and daries (Anderson and Hanson 1988:280). aggregation sites provide the opportunity The use of non-local raw materials ap-

98 Early Archaic Raw Material Use

pears greatest along rather than across practices. drainages suggesting that most band ac- Other models of Early Archaic settle- tivities occurred within a single drainage. ment have been proposed for the South- Aggregation of bands from different drai- east, but none utilize raw material data to nages is possible, so some between- the extent of either the Band-Macroband drainage activities are not ruled out. Sas- model or the Uwharrie-Allendale model. saman (1992) also found support for the One model worth mentioning due to its model, that is, a general indication of origination from a study of Tennessee movement along rather than across drai- Early Archaic materials is the Central nages. However, he (Sassaman 1992:65) Based Transhumance model proposed by notes problems with discriminating aggre- Chapman (1975) for the Little Tennessee gation sites from sites with repeated, long- River Valley. In this model, a base camp term or seasonal habitation. (originally Rose Island; Chapman Conversely, Daniel (1998) views Early 1975:272) serves as the hub for activities Archaic groups as being tethered to akin to a collector strategy employing sources of raw material. Cross-drainage base camps, logistical camps, and loca- movement is common in his model. The tions (sensu Binford 1980). Later reformu- distinctive nature and limited occurrence lations maintain a focus on logistical mo- of Uwharrie rhyolite were used to examine bility patterns for most of the Early Archaic settlement range in the Carolina Pied- (e.g., Davis 1990), and Kimball mont. In examining raw materials used in (1992:181) suggests the Kirk settlement hafted biface manufacture from the Yad- pattern included and kin-Pee Dee River basin and eastern Bacon Farm as aggregation sites. Carr Piedmont, Daniel (1998) found that the (1995), following Kimball, sees change distribution of Uwharrie rhyolite along the over the Early Archaic sub period in the Yadkin-Pee Dee was not significantly dif- Little Tennessee River Valley based on ferent from its occurrence across the considerations of technological organiza- eastern Piedmont. This is taken to indi- tion. cate that movement is oriented across In order to adequately assess the ap- drainages as much as it is along drainag- plicability of any Early Archaic settlement es. Further, he argues that sources of lith- model in any portion of the Southeast, an ic raw materials were the geographical understanding of the environment, par- focus of Early Archaic settlement systems ticularly raw material distributions, and a as opposed to the watershed focus of the solid Early Archaic database are needed. Band-Macroband model. In the Uwharrie- Broad conceptualizations such as the Allendale model, two regions are pro- Band-Macroband model cannot be ade- posed that correspond to the distribution quately tested with data from single sites. of these raw material sources, but is also The data necessary to make accurate in- variable across the Piedmont and Coastal ferences concerning Early Archaic life- Plain. Daniel (1992) suggests that sche- ways will take time and effort to formulate. duled trips were made to the Uwharrie and Allendale quarries specifically to ac- Summary of Resources and Use quire stone and that other models of Early in Tennessee Archaic settlement in the Southeast have overly emphasized the embedded nature Chert resources are variable in quality, of raw material acquisition in subsistence size, availability, and abundance across

99 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

to the social and eco- TABLE 1. Summary of Chert Resources in Tennessee. nomic strategies em- Physiographic Chert Chert Chert Chert ployed. More detailed Region Availability Accessibility Quality Size discussions of raw ma- Unaka Mountains Lacking * terials are provided in several sources (e.g., Ridge and Valley Moderate Dispersed High Small Amick 1987; Kimball Cumberland Plateau Lacking Dispersed 1985; Penny and McCullough 1976). Eastern Highland Rim Abundant Ubiquitous High Here we summarize the basic data by physio- Inner Basin Moderate Dispersed Poor Small graphic region with par- Outer Basin Moderate Dispersed Moderate Medium ticular discussion of Early Archaic usage. Western Highland Rim Abundant Ubiquitous High Large While there are certain- ly additional sites that Coastal Plain Moderate Dispersed Poor Small could be incorporated, *vein quartz, quartzite, rhyolite, and tuffs are available. the following provides a representative cross much of Tennessee and the surrounding section of the available data from Ten- areas (Table 1). This variability makes for nessee. We move from east to west in our an interesting examination of Early Arc- discussion and give greater treatment to haic lifeways because prehistoric peoples those regions for which more data are had choices, or their mobility pattern li- available. mited those choices, and their selection of In the Ridge and Valley area of east one source over another provides insight Tennessee we see a predominance of into what informed the decisions made. Knox chert used at Early Archaic sites That is, given the raw material environ- (Figure 1). For example, between 96 and ment in which a prehistoric person oper- 99 percent of the flakes recovered from ated, their choices regarding how their Icehouse Bottom, Rose Island, Patrick, technology was organized was responsive and Bacon Farm in the Upper Kirk and

FIGURE 1. Raw material sources of East Tennessee.

100 Early Archaic Raw Material Use

Bifurcate zones were of Knox chert (Carr broad range of habitats, and more inten- 1995). In the earliest assemblages, there sively used upland areas than Late Arc- is evidence for a greater amount of non- haic people. local materials. For example, approx- The Cumberland Plateau (Figure 2) is imately 10 percent of the flakes from the generally a raw material poor area as Lower Kirk at Icehouse Bottom were of there are few local resources and most of non-local sources, predominantly Fort these are at plateau margins (Ferguson Payne chert. In his overview of the Tellico and Pace 1981; Pace and Hays 1991; Jay data, Kimball (1996) notes that Knox Franklin personal communication 2007). Black and Black-Banded are avail- Ferguson and Pace (1981: 133) note: able in the upper valley area of Tellico while lesser quality varieties are known for almost all chert occurring in the BSFNRRA [Big the lower valley. The latter sources were South Fork National River and Recreation Area] and over most of the Cumberland Pla- rarely used by Early Archaic people. Addi- teau is of non-local origin indicates that a tionally, high quality vein quartz and qua- nested procurement strategy embedded in a rtzite from the Unaka Mountain area occur seasonal subsistence round (Binford 1979) is a on Ridge and Valley sites suggesting fo- probably systemic model for the plateau in rays into the uplands (Kimball 1996:151). general. Also, due to the lack of local lithic ma- terial one would expect a highly curated tech- Likewise, Ridge and Valley cherts have nology. Such a curated technology would nor- been recovered from sites in the Unaka mally create noise in site interpretation, But Mountains. Knox chert is also common on since quarry sites are virtually non-existent in sites in upper east Tennessee in the Un- the Plateau the artifactual data base of the Pla- aka Mountains region. For example, in his teau offers an excellent opportunity to distin- guish and interpret the artifacts related to re- examination of the Watauga Reservoir placement of certain items of the tool kit, the data from Upper East Tennessee, Boyd expended item which were discarded after re- (1986) found that Knox Chert was almost placement, and those artifacts related to site exclusively used for hafted biface manu- function. facture. Knox Chert and chalcedony were the preferred raw materials through time. They view the settlement system on Materials such as quartzite and rhyolite the Plateau as not supporting base were occasionally relied upon. In terms of camps. Sites generally are interpreted as settlement, Early Archaic peoples used a primary extraction camps with some main-

FIGURE 2. Raw material sources of the Cumberland Plateau.

101 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

tenance activities. Plateau resources were Land Between the Lakes region of Ken- seasonally exploited from hunting and ga- tucky and Tennessee to name a few. thering stations and part of a larger set- Amick (1987) characterized the Highland tlement system. The majority of the raw Rim area as a rich chert resource zone materials used on sites in this area would (Figure 3). Chert sources in this area, par- have been procured at non-Plateau ticularly Fort Payne and St. Louis, are ab- sources and transported to the area. undant, readily accessible, and of high Some chalcedony is available on the Pla- quality. In contrast, the Nashville Basin teau, though most cherts were procured (Figure 4) is chert poor. Basin cherts are from the surrounding areas, notably the of small size, poor quality, and not abun- Eastern Highland Rim. Outcrops of chert dant. Chert size and quality decreases the are known for the western escarpment of further one travels into the Basin. Addi- the Plateau. This general lack of re- tionally, Highland Rim cherts can often be sources is reflected in a greater reliance found as river gravels towards the High- on non-local sources throughout all tem- land Rim/Central Basin interface. poral periods on the Plateau. Pace and The Moore Bottom site is at the edge Hays (1981) note that Early Archaic site of the Central Basin/Eastern Highland assemblages were dominated by upper Rim between where Doe Run and Roar- Mississippian cherts (76-88 percent) and ing River confluence with the Cumberland the closest source was probably 10-15 km River in Jackson County, Tennessee distant. Fort Payne, a more distant (Bradbury and Kim 1994). The site is lo- source, constituted 4 to 16 percent of the cated within the Outer Basin while the sur- Early Archaic assemblages. rounding uplands are Highland Rim. Test- Much work on raw material sources ing at this deeply stratified site resulted in has been conducted in the Middle Ten- the recovery of Kirk Corner-Notched nessee region. This includes the Norman- hafted bifaces from the lowest deposits. dy resource survey (Penny and McCul- Highland Rim sources were exploited ex- lough 1976), Amick’s (1987) survey of the tensively. Fort Payne (n=862, 74 percent Central Duck River, and the work by of identified flakes) was the most widely Nance (1984) and Gatus (1983) in the used of the Highland Rim sources. Other

FIGURE 3. Raw material sources of the Highland Rim.

102 Early Archaic Raw Material Use

FIGURE 4. Raw material sources of the Nashville Basin. cherts represented were: St Louis (n=212, cumented within stratified deposits at the 18.8 percent, Highland Rim), Bigby Can- site. Early Side Notched (n=5), Kirk non (n=34, 3 percent, Central Basin), (n=21), and Bifurcate (n=2) hafted bifaces Monteagle (n=4, 4 percent , Highland were recovered from these deposits. The Rim), chalcedony (n=14, 1.2 percent), and majority of the materials represented at indeterminate (n=119, not included in cal- the site were of the local Fort Payne chert. culating percents). Fort Payne and Bigby Minor amounts of other Highland Rim Cannon could be considered local (e.g., St Louis) materials and very few ba- sources as both were available as gravels sin (Ridley, Bigby Cannon, Brassfield) within Doe Run Creek. St Louis and Mon- materials were recovered. This pattern is teagle were more distant Highland Rim seen in both the Early Side-Notched and sources. Kirk Corner-Notched horizons for flakes The Johnson site is situated on the and tools. Fort Payne chert could be ob- bank of the Cumberland River at conflu- tained in the form of gravels in the Har- ence with a major tributary in Davidson peth River directly below the site. County, Tennessee in the Central Basin, Although few details are reported, but near the Highland Rim (Broster and Dover or a Dover variant was common Barker 1992). Bifurcate and Kirk cluster from the Puckett site which produced both hafted bifaces were recovered from the Kirk and Dalton materials (Norton and site as well as several possible Paleoin- Broster 1993). The site is located in Ste- dian hafted bifaces. Broster and Barker wart County, Tennessee on the bank of (1992) note that Fort Payne was the pre- Lake Barkley (formally the Cumberland dominate material identified at the site in River) within the Western Highland. A few all artifact classes followed by a Dover va- flakes of local Fort Payne chert were also riety, possibly from the Kentucky Lake identified. area. The Shelby Bend Project was located Site 40CH162 is situated at the edge in the western portion of the Central Duck of the Central Basin/Highland rim along River basin near the interface between the Harpeth River (Bradbury and McKel- the western Highland Rim and Outer Ba- way 1996). An Early Archaic site was do- sin (Amick et al. 1985). Early Archaic ma-

103 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

terials were represented at several of the the Lower Cumberland and Lower Ten- sites excavated during this project. At nessee River Valleys in Western Ken- Baker Knoll, seven Early Archaic hafted tucky adjacent to the Western Highland bifaces of Fort Payne chert were recov- Rim physiographic region. Fort Payne and ered from surface collection. At the Old St. Louis cherts are abundant in this area. Roy site, 12 Early Archaic hafted bifaces Ste. Genevieve chert is available to a were recovered: 11 Fort Payne and one of lesser extent. Groups on the Cumberland St. Louis. Two Early Archaic hafted bifac- River would have had greater access to es were found at the Mayberry Site, one chert than those on the Tennessee River Fort Payne the other was Dover. One Ear- in this area. Nance (1984) also notes the ly Archaic hafted biface of Fort Payne was importance of river gravel sources for recovered from the Puckett site. Five Ear- chert procurement in the Land Between ly Archaic at the Gordon site (four Fort the Lakes Area in Kentucky, just to the Payne and one St. Louis). Amick et al. north of the Tennessee state line. Similar (1985) note that in the Shelby Bend re- chert sources are known in the adjacent gion, the most significant chert resources Western Tennessee Valley of Tennessee. were derived from gravel sources and the The Dover quarries, for example, are lo- chert resource potential is high. Large cated in this area (Stewart County). We cobbles of Fort Payne chert and minor note that Dover chert is known to occur amounts of Brassfield and Carters cherts over a much wider area than just the are represented in the gravels. In addition, Dover Quarries. Fort Payne and Hermitage cherts are In the Western Tennessee River Val- available from residual contexts. Large ley (Figure 5), local resources predomi- amounts of Fort Payne and some St. nate. These consist mainly of Tuscaloosa Louis are available in the adjacent High- Gravels and Fort Payne. Welles et al. land Rim. “Despite the presence of sever- (1946:4-5) describe the series of geologic al chert types on the Western Highland formations of the Mississippian system in Rim, the massive extent of the Fort Payne this region: Formation results in the dominance of Fort Payne chert frequencies over all oth- The youngest or uppermost of ers” (Fogarty et al. 1985). these formations are the St. Louis and Gatus (1983) notes 18 chert-bearing Warsaw formations... Underlying these deposits, 9 of these with usable chert, in two formations are the Fort Payne

FIGURE 5. Raw material sources of West Tennessee.

104 Early Archaic Raw Material Use

chert and the New Providence forma- understand the range of Early Archaic tion, both of which comprise extremely mobility and the details of the settlement cherty limestone. The Fort Payne in pattern. particular comprises alternate thin lay- For one such site, St Albans, we have ers of brittle chert and dense low- had the pleasure of working with the origi- grade limestone. nal collection. The lowest cultural zone,

The cherty residuum and limestone of the Charleston Horizon, contains approx- the Mississippian period formations are imately 40 percent non-local cherts extensively exposed near the Kentucky represented by flake debris. The use of Lake Reservoir by erosion. Capping the local Kanawha chert increases through Mississippian period formations are time. Of note is the presence of Newman Coastal Plain deposits. The Illinois, Creta- chert from eastern Kentucky and several ceous and Tertiary deposits consist pri- central Ohio cherts in all horizons. marily of unconsolidated gravel, sand, silt, Sources of these materials are approx- and clay. The gravels of the Tuscaloosa imately 140 km distant. A similar pattern is Formation of the Cretaceous System, seen at other Early Archaic sites that we which occur only east of the river, are ex- have examined in this area. That is, the clusively chert. The youngest geological local Kanawha chert dominates in all cas- deposits are undifferentiated Late Tertiary es, but eastern Kentucky cherts and cen- and Quaternary continental deposits con- tral Ohio cherts are present in small quan- sisting of locally cross-bedded and some- tities (Figure 6). Of note is that several of times high ferruginous gravels and sands the cherts represented at the St. Albans (Fox and Olive 1966). The gravel is com- site (e.g. Newman and Brush Creek) prised primarily of chert with smaller would have come from across drainages. amounts of quartz. In a survey of sites The Main site in Bell County, eastern within the Tennessee and Kentucky por- Kentucky, is just over the border from tions of Kentucky Lake reservoir by Kerr Tennessee. The Bifurcate component at (1996), a high percentage of local mate- the site has nearly 100 percent Newman rials, namely Fort Payne and Tuscaloosa chert (Pecora 1995). The closest source Gravel, were noted with around 12 per- for this material is approximately 6 km cent non-local sources represented. Final- from the site. Some Knox chert is also ly, in the Coastal Plain, chert is primarily noted in the assemblage. The closest small gravels and sometimes of question- sources of Knox chert are in the area of able quality. The availability of chert in- Harlan, Kentucky, roughly 40 km away. creases as one moves towards the Ten- On a tributary of the Cumberland Riv- nessee River. er, Bradbury (1998) analyzed materials from 15CU31, a Kirk Corner-Notched, lith- ic reduction site. Fort Payne chert out- Select Sites in the Surrounding Region crops within 50 meters of the site and An examination of sites in the sur- represented the main tool stone used. St rounding area provides additional data for Louis chert, represented in minor consideration. Prehistoric people certainly amounts, was likely procured from did not observe state boundaries, though sources seven km to the north. The anal- modern archaeologists are constrained by ysis demonstrated that bifaces of the local these lines on a map. Only with pan- Fort Payne were being produced for use regional observations will we be able to elsewhere.

105 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

A similar conclusion was reached for represent the main non-local materials the Kirk Corner-Notched lithic reduction and are available some 45-55 km to the area at 15LO207 (Bradbury 2007). Here, west of the Hart site. local Ste. Genevieve chert was reduced into bifaces for transport and use else- Discussion where. All of the flakes were of local sources. It is of note that St. Louis chert As we noted above, several models of outcrops adjacent to the site. Ste. Gene- Early Archaic settlement and mobility vieve chert was available as gravels in have been suggested for the Southeast, close proximity to the site. The use of the and some make greater use of raw ma- higher quality Ste. Genevieve chert was terial data than others. While it would be much more prevalent for biface manufac- of interest to apply these models to Ten- ture. nessee, differences in the topography and The Hart site in eastern Kentucky pro- distribution of raw materials in various vides an example that does not fit the ba- areas of the state make the wholesale use sic pattern of high percentages of non- questionable. Some discussion of these local materials during early periods, and a differences is needed to highlight the rea- predominance of local materials by Bifur- sons why it is unlikely that specific site cate times. The site is located in eastern types and mobility patterns from these Kentucky along the Big Sandy River models will explain Early Archaic settle- which borders West Virginia. The Bifur- ment across Tennessee. cate component represents a short-term, Daniel (1998) suggests that Early Arc- residential occupation (Bradbury 2006). A haic groups are tethered to raw material high percentage of non-local materials sources. We certainly see the possibility were recovered. For example, 57 percent of a group planning trips to obtain raw ma- of flakes are of local sources, but only 33 terials in cases where quality stone lo- percent of the tools are of local sources. cales are discrete in their distribution with Local chert in this case is Brush Creek significant distance between sources. In which can be procured 7-14 km from the such a case, there are only limited oppor- site. St Louis and Newman cherts tunities to procure tool stone, so either a

FIGURE 6. Location of sites mentioned in text.

106 Early Archaic Raw Material Use

group has to visit this source within their most of the major rivers in the Ridge and seasonal round, or logistical task groups Valley generally run north to south. Nota- must make special trips to the locations of ble exceptions are the Tellico and Hiwas- these sources, or both, if stone remains a see which run east to west out of Unaka significant part of their technology. Look- Mountains into the Ridge and Valley. In ing at the Tennessee data, the complexity Middle Tennessee, most major rivers are of the distribution of raw materials across basically oriented east to west, with some the state is evident. For example, in east major tributaries running south to north. Tennessee, there seem to be scattered For example, the Cumberland runs east to sources of Knox chert. The Cumberland west in Middle Tennessee, though major Plateau has few sources and most mate- tributaries such as the Harpeth, Caney rials were procured from adjacent areas. Fork, and Collins are flowing south to Within the Highland Rim, chert is abun- north. In western Tennessee, the Tennes- dant, of high quality, and ubiquitous. Chert see River runs south to north with tributa- resources within the Central Basin are ries running either east to west or west to somewhat limited. However, if you are lo- east. Also, in this area the Cumberland cated close to the Highland Rim, and River makes a northern turn. This com- streams from the Highland Rim flow into plexity makes it difficult to envision dis- the Basin, then Fort Payne likely can be crete bands with settlement patterns procured in gravels. The further one goes largely restricted to a single river valley. into the Basin, the lower the quality of this Chert resources along the numerous Fort Payne. In addition, if one is close to river systems can be variable. This varia- the Highland Rim, then logistic forays into bility also exists within individual rivers. the Highland Rim area could also procure For example, in Middle Tennessee, the chert. In these situations, we would not Duck and Buffalo Rivers cut through the hypothesize an Early Archaic group as Fort Payne Formation in the Western tethered to any specific raw material Highland Rim. Chert resources in this source, but imagine Early Archaic peoples area are abundant and of high quality. organizing their technology given their Within the Outer Basin portion of the drai- seasonal round so as to meet stone tool nages, Brassfield and, to a lesser extent, needs. Bigby Cannon chert would be available. In the Anderson and Hanson (1988) Within the Inner Basin, small nodules of model, groups are situated within a river low quality Carters and Ridley cherts are valley. These valleys are relatively equally all that is available. Chert quality decreas- spaced and all flow west to east. River es as one moves further into the Central systems in Tennessee are very different Basin. Certainly if an Early Archaic group from the pattern seem on the South Atlan- (band) used the Duck River as the focus tic Slope. Basically, there are two major of its yearly round, higher quality Outer rivers: Tennessee and Cumberland (and Basin materials (e.g., Brassfield and Big- Mississippi if you include far western Ten- by Cannon) would be expected at sites nessee), and a number of smaller, though within the Western Highland Rim. Low not insignificant, tributaries: Duck, Elk, quality Inner Basin materials such as Harpeth, Holston, French Broad, Tellico, Carters and Ridley would not be expected Clinch, Powell, Hiawassee, South Fork, far from their sources areas. The Basin Caney Fork, Collins River, and Buffalo to materials would become less common on name a few of the larger ones. In addition, sites the further one was from the Central

107 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

Basin. However, a simple relationship is 1997). Knell (2004) suggested using a not expected as these materials are avail- coarse-scale version of this type of analy- able at sources other than within the Duck sis to divide known raw materials into finer River Valley. The presence of Central Ba- categories. These categories are based sin materials at sites within the Highland on fossils and other inclusions, mottling, Rim would at least suggest movement be- cortex characteristics, and color. If these tween the Basin and Rim areas. Whether aggregates can be identified as to a prob- this movement was within or between riv- able source location, more detailed infor- er valleys would be more difficult to dis- mation concerning the movement of the cern. materials can be constructed. For exam- The movement of Knox Chert into the ple, at the fore mentioned site 15CU31, Unaka Mountains area and the occur- Bradbury (1998) subdivided the Fort rence of Unaka Mountain sources at Telli- Payne chert into three categories: low co would suggest possible within drainage quality, high quality, and fibrous. Based movement of materials along the Little on a raw material survey of the area con- Tennessee River. The presence of east- ducted in conjunction with the site excava- ern Kentucky (e.g., Newman and Brush tions, the low and fibrous varieties were Creek) and Central Ohio cherts (e.g., identified as occurring from a number of Brush Creek, Zaleski, Upper Mercer) at sources in close proximity to the site. The St. Albans and other West Virginia sites high quality Fort Payne was only identified indicates cross-drainage movement of within the archaeological materials. No materials. In this case, do the non-local source areas for the high quality Fort materials indicate tethering to those raw Payne were located during the raw ma- material sources while the group is lo- terial survey. Knowing that the area just to cated within those areas? In some areas the north of the site was within the St. of Tennessee, the Highland Rim for ex- Louis formation, it was suggested that the ample, quality chert is abundant and rea- high quality Fort Payne was obtained from dily available throughout the region. Fur- source areas to the south around the ther complicating this matter is distin- Cumberland River. A similar approach in guishing Fort Payne from one portion of the Highland Rim area might prove profit- the Western Highland Rim from Fort able in determining source areas for varie- Payne from another area of the Western ties of Fort Payne chert. For example, the Highland Rim. In essence, Fort Payne re- “Buffalo River” chert variety known for covered from a site may have been pro- sources on the Buffalo River or the “Dov- cured at a Western Highland Rim source er-like” Fort Payne chert known for the some 150 km distant and at this point in Houston and Stewart County areas. In time we would not know it. Certainly by some cases, neutron activation or some examining raw material counts in site re- other form of elemental analysis might be ports, one would not have any more de- employed to aid in determining source lo- tailed location information than the High- cations (e.g., Nance 2000). land Rim. We raise these issues with applying Possibly one way to obtain more de- these models not as a way to discredit tailed information concerning Highland them, but to highlight differences between Rim chert sources is to employ a version the areas where the models were original- of minimum analytical nodule analysis ly developed and in Tennessee. The (e.g., Larson 1994; Larson and Kornfield models should not be expected to have

108 Early Archaic Raw Material Use

pan-Southeast applicability. The numer- of the Cumberland River. Both sites were ous differences between these regions situated in areas with high quality mate- require that various aspects of these rials that were located near areas with low models undergo testing and new models quality materials, or near areas that lack developed. Given the range of variability sufficient tool stone. The Nashville Basin in the abundance, quality, and locations of area of Tennessee, located to the south of chert resources (in addition to other re- these two sites, has been characterized sources) throughout Tennessee, it is quite as a chert resource pour zone (Amick probable that each region will require a 1987:58-59). In addition, the area to the different model. Formulating and testing north of 15CU31 is also raw material poor. these models will largely depend on de- It can be hypothesized that, to over-come tailed knowledge of the environment and the lack of raw materials in one area, 1) the archaeological record using an organ- bifaces of high quality material are manu- ization of technology approach. factured at small, limited activity sites, and The use of an organization of technol- transported to sites situated in raw ma- ogy approach can provide insights into terial pour areas; or 2) before heading into how Early Archaic peoples procured and raw material poor areas, bifaces are man- used stone tools. In some regions we see ufactured at sites as part of gearing up evidence for the transport of minimally activities (Bradbury 2007). By being modified raw materials. Elsewhere, we transported in this way, larger bifaces have evidence of the staging of chert pro- could serve as bifacial cores, tools, or curement. That is, collection and initial re- both (sensu Kelly 1988). Along these duction of chert at the source, additional lines, Sassaman (1996:78-80) has argued roughing out of bifaces at a second loca- “Most models emphasize the demands of tion, and then use/reuse of these tools at residential mobility on core design and other sites. For example, Boyd (1985) ex- use, but I think that the Early Archaic data amined two chert outcrops (40MR22 and from the upper Coastal Plain show that 40MR45) in the Tellico area close to Iceh- the most relevant factor was the transpor- ouse Bottom, Harrison Branch, and Pa- tation of tools to locations of use, that is trick sites. Knox Black and Black Banded logistical mobility (sensu Binford 1980). were the preferred cherts and could be Thus, bifacial cores were the means by obtained from the surface and shallow which temporary hunting stations and digging. He notes that little reduction was other remote locations were provisioned being conducted at these two sites sug- with raw material.” Provisioning of raw gesting that the small nodules of Knox materials is suggested by the presence of were collected, but reduced on the habita- sites like 15LO207 and 15CU31 where tion sites. This pattern of chert acquisition raw materials were modified into large bi- did not change through time in this area. faces for transport to other locations. In other areas, there is evidence for stag- A broader look at raw material acquisi- ing of chert procurement. For example, tion across the southeast provides addi- two lithic reduction sites (15CU31 and tional insights. The is ar- 15LO207) with Kirk Corner-Notched com- gued to represent a quarry-related base ponents were investigated in Cumberland camp in the Piedmont area of North Caro- and Logan counties, Kentucky (Bradbury lina (Daniel 1998). The types of debris 1998, 2007) just to the north of the Ten- and tools recovered from the site suggest nessee/Kentucky state line on tributaries that tool stone was “procured and initially

109 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

processed at Morrow Mountain [the touched flakes were used to fill the roles source] and was then brought to Harda- normally taken by bifaces (Carr way primarily in the form of bifaces and 1995:107). This may be due, in part, to flake blanks” (Daniel 1998:145). At Iceh- the relatively small size of the local Knox ouse Bottom in east Tennessee, a large chert. base camp, Knox chert is available on the While there is much variation in the hill slope adjacent to the site and from distribution and availability of quality tool outcrops directly across the river (Chap- stone throughout Tennessee and other man 1977:25). Chapman (1977:25) states areas, a general pattern is evident. When that “the abundance of fractured nodules sufficient raw materials were located in and of nodules in various stages of reduc- close proximity to the residential base, the tion suggests that the raw material was staging of material acquisition was not brought into the site for manufacture ra- needed and all stages of reduction are ther than reducing the materials to biface represented at the site. In cases where form at its source.” Along the Middle Sa- tool stone was located at some distance vannah River, Sassaman (1994:112) sug- from locations of primary use, a staged gests that “virtually all stages of reduction process was employed to provision those are represented at base camps.” That is, sites. the staging of biface manufacture seen elsewhere was not taking place. At other Summary and Conclusions sites, G.S. Lewis for example, there is evidence for initial reduction at the source, Various models have been proposed on-site manufacture, and the transporta- to account for the patterns of Early Arc- tion and further reduction of bifaces else- haic raw material use. While such models where (Sassaman 1994:112; also see may be of use in explaining patterns in a Sassaman 1996). In the Oconee River specific region, we would argue that such drainage in the Piedmont area of Georgia, models cannot be transferred wholesale quarry related sites are located in the upl- to other regions. Such models are best ands (O’Steen 1996). Assemblages at viewed as hypotheses for further testing. such sites are characterized by flakes, We are starting to recognize the complexi- expedient tools, and few formal tools. Bi- ty of the situation and the necessity of faces broken during manufacture are also needing to know more things about raw common. It is likely that other activities material patterns other than pres- took place in addition to tool stone pro- ence/absence. Raw material availability, curement at such sites. Raw material quality, and package size are all factors constraints also play into the organization that influenced and affected people’s raw of technology and must be considered material choices. Once we start examin- (e.g., Andrefsky 1994). For example, in ing patterns across wider geographic contrast to the above examples where bi- areas we begin to see the complexity in faces appear to be important, Early Arc- raw material decisions and the dynamic haic sites in the Tellico area of East Ten- role of other factors. nessee (e.g., Icehouse Bottom, Rose Isl- Here, we presented a general over- and, Patrick, and Bacon Farm) show a view of the chert resources of Tennessee. distinct lack of general bifacial tools (Carr Before we can begin to detect the pres- 1995). Hafted bifaces are common and it ence of a Tennessee River-Cumberland is suggested that hafted bifaces and re- Plateau Macroband or any such grouping

110 Early Archaic Raw Material Use

in the state and their potential interac- ida, Contract No. NPS CX-5000-4- tions, more research is necessary. Partic- 0624. Copies available from U.S. Na- ularly, we need to understand chert tional Park Service, Department of the sources in greater detail to enable accu- Interior, Southeast Archaeological rate mapping of the distribution and quali- Center, Tallahassee, Florida.

ty of chert throughout the state and the Anderson, David G. surrounding areas. Also, increased use of 2001 Climatic and Culture Change in Pre- well-prepared, extensive comparative col- historic and Early Historic Eastern lections with discussions and identifica- North America. Archaeology of East- tions by regional experts will insure the ern North America 29:143–186. accuracy of the archaeological data. At the present time, we can only make gen- Anderson, David G., and Glen T. Hanson eral statements concerning the role of raw 1988 Early Archaic Settlement in the South- materials in the organization of Early Arc- eastern United States: A Case Study haic chipped stone technology and our from the Savannah River Valley. vague knowledge does not allow for adop- American Antiquity 53:262–286. tion or exclusion of any particular model Anderson, David G., Lisa D. O’Steen, and or constituent parts. Kenneth E. Sassaman 1996 Environmental and Chronological Acknowledgements: We thank Tim Baumann Considerations. In The Paleoindian and Mark Groover for inviting us to participate in and Early Archaic Southeast, edited the original symposium and contributing to this volume. We also take this opportunity to thank Dr. by David G. Anderson and Kenneth E. Faulkner for many years of friendship, advice, Sassaman, pp. 3-15. The University of mentoring, and the occasional swift kick when we Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, Ala- needed it. bama.

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Quadrangle, Western Kentucky. U.S. Kimball, Larry R. Geological Survey, Department of the 1985 The 1977 Archaeological Reconnais- Interior, Washington, D.C. sance: An Overall Assessment of the Archaeological Resources of Tellico Gatus, Thomas Reservoir. Report of Investigations No. 1983 Chert Availability in the Lower Cum- 40, Department of Anthropology, Uni- berland and Lower Tennessee River versity of Tennessee, Knoxville. Valleys in Western Kentucky. Tennes- 1992 Early Archaic Settlement and Tech- see Anthropologist 8:99-113. nology: Lessons from Tellico. In Pa- leoindian and Early Archaic Research Goodyear, Albert C. in the Lower Southeast, edited by Da- 1982 The Chronological Position of the Dalton vid G. Anderson, and Kenneth E. Sas- Horizon in the Southeastern United saman, pp. 143–181. Council of South States. American Antiquity 47:382– Carolina Professional Archaeologists. 395. 1996 Early Archaic Settlement and Tech- nology: Lessons from Tellico. In The Gramly, Richard M., and Robert E. Funk Paleoindian and Early Archaic South- 1991 Olive Branch: A Large Dalton and Pre- east, edited by David G. Anderson, Dalton Encampment at Thebes Gap, and Kenneth E. Sassaman, pp. 149– Alexander County, Illinois. In The Arc- 186. The University of Alabama Press, haic Period in the Mid-South, edited by Tuscaloosa, Alabama. C. H. McNutt, Jr., pp. 25–33. Archaeo- logical Report No. 24. Mississippi De- Knell, Edward J. partment of Archives and History, 2004 Coarse-Scale Shipped Stone Aggre- Jackson. Occasional Papers No. 16. gates and Technological Organization Anthropological Research Center, De- Strategies in the Hell Gap Locality V partment of Anthropology, Memphis Component, Wyoming. State University, Memphis. In Aggregate Analyses in Chipped Stone, edited by C. T. Hall and M. L. Ingbar, Eric E. Larson, pp. 156-183. University of 1994 Lithic Material Selection and Technol- Utah Press, Salt Lake City. ogical Organization. In The Organiza- tion of North American Prehistoric Larson, Mary Lou Chipped Stone Tool Technologies, 1994 Toward a Holistic Analysis of Shipped edited by Philip J. Carr, pp. 45–56. Stone Assemblages. In The Organiza- Archaeological Series No. 7. Interna- tion of North American Prehistoric tional Monographs in Prehistory, Ann Chipped Stone Tool Technologies, Arbor, Michigan. edited by P. J. Carr, pp. 57-69. Inter- national Monographs in Prehistory, Kelly, Robert L. Archaeological Series 7. Ann Arbor, 1988 The Three Sides of a Biface. American MI. Antiquity 53:717–734. Larson, Mary Lou, and Marcel Kornfield Kerr, Jonathan P. 1997 Chipped Stone Nodules: Theory, Me- 1996 Archeological Survey of Kentucky thod, and Examples. Lithic Technology Lake, Western Tennessee and Ken- 22(1):4. tucky. Contract Publication Series 96- 14. Cultural Resource Analysts, Lex- Meltzer, David J. ington, Kentucky. 1989 Why Don’t We Know When the First People Came to North America? American Antiquity 54:471–490.

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Nance, Jack D. Pecora, Albert M., III 1984 Lithic Exploitation Studies in the Lower 1995 Technological Analysis of the Main Tennessee-Cumberland Valleys, Site Lithic Assemblage. In Upper Western Kentucky. In Prehistoric Cumberland Archaic and Woodland Chert Exploitation: Studies from the Period Archeology at the Main Site Midcontinent, edited by B. Butler and (15BL35), Bell County, Kentucky, vol. E. May, pp. 101-127. Occasional Pa- II, by Steven D. Creasman, pp. D-1-D- per No. 2. Center for Archaeological 85. Contract Publication Series 94-56. Investigations, Southern Illinois Uni- Cultural Resource Analysts, Lexing- versity at Carbondale. ton, Kentucky. 2000 Elemental Composition Studies of Lithic Materials from Western Ken- Penny, James S., Jr., and Major C. R. McCol- tucky and Tennessee. Midcontinental lough Journal of Archaeology 25(1): 83- 1976 The Normandy Lithic Resource Sur- 100.Nance (1984) vey. In Third Report of the Normandy Reservoir Salvage Project, edited by Nelson, Margret C. Major C. R. McCollough, and Charles 1991 The Study of Technological Organiza- H. Faulkner, pp. 140-194. Publications tion. In Archaeological Method and in Anthropology No. 10. Tennessee Theory, vol. 3, edited by M. B. Schif- Valley Authority, Chattanooga. Nor- fer, pp. 57-100. University of Arizona mandy Archaeological Project Vol. 3, Press, Tucson. Report of Investigation No. 16. De- partment of Anthropology, University Norton, Mark, and John B. Broster of Tennessee, Knoxville. 1992 The Puckett Site (40SW228) A Pa- leoindian/Early Archaic Occupation on Sassaman, Kenneth E. the Cumberland River, Stewart Coun- 1992 Early Archaic Settlement in the South ty, Tennessee. Current Research in Carolina Coastal Plain. In Paleoindian the Pleistocene 9:34-35. and Early Archaic Period Research in 1993 Archaeological Investigations at the the Lower Southeast: A South Caroli- Puckett Site (40SW228): A Paleo- na Perspective, edited by David G. Indian/Early Archaic Occupation on Anderson, Kenneth E. Sassaman, and the Cumberland River, Stewart Coun- Christopher Judge, pp. 48-67. Council ty, Tennessee. Tennessee Anthropol- of South Carolina Professional Arc- ogist 18:45-58. haeologists, Columbia. 1994 Changing Strategies of Biface Produc- O’Steen, L. D. tion in the South Carolina Coastal 1996 Paleoindian and Early Archaic Settle- Plain. In The Organization of North ment along the Oconee Drainage. In American Prehistoric Chipped Stone The Paleoindian and Early Archaic Tool Technologies, edited by P. J. Southeast, edited by D. G. Anderson Carr, pp. 99-117. International Mono- and K. E. Sassaman, pp. 92-106. The graphs in Prehistory, Archaeological University of Alabama Press, Tusca- Series 7. loosa. 1996 Early Archaic Settlement in the South Carolina Coastal Plain. In The Pa- Pace, Robert A. and Christopher T. Hays leoindian and Early Archaic Southeast, 1991 Perspectives on Prehistoric Settlement edited by D. G. Anderson and K. E. in the Cumberland Plateau: The View Sassaman, pp. 58-83. The University from Station Camp. Tennessee Anth- of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. ropologist 16(2):115-149.

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Welles, G.M., N.V. Robbins, M.J. Edwards, and C.B. Beadles 1946 Soil Survey of Humphreys County, Tennessee. Series 1936 No.26. Unit- ed States Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, Washing- ton.

Andrew P. Bradbury Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc. 151 Walton Avenue Lexington, Kentucky 40508

Philip J. Carr Department of Sociology, Social Work, and Anthropology University of South Alabama Mobile, Alabama 36688-0002

116

SOCIAL CHANGE AND NEIGHBORHOOD TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE LATE NINETEENTH AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURIES: THE URBAN ARCHAEOLOGY OF THREE COMMUNITIES IN THE OHIO VALLEY

Tanya A. Faberson and Jennifer L. Barber

Recent urban archaeological research in the Ohio Valley by Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc., has focused on three large-scale projects in Lexington and Louisville, Kentucky, and Lawrence- burg, Indiana. Differing field research methodologies on each of these projects have provided unique opportunities to examine late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century European- immigrant, African-American, and white communities in the region. Preliminary results suggest that economic, political, and social factors affected residential patterning in each community differently over time. However, the results also demonstrate similarities between these communi- ties’ transformative residential processes. Preliminary results of fieldwork are presented as well as a discussion of how differing field methodologies affected research results.

Between 2004 and 2008, Cultural Re- of the city during the mid-nineteenth cen- source Analysts, Inc. (CRAI) conducted tury, and, after this initial wave of settle- large-scale archaeological investigations ment, the neighborhood slowly became a at three urban sites in the Ohio Valley. multi-ethnic community Near downtown Lexington, Kentucky, an throughout the nineteenth and twentieth 8.67-acre survey was conducted in 2004 centuries. In all three project areas, arc- within the limits of Davis Bottoms, a his- hival information and secondary history torically African-American neighborhood sources, in conjunction with archaeologi- encompassing 24 acres that was estab- cal data, suggest that a multitude of eco- lished in the immediate post-Civil War nomic, political, and social factors affected years. In downtown Louisville, Kentucky, the residential patterning of each neigh- survey and data recovery efforts were borhood. At the same time, however, the completed in 2005 and 2006, respectively, results demonstrate several key similari- at three historic sites cross-cutting three ties in each of these communities’ trans- city blocks that were once part of a mixed formative residential processes. residential and commercial neighborhood inhabited by affluent white Kentuckians in Davis Bottoms the mid-to-late nineteenth century, and later occupied by working-class African The historic Davis Bottoms Neighbor- Americans, European immigrants— hood (15FA284), also known as Davis- namely Germans—and white Kentuckians town, or more recently, the Southend Re- over the turn of the twentieth century. development Area, is being developed in From 2004 to 2007, survey, testing, and conjunction with the Newtown Pike Exten- mitigation were conducted in Lawrence- sion Project in the city of Lexington, burg, Indiana, in a section of the city en- Fayette County, Kentucky. The extension compassing 14 city blocks and 25 sites. of Newtown Pike and redevelopment of An influx of primarily German immigrants the surrounding areas will result in the established a community on the west side demolition of the residential and commer-

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local history. Based on these results, the Kentucky Heritage Council (KHC) and KYTC concurred with CRAI’s find- ings and determined that the site is eligible for inclusion in the National Register of His- toric Places (NRHP) under Criterion D. Phase III data re- covery was recommended to mitigate impacts to the site— specifically, Areas 3 and 5— from the proposed road con- struction, and this work is scheduled for 2008. Archival documents, as well as secondary historic FIGURE 1. An example of typical houses in the Davis Bottoms sources, suggest that Davis community at 706 and 706½ DeRoode Street, facing west (Haney Bottoms was established pri- 2004:Figure 6.56). marily as a black community cial structures that currently stand in Da- on what was once the peri- vis Bottoms. Many of the extant dwellings phery of the city of Lexington following the in the neighborhood are shotgun houses Civil War. The neighborhood was devel- that were constructed in the late nine- oped in a marginal area, along a stream in teenth century (Figure 1). However, a the damp lowlands near the tracks of the modern steel recycling plant, an auto re- Cincinnati Southern Railway. Most of the pair shop, and a junk yard also stand with- African-American neighborhoods or in the neighborhood. “towns” that were established in Lexington The first phase of the archaeological after the Civil War were constructed in baseline study was conducted in 2004 at such settings, bordering railroads and in- the request of the Kentucky Transporta- dustries. The individual properties within tion Cabinet (KYTC) and consisted of these communities were typically owned shovel testing and pedestrian survey (Ha- by affluent whites, however, and these ney 2004). Due to the large extent of the white property owners readily capitalized site, it was divided into 11 analytical off the primarily impoverished African- areas. Although landowner permission Americans’ need for cheap housing by was not granted to survey all of the par- utilizing what was considered by most to cels within the site, material culture re- be undesirable land (Kellogg 1977:313; covered from several parcels, such as Thomas 1973:259). Hence, the location of architectural, domestic, and personal this community on the urban periphery on items, indicated that intact late nineteenth- less-desirable land can be considered a and early twentieth-century deposits were direct reflection of racism against African present. The good integrity of the site--in Americans, as well as socio-economic particular, Areas 3 and 5--as well as pre- disparity between whites and blacks after liminary archival research suggested that the Civil War. However, it should also be the site has research potential regarding noted that in spite of these disparities,

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Davis Bottoms also became what R. Ge- feet wide and 80 to 100 feet long. On rald Alvey (1992:82) has coined its own these lots, narrow frame houses were typ- “cohesive socio-cultural entity;” that is, a ically built, for the most part conforming to cultural nucleus, a focal point per se, for a vernacular style architecture recognized group identity and personal pride for the as the “shotgun-shack,” a single-family people that lived there. dwelling that was one room wide and African-American neighborhoods es- three to five rooms deep (Kellogg tablished shortly after the Civil War, such 1982:38; Vlach 1986). These houses as Davis Bottoms, were not the first com- usually filled up most of the lot space, and munities of this kind to be developed in little room was left for outdoor activities in the Lexington. Even before the Civil War the front, rear, or side yards. Neighbor- began, small African-American neighbor- hoods where shotgun houses dominated hoods occupied by free blacks and en- as the architectural style often had row slaved individuals who had “living out” pri- upon row of these houses facing dirt vileges were dispersed within a mile ra- roads, with little space between the build- dius of the city limits. Since slave owners ings. By the late nineteenth century, many who allowed their slaves to live out still of these towns were well-established and needed to maintain an aspect of control familiar to residents of the area. over them, these antebellum African- Davis Bottoms was established by a American communities were irrevocably man named Willard Davis. Davis, a white tied to whites (Thomas 1973:256). After Lexington attorney, owned 43 lots in 1865 the Civil War ended, African-American on the outskirts of Lexington in the part of communities in Lexington no longer town that would eventually become his needed to be tied to the presence of namesake (Powell 2002:VI176–177). It is whites, and segregationist attitudes facili- uncertain when Davis Bottoms was estab- tated the establishment of separate black lished as a neighborhood, or “town,” but it communities throughout all four wards of is known that Willard Davis sold at least the city. As the black population steadily 13 lots on Brisbin Street (present-day increased after the war, antebellum Afri- DeRoode Street between Patterson and can-American communities were filled to McKinley Streets) to African Americans in the breaking point with new in-migrants. that area in 1866, and by 1873, several There became a pressing need for resi- entries in the Lexington City Directory list dential living space for freed African- African Americans residing in “Davis- Americans, and white property owners on town,” although no specific streets were the outskirts of town were able to exploit designated (Figure 2). Interestingly, Ger- this need by building shacks on their man immigrants also inhabited the neigh- property and renting them to blacks (Kel- borhood in the late nineteenth century, but logg 1977:312; Thomas 1973:257). In this only for a brief period. way, many of these landowners became Shortly after Davis Bottoms began its the city’s first slumlords. development as a black community on the Eventually, many of these landowners outskirts of Lexington, a similar trend oc- partitioned their property into lots and of- curred in the development of poor white fered them for sale. In order to produce neighborhoods in the city. In the decade the highest gain from the sale of their from 1880 to 1890, the black population lands, the landowners divided the parcels surge slowed to less than one thousand into narrow lots, usually no more than 28 and the white population in contrast, in-

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FIGURE 2. Overview of Davis Bottoms (15Fa284) on the 1877 Atlas of Bourbon, Clark, Fayette, Jessa- mine, and Counties, Kentucky (Beers and Lanagan 1877). creased by four thousand. This significant city’s core and into the suburbs. This increase in whites in the city, particularly trend was in response to growing com- working-class whites, contributed to the mercial development and a shift in the formation of poor white neighborhoods, black population to the inner city (Bolin such as Irishtown, developing in a similar 2000:70). No longer hampered by the pattern to that seen in black neighbor- need for public transportation with the in- hoods in the late nineteenth century. creasingly common ownership of automo- From 1910 to 1930, Lexington’s white biles, the white middle class could afford middle class began moving out of the to live on the outskirts of the city, away

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from the noise and the pollution asso- town) had no private toilet or bath (Work ciated with the center of town. A new Projects Administration 1939). If the ab- black subdivision was developed during sentee landlords did not want to properly these years on Georgetown Street, but maintain repairs on the rental properties only 20 percent of the city’s black popula- they leased, it is reasonable to assume tion moved there. The other 80 percent that they also probably found it an unne- remained in or moved to the older black cessary expense to provide toilets or neighborhoods already established before bathing facilities within the dwellings. The the twentieth century. poor disposition of the neighborhoods and Following the First World War, atten- lack of modern conveniences does not tion shifted from the war effort to concerns appear to be related to segregation (i.e., about housing in Lexington, and surveys lack of social services and funding for im- of poor black neighborhoods in the 1920s provements because of racial discrimina- found many dwellings to be dilapidated, tion). Instead, the lack of improvements to unsanitary, and without running water the neighborhood appears to be socio- (Bolin 2000:71). The poor housing condi- economically related. tions in many neighborhoods were By 1939, Davis Bottoms was no longer blamed for the surge in disease in the ear- a primarily black neighborhood. By this ly 1920s (specifically tuberculosis and date, nearly half of the neighborhood was sexually transmitted diseases) and were European American—most were moun- also held responsible for an increasing tain folk from eastern Kentucky—and of reliance on charitable organizations. Da- the white occupants that resided there, vis Bottoms and Irishtown were among the majority of them were tenants (Woes- those neighborhoods that were listed as tendiek 1980:2). In fact, of the actual posing serious public health concerns. owner occupants that resided in Davis According to Kellogg (1982:47–48), in Bottoms, nearly all of them were black the late nineteenth century, neighbor- (Lexington City Directories 1940–1941). hoods such as Davis Bottoms tended to Therefore, absentee landowning, tenancy, be characterized by a high percentage of and (i.e., class) seem to be the owner occupancy. However, by the 1910s significant contributing factors in the de- and 1920s, the majority of residential oc- clining condition of the neighborhood. cupants did not own their properties. In That Davis Bottoms was generally re- the early decades if the twentieth century, garded as an African-American neighbor- the residential lots in Davis Bottoms had hood in spite of the demographics (and been increasingly divided and subdivided continued to be regarded as such) attests into smaller and smaller lots, with several to the prevalence of racism regarding the owners leasing housing units to a larger physical appearance of African-American number of tenants. The owners generally neighborhoods. lived in other parts of Lexington, and The major shift in the ethno-racial sometimes they lived in other Kentucky composition of the neighborhood seems cities, such as Louisville, or they lived in to have begun in the 1910s. An examina- another state altogether. tion of the Lexington City Directory from By the 1930s, housing conditions in 1914 to 1925 indicates that Davis Bottoms the neighborhood were very poor and experienced a significant number of va- nearly 100 percent of the properties in cancies in 1919. In 1914, the majority of Davis Bottoms (and incidentally, Irish- the occupants in the community were

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FIGURE 3. Newspaper photo of Davis Bottoms circa 1980 with the scrapyard looming over DeRoode Street (Woestendiek 1980:8). black (although not entirely so--there were Appalachia, had journeyed to Lexington several isolated white households). How- and other cities in the New South in ever, in 1919--on DeRoode Street alone-- search of economic opportunity starting in there were 22 vacant houses (compared the late nineteenth century. This rush to to the 23 that were occupied), and by the cities significantly increased in the 1925, nearly all of the residences (includ- early twentieth-century as the United ing some that were newly built) were oc- States government purchased large tracts cupied. The practice of racially demarcat- of mountain land, displacing thousands of ing individuals in the city directories was mountain residents (Eller 1982:120). So- not used in 1925, so it is uncertain just cial reformers and missionaries, lauding how many of the households on DeRoode the economic opportunities of industria- Street were white or black, but by 1939, lized cities, encouraged mountain resi- there had been a substantial increase in dents to migrate to urban areas where white occupancy. In 1940 and 1945, the they claimed they would find not only fi- percentage of white occupancy on De- nancial stability, but education and social Roode Street alone was 44 percent and mobility. Many of the sentiments ex- 51 percent, respectively, suggesting that pressed by social reformers and missio- within 20 years, Davis Bottoms had be- naries were based on elitism and stereo- come a fully racially integrated neighbor- types of mountain life. The rural and hood. mountain localities within Southern Appa- The integration experienced by Davis lachia had long been stereotyped as Bottoms did little to draw attention to the backward, isolated, and rife with dueling needs of the community. As mentioned, banjos, moonshine, and overt hostility. white in-migrants, mostly from Southern Mountaineers were thought to be general-

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ly immoral, savage, lazy, and supersti- ery for the I-65 Accelerated Section of the tious--stereotypes that interestingly paral- Louisville Southern Indiana lel the racist characterizations of African Bridges (LSIORB) project in Louisville, Americans throughout the nineteenth cen- Kentucky. The survey and mitigation were tury (Klotter 1985:51). American popular conducted at the request of KYTC ahead culture continued to perpetuate these ste- of proposed road improvements to I-65, reotypes of mountain culture through car- including bridge, ramp, and highway wi- toons, travel journals, and the national dening, and in some cases, their reloca- press from the nineteenth century through tion. The project area was restricted pri- a better part of the twentieth century (Wal- marily to existing rights-of-way extending ler 1995). The opportunities promised to roughly from the intersection of East the urban transplants were slow to come, Chestnut Street and First Street to the in- however, as they settled in cities such as tersection of East Liberty Street and Lexington in the early twentieth century. Brook Street. Since the 1960s, I-65 has The stereotypes of mountain people fol- traversed these city blocks, and an eye lowed them to the cities, and with little or clinic, parking lots, and a parking garage no education, instead of finding prosperi- surround the project area. ty, people originally from Southern Appa- Field methods during the Phase I work lachia often were faced with urban poverty included geotechnical bore-hole monitor- (Woestendiek 1980:2). ing, followed by bucket augering and me- In the 1950s and 1960s, Davis Bot- chanical trenching, and three sites toms continued to cope with dilapidated (15JF716, 15JF717, and 15JF718) en- residential conditions, and things only compassing three separate city blocks worsened through the remainder of the were recorded (Figure 4). Preliminary twentieth century (Figure 3). As it stands archival research indicated that these today, Davis Bottoms is a scarcely popu- sites were once the location of a mixed lated neighborhood with vacant lots, residential and commercial neighborhood abandoned homes, and some housing dating from the mid-nineteenth century units. Archaeological data recovery in through the mid-twentieth century (Hern- Areas 3 and 5 are in progress. The arc- don 2006). Although site 15JF716 had haeological investigations at the site offer been significantly disturbed by the instal- a unique opportunity to not only examine lation of utilities, the survey of sites the everyday lifeways of the former occu- 15JF717 and 15JF718 indicated that in- pants of this neighborhood, but fieldwork tact nineteenth-century features existed also offers the opportunity to materially below the ground surface. Based on the explore the transformation of the neigh- results of the Phase I work, sites 15JF717 borhood from a primarily African- and 15JF718 were recommended as eli- American community to one that included gible for inclusion in the NRHP. Accor- both African Americans and white resi- dingly, data recovery was recommended dents originally from Southern Appala- to mitigate potential impacts to these sites chia. from the proposed road improvements. Phase III data recovery of sites Booth’s Enlargement 15JF717 and 15JF718 in 2006 consisted of mechanical trenching followed by the In 2005 and 2006, CRAI completed hand excavation of features. As was the Phase I survey and Phase III data recov- case during the Phase I work at both

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FIGURE 4. Location of sites 15JF716, 15JF717, and 15JF718 (formerly part of Booth’s En- largement) in downtown Louisville, Kentucky (Faberson 2007:Figure 1.2). sites, archaeological investigations were could only occur within a space of approx- limited by the narrowness of the rights-of- imately 2 m in width, and at site 15JF718, way; that is, at site 15JF717, trenching trench space was limited to approximately

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FIGURE 5. East end of site 15JF717 between raised Jewish Hospital medical office parking ga- rage and interstate embankment, facing east (Fa- berson 2007:Figure 1.5). 3–5 m in width (Figure 5). While these li- mitations were present, however, a num- ber of features were recorded. At site 15JF717, 12 features were dis- covered. These features included a late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century brick-lined privy utilized by affluent whites, FIGURE 6. The archaeological remains of La- and later, white tenants who resided in an fayette Street/Linden Square/Pearl Avenue in alleyway dwelling at the rear of the lot; the Booth’s Enlargement (site 15JF717) (Faberson 2007:Figure 10.26). brick-paved remains of Lafayette Street/Linden Square/Pearl Avenue, a cabinet shop that later became the home road no longer present on the cityscape of a bottling company. but one that dates to as early as the mid- Seven features were recorded during nineteenth century (Figure 6); a non- the mitigation of site 15JF718. These fea- cultural depression; and a late nineteenth- tures included the partial remains of a cel- /early twentieth-century cobblestone al- lar associated with a duplex that was once leyway. Eight building foundation wall a white owned-and-operated brothel in the segments were also recorded, including late nineteenth century that later became the remains of an alleyway dwelling once a boarding house for African Americans in inhabited by working-class African Ameri- the early twentieth century; a square, cans in the late nineteenth and early brick-lined privy base dating to the mid- twentieth century; a late nineteenth- nineteenth century that had been con- century horse shed owned by an affluent structed and utilized by an affluent white white family; a late nineteenth to early family; two building foundation segments, twentieth-century grocery store that was including part of the duplex previously most likely operated by African Ameri- mentioned and the remains of the Frede- cans; the remains of a turn-of-the- rick-Douglas School for African American twentieth-century three-story homeless children, a school which operated in the shelter known as the Wayfarer’s Lodge neighborhood from 1906 to the early (Figure 7); and a late nineteenth-century 1960s; the limestone gravel remains of

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FIGURE 7. Structural remains of the Wayfarer’s Lodge in Booth’s Enlargement (site 15JF717) (Faberson 2007:Figure 10.44). the Lafayette/Pearl Avenue roadbed, a called Booth’s Enlargement that was plat- thoroughfare dating to as early as the ted adjacent to the central business dis- mid-nineteenth century; a circular, brick- trict in the early to mid-nineteenth century. lined access hole to a water main asso- Both sites were bordered on the north by ciated with Lafayette/Pearl Avenue; and a Green (now Liberty) Street, and on the utility pipe trench. Hence, in spite of space south by East Walnut (now Muhammad limitations and the ability--for the most Ali Boulevard). East (now Brook) Street part--to only expose small sections of and Preston Street made up the west- building foundations and other large fea- and east-bordering streets, and Floyd tures, the results of the archaeological in- Street running north-south was the divid- vestigations of these sites suggested that ing lines between the sites. These streets other nineteenth- and twentieth-century were parts of main thoroughfares that ex- sites may be as equally well-preserved tended through a great part of the citys- under the roadways, parking lots, and cape. Parallel and between Green and buildings that make up Louisville’s mod- East Walnut Streets was a minor tho- ern urban landscape. roughfare that only extended from East to Sites 15JF717 and 15JF718 represent Preston Street called Lafayette Street. La- part of the remains of a neighborhood fayette was divided into west and east

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halves by Floyd Street. As the nineteenth Tennessee (Deusner 1963:141–142; US century progressed, the west half of La- Bureau of the Census 1850). Site fayette Street in the location of 15JF717 15JF718 is located in what was zoned as came to be called Linden Square, while the Second Ward in the 1850s, while Lafayette remained the name of the east site15JF717 is located in what was the half at 15JF718. In the 1890s, Linden Third Ward. The Second and Third Wards Square and Lafayette again came under were separated Floyd Street, which as the same name, Pearl Avenue, and re- noted above, happens to be the north- mained so until the street was buried by south dividing line between the sites. the construction of I-65 in the 1960s. An overview of the 1850 census re- Booth’s Enlargement was platted in veals that within Booth’s Enlargement, the the 1830s, but the neighborhood did not neighborhood consisted primarily of white begin to operate as a community until the residents affiliated with the professional 1850s. The 1850s were years of political and working classes. Most were born in and social strife in Louisville as the city the United States but several were immi- struggled to meet the needs of a steadily grants from Canada and northern , growing population. By 1857, approx- including Ireland, , and England. imately three percent of the city’s popula- The rest of the neighborhood consisted tion was comprised of free African Ameri- mostly of white, American- and foreign- cans, eight percent enslaved African born working-class and skilled laborers, Americans, and 89 percent whites, which as well as merchants. Some free blacks included European immigrants and native also lived there, working as barbers, white Kentuckians (Williams and Compa- draymen, and laborers. ny 1882). During the mid-nineteenth cen- During the 1860s change occurred in tury, xenophobic sentiments intensified the neighborhood, particularly in the vicini- against European immigrants, especially ty of site 15JF718. While a great number Germans and Irish, who made up the of residents living in the vicinity of highest percentage of European immi- 15JF717 consisted of a mix of working- grants. In 1855, antagonistic relations be- class, skilled laborers, merchants, and tween American-born whites and German wealthy professionals and businessmen and Irish immigrants culminated in the similar to what the census takers had rec- Know Nothing Riot, wherein 22 people orded there in 1850, the occupants of the were killed, three-fourths of them foreign- neighborhood across Floyd along La- born (Congleton 1965; Deusner 1963:126, fayette Street at site 15JF718 had 133–134). changed somewhat since the 1850s. By The German and Irish citizens at the the 1860s, Lafayette Street had begun the forefront of the Know Nothings’ disdain process of becoming the home of one of lived in the First, Second, and Eighth Louisville’s notorious red-light districts, as Wards. The First Ward was made up pri- many of the affluent landowners of the marily of German immigrants, and Irish 1850s either sold or began to rent their immigrants predominated in the Eighth property to an increasing number of work- Ward. The Second Ward, however, con- ing-class whites and free African Ameri- tained a mix of European immigrants, cans. Some of the new residents of the many of whom were German, as well as neighborhood engaged in prostitution, and American-born residents from Kentucky, the census records for 1860 indicate that Virginia, Indiana, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and all of the brothels along Lafayette were

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operated by white madams and their in- (United States Bureau of the Census mates (US Bureau of the Census 1860). 1870). This suggests that residential pat- Interspersed between the brothels, or terning in this area remained relatively “houses of ill fame” as they were called, unchanged in comparison with the pre- lived working-class and affluent individu- vious two decades. There is a high prob- als and families, most of whom were also ability that there were also occupants liv- white, including German and Irish immi- ing along Linden Square at this time, but grants. However, free African Americans no specific information on these residents resided there as well. Occupations of the could be located in the census records. residents identified from the census Site 15JF718 continued to be part of a records included merchants, school burgeoning red-light district in the 1870s. teachers (one of whom happened to live According to Yater (2001:732), brothels in two doors down from a brothel), dealers in the 1870s and 1880s were located around goods, clerks, and unskilled laborers. the intersection of Floyd and Jefferson During the Civil War, prostitution flou- Streets, approximately one full city block rished in the city due to the concentration north of the site. However, it was difficult of Union troops camped on the outskirts to ascertain where brothels were specifi- of Louisville, and in spite of the city’s ef- cally located within the site and who forts to enact legislation against prostitu- worked in them because prostitutes were tion, the police failed to control the prac- not specifically enumerated in the Louis- tice (Yater 2001:731–732). The red-light ville census that year. Furthermore, bro- districts in the city were frequently decried thel workers tended to be more transient, by local officials for the spread of disease, moving from one brothel to another, or and Lafayette Street in particular was rapidly joining and leaving the trade, mak- mentioned by Mayor John Bunce in 1868 ing it more difficult to trace the occupancy as being one of the key areas where the of one particular brothel according to indi- city with was being flooded with diseases viduals enumerated in the census (Seifert as a result of the presence of these baw- 1994:153). Nevertheless, a sample of the dy houses. Although Mayor Bunce’s con- individuals who most likely lived within the cerns would be considered somewhat vicinity of site 15JF718 (based on individ- dramatic and narrow-minded today, ac- uals who lived there in preceding and cording to Yater (2001:732), sexually subsequent years) suggests that the resi- transmitted diseases may have been a dential patterning generally remained the valid concern during this time, as local same, with working-class American-born, newspapers frequently advertised treat- white residents living among working- ments for “private diseases.” class European immigrants and African By the 1870s, Louisville had signifi- Americans. Interestingly, the census cantly expanded, and the City Council de- enumeration indicates that African- cided to re-zone the city wards. As a re- American families and individuals may sult, the Second and Third Wards were have been living within the same build- merged into the Fifth Ward. At site ings, or at least the same properties, as 15JF717, East Walnut Street was primari- white families and individuals. This is not- ly occupied by middle-class and affluent able because there is no indication that members of the community, namely mer- these white and African-American families chants, bankers, , railroad per- were linked in any way, such as through sonnel, and members of the military employment.

128 Social Change and Neighborhood Transformations

By 1880, census data pertaining to the the neighborhood at both sites can still be vicinity of site 15JF717 suggests that made with the archival data pertaining to while white middle and upper-class fami- the features recorded during the Phase III lies continued to front East Walnut Street, archaeological investigations. At site primarily working-class residents fronted 15JF717, white middle-class merchants Linden Square/Pearl Avenue. Many of and professionals continued to reside these working-class residents were Afri- along East Walnut Avenue, while white can-American and American-born whites, and African-American working-class resi- while some had immigrated from Germa- dences and businesses could be found ny, Scotland, and England. The German along Linden Square. East Green Alley, immigrants and American-born whites parallel and north of Linden Square, was primarily worked as skilled laborers and lined with privies in the rear lots of resi- merchants, while the African-American dences and businesses lining Linden residents typically worked as skilled and Square as well as alleyway dwellings in- unskilled laborers. Since no specific cen- habited primarily by working class African- sus information on the residential pattern- Americans. ing of Linden Square/Pearl Avenue was The 1890s hearkened a period of available before this decade, and the pat- change as the Financial Panic of 1893 terning of East Walnut Street had re- took its toll on the neighborhood and the mained the same over the previous three city as a whole. The Panic resulted in decades, one may speculate that the res- large-scale unemployment of nearly 20– idential patterning of Linden Square/Pearl 25 percent of the national work force, and Avenue may have been consistent as in Louisville, many of those out of work well. were carpenters, molders, and bricklay- The 1880s witnessed an even higher ers. This surge in unemployment left increase in the number of brothels on La- many families without coal, food, or cloth- fayette Street at site 15JF718 in compari- ing (Barrows 1894:42). Poverty began to son to previous decades. The number of prevail in the neighborhood, and crime “female boarding houses” is shown on the also increased. Murder became more 1880 census lists, and the 1885 city direc- common, such as in the case at 229 Lin- tory indicates that there were 17 separate den Square wherein an African-American brothels on Lafayette Street between man attacked another African-American Floyd and Preston Streets interspersed man, hitting him in the head with a hat- with various saloons (Caron Directory chet, resulting in the man’s death (Louis- Company 1885; United States Bureau of ville Police Department Report Book the Census 1880). All of the brothels and 1899–1903). At the same time that crime saloons were operated by whites. Accord- and poverty became significant problems, ing to the 1885 city directory, all other res- many of the residences along Linden idences on this street between Floyd and Square saw an increase in the number of Preston were occupied by working-class working-class boarders living there, as African Americans. This is a substantial homelessness increased and residents change from the 1870s, wherein working- took in boarders for extra pay. class whites not involved with saloons or The Wayfarer’s Lodge, part of the prostitution also resided on the street. foundation of which was discovered dur- No census records exist for the 1890s; ing the Phase III investigations, was con- however, insights into the composition of structed at 216 Linden Square for the

129 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

purpose of providing relief to the in- tion, anti-vice groups like the Law and Or- creased number of impoverished families der League were only sporadically suc- suffering as a result of the Financial Pan- cessful, and the police and government ic. The Wayfarer’s Lodge furnished lodg- officials generally turned a blind eye to the ing and meals, as well as work for many rampant vice generating in the city. Men’s of those in need, building sheds, fences, clubs, such as GAR, were even able to and other necessary structures, as well as publicly publish souvenir sporting guides making kindling (Barrows 1894). Howev- advertising some of the best-known baw- er, the Wayfarer’s Lodge did not neces- dy houses (Wentworth Publishing Com- sarily provide relief for all who needed it. pany 1895). Instead, the Wayfarer’s Lodge was oper- At site 15JF718, the decrease in the ated under the presumption of helping the number of white brothels in 1890 resulted “deserving poor,” and while many people in a number of empty residences waiting were suffering from the effects of poverty, to be inhabited. Almost immediately, only certain segments of the population-- these former bawdy houses were inha- namely, working-class white families-- bited by large numbers of working-class were ever supplied with relief. African Americans. Many of these new At site 15JF718, residential changes residents were laborers, tobacco workers, had also occurred. Around 1890, the Law carpenters, and laundresses. The city di- and Order League, unhappy with the rectories for this period also suggest that problem of vice in the city--primarily the some of these residences had several red-light district near the intersection of young, single African-American women Floyd and Jefferson Streets--prompted with no listed occupation also residing in the police to crack down on the brothels in these abandoned brothels (Caron Directo- that area, and they dispersed and moved ry Company 1895). Although speculative, their business dealings to Green and it is possible that some of these women Grayson Streets between Sixth and Tenth may have worked as prostitutes since the Streets (Yater 2001:732). Interestingly, 1892 Sanborn map continued to label the shift in the red-light district to Green these structures as “female boarding and Grayson Streets was fortuitous for houses,” a common term during that time Louisville’s prostitution industry, as Green for bawdy houses, well after the white Street “sported so many saloons, dance owned-and-operated brothels shut down. halls and bawdy houses that it rivaled San Incidentally, African-American prostitutes Francisco’s Barbary Coast” (McDowell may have already been residing and 1962:12). working in the neighborhood while La- The city became so well-known for its fayette was part of the red-light district. If sporting women that in 1895, Louisville so, it would not be surprising to have no hosted the twenty-ninth encampment of record of it as African-American brothels the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR). and/or brothel workers are more difficult to The members of GAR, who were veterans discern in the archival records since they of the Civil War that had fought for the Un- were never publicly advertised as such, ion armies, selected Louisville for their nor were they listed in the city directories annual meeting specifically because the or census records under that profession city was notorious for the number of baw- (Mackey 2000:87). dy houses located there (Renford 2005). By the turn of the twentieth century, Hence, in contrast to subverting prostitu- the neighborhood remained ethnically and

130 Social Change and Neighborhood Transformations

racially integrated with a mix of commer- was demolished, as were its concomitant cial and residential buildings. European alleyway dwellings. The Wayfarer’s Lodge immigrants continued to place a cultural continued to operate until 1919, but by the impression upon the neighborhood, but by 1920s, the building became the location of 1900, many new immigrants included the office for the Silver Fleet Motor Ex- Jews from Russia and Poland attempting press. The Haymarket, a farmer’s and to escape czarist pogrom (Stanley gardener’s open air market, had also 1994:46–47; United States Bureau of the been established, replacing a number of Census 1900). Part of the neighborhood residential buildings. At site 15JF718, sim- along Preston Street became a cultural ilar events took place as residential build- locus for Eastern-European Jews, and by ings were demolished to make way for the early years of the twentieth century, commercial structures. Many of the Afri- so many Eastern-European Jews (primari- can-American tenements had also been ly Russian) resided there that to many, demolished, replaced by empty lots and this area was referred to as a shtetl, or industrial buildings in the late 1920s. The eastern European Jewish village (Shevitz Frederick-Douglas School continued to 2007:136). operate as a segregated school in the In 1910, the number of residents along neighborhood. Pearl Avenue in the vicinity of 15JF717 Incidentally, while these changes were had decreased, and the majority of resi- occurring in the neighborhood, the city dents were unskilled, working-class Afri- decided to crack down on prostitution at can Americans (United States Bureau of the request of the af- the Census 1910). Some of the only white ter the nation entered World War I. Camp residents along the street worked at the Zachary Taylor had been established in Wayfarer’s Lodge. At site 15JF718, Pearl Louisville in 1917, and the U.S. govern- Avenue was also occupied primarily by ment was concerned about the negative working-class African Americans. Some influence the sanctioned vice in the city changes had occurred there between would have on the soldiers (Yater 1900 and 1910, however. The Pearl Ave- 2001:732). Therefore, in 1917 the red- nue School for Colored Children (later light districts were disbanded. Neverthe- called the Frederick-Douglas School) had less, prostitution continued to be practiced been constructed in 1906 and had re- in the Louisville, and as late as the 1930s, placed several of the former brothels, and 85 brothels were documented as operat- buildings formally designated “Negro ing in the city (Yater 2001:732). Tenements” also had been constructed. The primarily commercial neighbor- The 1910s and 1920s demonstrate the hood remained relatively unchanged from most dramatic changes in the neighbor- the 1930s through the 1950s, except that hood. While the neighborhood along Pearl more buildings had been demolished in Avenue continued to be occupied primari- the vicinity of site 15JF717 and several ly by working-class African Americans, garages had been constructed along many of the residences and businesses Pearl Avenue within the vicinity of site that had stood along Pearl Avenue since 15JF718. Interestingly, prostitution had the late nineteenth century were begin- returned to the neighborhood, as the ning to be demolished at a growing rate Haymarket became a focal point for pros- (United States Bureau of the Census titution, robberies, and other crimes (Yater 1920). At site 15JF717, East Green Alley 2001:732). In the early 1960s, the Com-

131 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 8. Overview of Argosy Casino complex and the project area (Northern Liberties) located in La- wrenceburg, Indiana. monwealth of Kentucky purchased the 1880s, Lafayette Street became a red- property encompassing these sites to light district with exclusively white brothels make way for a new interstate (I-65), and interspersed with African-American eventually, an eye clinic and hospital households. By the turn of the twentieth parking lots. century, the neighborhood continued to be The results of the Phase III archaeo- ethnically and racially integrated, but over logical investigations and archival re- the first two decades of the century, to a search suggest that in the mid-nineteenth lesser and lesser degree. Growing pover- century, the neighborhood along Lafayette ty and crime had a negative impact on the Street/Linden Square/Pearl Avenue con- neighborhood, and the community fell into sisted primarily of white, working class what can be generally equated with slum- and professional residents, as well as like conditions. By the 1920s, the number commercial businesses. Nearly half of of residences decreased overall as the these residents were Kentucky-born, but neighborhood became primarily a com- the other half consisted of European im- mercial district with some residences until migrants. By the 1860s, brothels began the 1960s, when it was demolished to regularly operating in the neighborhood, make way for I-65. but not to a significant degree. By the Northern Liberties 1870s, African Americans and European immigrants--mostly Germans--began po- The Argosy Gaming Company plans to pulating the neighborhood, and by the add a new boat slip and docking facility to

132 Social Change and Neighborhood Transformations its existing Casino facilities located in the contained intact deposits that had been city of Lawrenceburg, Indiana, outside undisturbed by modern intervention such Cincinnati, Ohio. As part of this expansion as the demolition of the houses during re- effort, additional parking facilities also are cent property acquisition. The remaining proposed. The proposed parking facilities lots did not contain intact deposits and will include both surface and structural would not have been considered eligible parking features and will incorporate the for inclusion in the National Register ex- realignment of existing streets for access cept that they still retained a number of to these facilities. A total of 14 city blocks intact subsurface features, primarily struc- will be impacted by the parking facilities, tural located structural elements and pri- consisting of 25 historical archaeological vies. These features were also very evi- sites, which make up much of the 1840s dent during the Phase I trenching used to Tousey, Dunn, and Tousey Addition to the examine the prehistoric component be- city of Lawrenceburg (Figure 8). neath the urban properties. These fea- CRAI completed survey and mitigation tures alone were the focus of investigation on 15 city lots for the original facility con- on the remaining lots since the yard areas struction throughout the late 1990s (Clay were highly disturbed. Backhoe excava- et al. 2005; Creasman 1995a, 1995b, tions stripped the disturbed historic com- 1996a, 1996b, 1998; Creasman and Rot- ponent away in order to expose structures man 2002, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c, 2003d; and privies for examination. Creasman et al. 2002; Parish and Creas- Phase III mitigation was conducted on man 1997; Parish et al. 1996). A Phase I three sites during the winter of 2006– archaeological survey of the proposed 2007. Like the Phase II National Register parking expansion area was completed in evaluation, two different field methodolo- the fall of 2004 and spring of 2005 (Barber gies were used based on the Phase I and and Morgan 2005). Twenty new sites II investigation strategies and results. For were documented, with the boundaries one site, the remaining historic matrix was being based on the historic property lot stripped since an adequate hand- designations. Additional work was slated excavated sample was already taken. for 13 of the 20 sites; however, three were This was conducted to once again target removed from the project boundaries and the structural remains and privies. On the three sites documented during the original remaining two sites, an additional 15 per- 1990s survey were added to the project cent sample was hand excavated using 1 boundaries. x 2 m or 2 x 2 m units, followed by the Phase II investigations were con- mechanical removal of the sediments as- ducted during the winter of 2005–2006 to sociated with the structural remains and in determine the National Register eligibility the vicinity of the privy features. of the sites within the parking expansion Beginning with the excavations con- area. Two distinctly different field metho- ducted in the 1990s and being further de- dologies were used on these sites based veloped during the current study, CRAI on the results of the 1990s work and the has generated a very detailed historic Phase I survey. On two lots, 10 percent of context for the city of Lawrenceburg to the site area was hand excavated using answer the research questions that 1x1 m test units patterned around the guided the excavations. Having been standing structures and throughout the founded in 1803 on the western bank of yard areas. These were on the sites that the Ohio River, the city’s development

133 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

during the 1820s and 1830s for passengers and mail service, even though only two roads were macadamized leading into nearby Cincinnati by 1835. By the 1840s, articles published in the Lawrenceburg newspaper insisted on the necessity of road improvement for the growth of the capital and business (Weak- ley and Company 1885). The Ohio River, however, was the lifeblood of the earliest occupants when it came to transporting things quickly or over greater distances. Also lo- cated near the mouth of the Great Miami River, whose tribu- taries drained a significant sec- tion of western Ohio and east- ern Indiana, Lawrenceburg pro- vided a point of access for the agricultural goods being shipped from inland to markets through the ports along the re- mainder of the Ohio River and the , as far FIGURE 9. Section of the 1854 (Hart and Mapother) map of La- south as New Orleans. wrenceburg showing the project area (Northern Liberties). Shipping in this area on the was driven not by its setting on a fertile Upper Ohio River began to flou- floodplain of a river perfect for agriculture, rish after 1832 when steamers could pass but by both its economic and political sig- freely through the Falls of the Ohio in nificance as the first courthouse town in Louisville by way of the Portland Canal. one of the first counties formed in the new Many early Lawrenceburg citizens had state of Indiana. It moved quickly through dreams of growing into a booming metro- the transition of early frontier cabins and polis as they sought to be the most impor- cottages to a platted town, and much of its tant point of contact between the long- growth and development was based on distance river shipping industry and the changes and development in early trans- inland towns providing goods to far away portation. ports and the travelers of the river. The The earliest road in the area was Whitewater Canal, one of many canals in probably created during 1799 and con- the state, was built for just this purpose, sisted of little more than tracks through and was eventually deemed a financial the woods that had been cleared of timber disaster. Just up-river, the city of Cincin- and was impassable during wet seasons. nati began to flourish due to its more stra- Stage coaches increased in importance tegic location near the mouth of the Lick-

134 Social Change and Neighborhood Transformations

ing River, and its own canal system link- population of the city did increase through ing it to much of the same inland areas the nineteenth century, although obviously that the Whitewater Canal linked to La- not on the same scale as its “competitor,” wrenceburg. From 1805 to 1915, Cincin- Cincinnati, the demise of the canal forced nati created a split in the canal to Lawren- the residents to turn to other forms of in- ceburg, essentially cutting off much of the come and prosperity. transport to that city (Indiana Historical While the canal system was failing, the Bureau 1997). significant influx of immigrants from the The relationship of the downtown area east toward Missouri was one result of the of Lawrenceburg to the Whitewater Canal prosperity of the newly developing railroad is, within itself, another point of interest system. While the project eventually and may actually have been a contributing failed, George H. Dunn, a local judge, was factor to its eventual failure. While most advocating a railroad from Lawrenceburg canals went through the center of town, to Indianapolis before a mile of track had the Whitewater Canal remained marginal even been laid in the state in the mid- to the city’s urban development because it 1830s. However, the first act of incorpora- was located east of the city on the edge of tion of a railroad proposed by the Ohio a residential subdivision called Northern and Mississippi Railroad was in 1848, au- Liberties. This is the subdivision that has thorizing the construction on the most been the focus of the archaeological in- predictable route from Cincinnati, through vestigations conducted by CRAI (Figure Lawrenceburg, Vincennes, and finally 9). through Illinois to the city of St. Louis. By In contrast to the studies above dis- 1857, this whole line of 337 miles was cussing parts of Louisville and Lexington, open for traffic, allowing the flow of both Kentucky, a distinct community transfor- immigrants and the goods that were mation occurred in Lawrenceburg during needed to sustain and build the new the first half of the nineteenth century that western communities (Weakley and Com- was not apparent in the other studies. As pany 1885) Creasman and Rotman (2004) discuss, Cincinnati has been considered a “dis- the economic conditions in early Lawren- tribution” point for German immigrants ceburg were promising, based on the ex- throughout history, but this was most evi- pected prosperity of the Whitewater Can- dent during the second half of the nine- al. There was an increased flow in com- teenth century when, in 1860, 30 percent modities through the port early on, provid- of the population of Cincinnati was of ing a positive financial impact to the German stock, and by 1890, 58 percent community, consequently increasing the were of German descent (Tolzmann population and the general “wealth” of its 2003). It was only natural that there would inhabitants. This was short-lived, howev- be an influx of immigrants to the areas er, when the new split in the canal to Cin- immediately surrounding Cincinnati, and cinnati diverted traffic away from Lawren- with Lawrenceburg only a few miles away ceburg, causing economic decline and the across the state line, their immigrant pop- eventual closing of the canal during the ulation increased dramatically. 1840s. Historian Jeffrey Mauck postulates Similar to Cincinnati’s housing de- that this economic depression after the mands, the German immigrants congre- canal closed hindered the continued gated in one area, Northern Liberties in growth of the city (Parish 1996). While the Lawrenceburg and Over-the-Rhine in Cin-

135 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

cinnati, initially sharpening the division be- non-German counterparts. Essentially, tween themselves and other ethnic and these ceramics highlighted the group’s socioeconomic groups. Tousey, Dunn, similarities rather than their differences in and Tousey were the early speculators a community setting. who platted the Northern Liberties neigh- Archival documentation in Lawrence- borhood during the 1830s and 1840s, burg indicates that the demand for hous- and, in all probability, did so with the in- ing in Northern Liberties, later actually tent of having it become a “neatly known as Germantown, decreased in the planned, platted neighborhood with a vi- later 1800s after the first wave of immi- sion of class and ethnic harmony” grant arrivals. The original duplexes first (Creasman and Rotman 2003d:76–77). built in the neighborhood on speculation in However, the changes in the transporta- the 1840s did not turn into row-houses tion patterns affected the immediate land- based on a massive infilling of subse- scape of the neighborhood, quite frankly quent immigrants as they regularly did in degrading it with the addition of the rail- Cincinnati. The Germans in town began to road through its south side. In turn, the assimilate into the non-German local and area became one of industrialization with distant community based on shifts in the a variety of small factories and business- economic community, allowing “German- es utilizing the new means of transporta- town” to become a multi-ethnic working tion to its advantage. The congregation of class neighborhood reflecting the changes German immigrants who worked these in transportation patterns and their effects businesses in the adjacent neighborhood on the local community throughout the allowed for a sense of cohesiveness end of the nineteenth century. based on ethnic background and social While more research into the . change and transformation of the North- The archaeological assemblage re- ern Liberties neighborhood during the ear- covered during the 1990s excavations ly twentieth century needs to be con- supports this sense of “community” during ducted, a few items are worth pointing the German immigrant occupation of out. In the two studies previously dis- Northern Liberties. As an example, ce- cussed, African Americans played a ramic assemblages recovered throughout prominent role as either the early occu- a variety of working class, lower-middle pants of the neighborhood, such as in Da- class, and middle class residences con- vis Bottoms, or the later occupants, such sisted primarily of undecorated and mini- as in Booth’s Enlargement. However, this mally decorated tea and table wares. was not the case in Lawrenceburg. This While Fitts (1999) has indicated that this period saw an increase in native tri-state is a middle class phenomenon and not a locals (Indiana, Kentucky, or Ohio) or working class phenomenon, he also ob- white immigrants moving to the neighbor- served that these table settings may con- hood, but very few African Americans. vey the ideals of thrift and modesty, ideals The turnover of residents appeared to in- that are consistent with German heritage. crease, too, as well as an apparent de- As Creasman and Rotman (2003d) note, crease in owner-occupants and an in- it has been said that Germans were crease in tenants. While artifact analysis known to be conservative in their material is not complete, field observations indi- culture and probably displayed items of cate that there is a distinct difference in gentility that may be different from their the archaeological assemblage before

136 Social Change and Neighborhood Transformations

and after the 1937 flood, which wiped out mation about the mid- to late 1800s occu- nearly every house in the neighborhood. pation of the neighborhood. Soil stratigra- Many families moved out of the area in- phy from a typical profile showed two dis- stead of rebuilding after the flood, while tinct occupation horizons with nearly ste- others rebuilt and consequently created a rile soil in between. An uppermost zone at very different social organization. Lots ground surface was a sterile fill put in were subdivided and more houses were when the modern homes were built constructed on each property. Instead of a around the 1960s or 1970s. Beneath this duplex or two structures per city block, were two darker horizons that were sepa- this increased to upwards of eight or ten rated by a nearly sterile flood deposit. The residences in the same space. Archaeo- last big flood was in 1937 prior to the con- logical investigations have indicated that struction of a levee surrounding most of spatial dynamics changed with this physi- the town. The deeper horizon is stratified cal reconstruction, and it is likely that so- and dates between the initial occupation cial dynamics changed as well. period of the neighborhood in the 1840s This period during the second half of until the flood of 1937. Many features the 1800s and early 1900s and how the were also documented in association with changes in the community are reflected in this deeper context including brick walk- the archaeological deposits are the focus ways, trash pits, and animal that of the work being conducted. During the will be able to provide detailed information Phase I investigations, each individual about the diets and the use of residential houselot as subdivided during the original space for these earlier occupants of the housing speculation in the 1840s was neighborhood. considered an individual site. This essen- The remainder of the historic excava- tially divided each “city block” in half as an tions focused on structural elements and individual houselot, a land luxury not privy features. While cisterns were also available to those in the more urban Cin- documented in abundance throughout the cinnati German district. Most blocks con- project area, their excavation during the tained a duplex residential structure lo- 1990s project provided very little data that cated on the front of the property strad- could be attributed to the earlier occupa- dling the property boundary, each half be- tion of the neighborhood since nearly all ing owned and occupied by different fami- of them had been filled during or after the lies. Some other lots contained a duplex, 1937 flood. Consequently, they were not but it was situated on the edge or center examined during these investigations and of the lot instead, and the entire structure a few located throughout the project area was typically owned by one family and were still void of materials causing safety half was rented out to another family. hazards to both the archaeological team As mentioned previously, the focus of as well as the local residents. archaeological mitigation was on the Over 30 structures were represented structural elements and on the privy fea- by either modern or historic foundation tures, as well as the intact and stratified remains and around 70 privies were do- deposits if they were present. The sites cumented, about 45 of which were fully that were targeted with hand excavation excavated. The subsurface architecture of were very clearly stratified, and analysis the earliest residential structures on the of materials from these soil zones will be houselots remains overwhelmingly intact extremely informative in providing infor- (Figure 10). Early maps dating from 1854

137 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 10. Overview of circa 1850 intact house foundation in Northern Liberties (Site 12D569; Lot 31). and 1875 helped provide guidance when Builder’s trenches were also scarce conducting backhoe excavations to locate throughout the buildings examined. the earliest foundations, but significant Probably the most exciting aspect modifications had occurred to many of the about the historic component of the houses since then. Foremost, nearly project, as well as that which will be most every house in the neighborhood was informative after artifact analysis is com- washed away during the 1937 flood (Carl pleted, is the number of privy features that Christian, personal communication 2004). are present throughout these urban lots. Some were reconstructed on the same Both wood-lined and brick-lined examples foundation while other property owners are present on every lot, and while it has completely changed the arrangement of been proposed in the region that the dif- the structures and outbuildings. A variety ference between the two is based on so- of cut limestone foundation configurations cioeconomic class, in this neighborhood was evident throughout the project area. they are easily attributed to different tem- Most of the original structures had full poral spans. Field observations indicate basements and typically additions had on- that the wood examples are much earlier ly crawl spaces. Many of the additions and they typically had a significantly larger were simply on piers and did not contain a amount of valuable materials that were full continuous limestone foundation. recovered. A wide variety of glass and ce-

138 Social Change and Neighborhood Transformations ramics were present and multiple fill later occupants were members of the zones also documented slightly different working classes, namely those who were occupation periods in nearly all of the ex- American-born and European immigrants, amples. and in the cases of Davis Bottoms and The preservation of the actual privy Booth’s Enlargement, African American structures themselves was outstanding in as well. In Davis Bottoms, while some of many cases and is worthy of note. Both the first white landowners, such as the the wood base and even the walls were German immigrants, actually inhabited the still in place for the lower half of many of neighborhood for a short time, others pur- the features. Most continued to depths of chased the property with the intention to between 1.8 and 2.3 m below their initial lease their parcels to tenants, namely identification. The brick privies, in general, African Americans. In Booth’s Enlarge- appeared to be of later construction and ment, many of the first owners of the use. While many of them contained a va- property actually resided on the land they riety of artifacts that appeared to date dur- purchased; however, only along the main ing the early twentieth century, some thoroughfares. The less desirable proper- simply contained an amazing variety of ties along the minor streets were leased concrete, trash, or sterile fill. to white and African-American tenants. In Artifact analysis is currently on-going Lawrenceburg, Northern Liberties was for the Phase II and III mitigation of these platted by affluent whites with the hope of sites. The previous work conducted by establishing a community with “class and CRAI during the 1990s in combination ethnic harmony,” but this notion was with the work currently being conducted quickly abandoned by the construction of provides a rare example for a large urban the railroad within the neighborhood limits. neighborhood context to be developed In all three cases, one can observe an and used for comparative purposes. The overall significant decrease in owner- similarities and differences within the occupancy over time and an increase in large and intact artifact sample, especially tenancy and boarding houses as the late the samples recovered from the numer- nineteenth and early twentieth centuries ous privies, will enable us to learn about progressed. The decrease in owner occu- the individual residents, as well as the pancy and the increase in absentee lan- town in general and its relationship to the downing appear to have been directly cor- broader local and regional market and related with the neighborhoods’ decline. economic systems. Absentee landowners could avoid main- taining their properties, while still collect- Conclusions ing rents, and the tenants—many of them powerless to change their living conditions Based on the results of these three for lack of income—had to find ways of large-scale archaeological projects, sev- coping or leave. In most cases, the te- eral insights can be made regarding resi- nants frequently moved from dwelling to dential patterning in these three Ohio Val- dwelling, but remained within the same ley communities in the late nineteenth and neighborhood. As the neighborhoods de- early twentieth centuries. In all three clined with improper landowner mainten- communities, it appears that the first lan- ance, these working-class communities downers were affluent whites, American- also became pigeonholed as dirty and po- born and European immigrant, while the verty-ridden, and in the case of Booth’s

139 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

Enlargement, also associated with vice source Analysts, Inc., Lexington, Ken- and crime. Racist and ethnocentric senti- tucky. ments were at the root of these stereo- types, and these stereotypes were fre- Barrows, Isabel C. (editor) quently perpetuated by city officials, who 1894 Proceedings of the National Confe- rence of Charities at the Twenty-First instead of implementing social services or Annual Session Held in Nashville, enforcing landowner responsibility for the Tennessee, May 23–29, 1894. Press care of their properties, found it easy to of George H. Ellis, Boston. scapegoat the city’s problems on these and similar neighborhoods. Today, Beers, D.G., and J. Lanagan Booth’s Enlargement is no longer part of 1877 Atlas of Bourbon, Clark, Fayette, Jes- Louisville’s cityscape, and Northern Liber- samine, and Woodford Counties. D.G. ties is a shell of itself as very few proper- Beers & Co., , Pennsylva- ties remain due to recent development. nia. Davis Bottoms, still extant as a community but slotted for redevelopment, is well on Bolin, James D. 2000 Bossism and Reform in a Southern its way to becoming part of Lexington’s City: Lexington, Kentucky 1880–1940. past. University Press of Kentucky, Lexing- However, rather than being a reflection ton. of how these communities failed, Davis Bottoms, Booth’s Enlargement, and Caron Directory Company Northern Liberties should be viewed as 1880–1949 Caron’s Directory of the City of unique communities with common Louisville. Caron Directory Company, threads. While it is true that these neigh- Louisville, Kentucky. borhoods declined over time, one must also examine the ways in which the mem- Clay, R. Berle, Andrew Bradbury, Steven D. bers of communities prevailed. That is, all Creasman, Annette G. Ericksen, Jona- thon P. Kerr, C. Russell Stafford, and three of these neighborhoods are reflec- Richard Yerkes tions of how these Ohio Valley cities 2005 The Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino transformed over time and how living, Archaeological Project, Volume Ele- breathing people used community and ven: Summary of the Prehistoric Arc- cultural ties to adapt to and negotiate with haeology. Contract Publication Series those changes. 02-249.11, Cultural Resource Ana- lysts, Inc., Lexington, Kentucky. References Congleton, Betty Carolyn Alvey, R. Gerald 1965 George D. Prentice and Bloody Mon- 1992 Kentucky Bluegrass Country. Universi- day: A Reappraisal. Register of the ty Press of Mississippi, Jackson. Kentucky Historical Society 63(3):218– 239. Barber, Jennifer L., and Vera E. Morgan 2005 Phase I Archaeological Investigations Creasman, Steven D. for the Proposed New and Rede- 1995a Archaeological Subsurface Recon- signed Gaming and Parking Facilities, naissance of the Ameristar Casino Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino, Dear- Development, Lawrenceburg, Dear- born County, Indiana. Contract Publi- born County, Indiana: Temporary Fa- cation Series 05-017. Cultural Re- cilities Areas. Contract Publication Se- ries 95-02. Cultural Resource Ana-

140 Social Change and Neighborhood Transformations

lysts, Inc., Lexington, Kentucky. Project: Volume Nine; The Beiger- 1995b Technical Proposal for the Phase II Gould-Disque House Site (12D520). Archaeological Investigations at Sites Contract Publication Series No. 02- 12D363 and 12D367 Argosy Gaming 249.9. Cultural Resource Analysts, Company Lawrenceburg Casino Inc. Lexington, Kentucky. Dearborn County, Indiana. Cultural 2003d The Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino Resource Analysts, Inc., Lexington, Archaeological Project, Volume 10: Kentucky. Summary of the Historical Archaeolo- 1996a Final Report on the Archaeological gy. Contract Publication Series 02- Subsurface Reconnaissance of the In- 249.10, Cultural Resource Analysts, diana Gaming Company, LP, and Inc., Lexington, Kentucky. Ameristar Casino Development Areas Outside the Lawrenceburg Protective Creasman, Steven D., Deborah L. Rotman, Levee. Contract Publication Series 96- Jeffery Williams, Lori O’Connor, Rose 10, Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc., L. Moore, J. Eric Thomason, Renee Lexington, Kentucky. Bonzani, Jessica Allgood, Donald Ball, 1996b Management Summary: A Synthesis and Jeffrey Mauck of Cultural Resource Investigations in 2002 The Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino the Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino De- Project: Volume Six; Phase II Investi- velopment, Dearborn County, Indiana. gations of the Crontz House Site Contract Publication Series 96-10, (12D505), the Tousey-Hofenbeader- Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc. Lex- Mohr House Site (12D508), the Knotty ington, Kentucky. Pine Saloon Site (15D515), the We- 1998 The Lawrenceburg Casino Archeolog- denstaedt House Site (12D516), the ical Project: 1998 Progress Report. Kiger-Stockman-Christian House Site Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc., Lex- (12D517), and the Autenreich-Reagan ington, Kentucky. House Site (12D521). Contract Publi- cation Series No. 02-249.6, Cultural Creasman, Steven D., and Deborah L. Resource Analysts, Inc. Lexington, Rotman Kentucky. 2002 The Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino Archaeological Project, Dearborn Deusner, Charles E. County, Indiana, Volume One, Back- 1963 The Know Nothing Riots in Louisville. ground, Environmental and Cultural Register of the Kentucky Historical Overview, and Methodology for Data Society 61(2):122–147. Analyses. Contract Publication Series 02-249.1, Cultural Resource Analysts, Eller, Ronald D. Inc., Lexington, Kentucky. 1982 Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: 2003a The Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino Industrialization in the Appalachian Project: Volume Seven; The Macy South, 1880–1930. University of Ten- House Site (12D502). Contract Publi- nessee Press, Knoxville, Tennessee. cation Series No. 02-249.7. Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc. Lexington, Faberson, Tanya A. Kentucky. 2007 Erstwhile Days along Pearl and La- 2003b The Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino fayette: Physical Change in a Louis- Project: Volume Eight; The Pfalzgraf- ville Neighborhood, 1850–1860. Sur- Oberting-Pheister House Site vey and Data Recovery Results for (12D507). Contract Publication Series Sites 15JF716, 15JF717, and No. 02-249.8. Cultural Resource Ana- 15JF718 in the I-65 Accelerated Sec- lysts, Inc. Lexington, Kentucky. tion of the Louisville Southern Indiana 2003c The Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino Ohio River Bridges Project, Louisville,

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Jefferson County, Kentucky. Contract by William H. Turner and Edward J. Publications 06-201. Cultural Re- Cabbell, pp. 51–67. University of Ken- source Analysts, Inc., Lexington, Ken- tucky Press, Lexington, Kentucky. tucky. Lexington City Directories Fitts, Robert K. 1914–1941 Lexington City Directory. R. L. 1999 The Archaeology of Middle-Class Do- Polk & Co., Cincinnati, Ohio. mesticity and Gentility in Victorian Brooklyn. Historical Archaeology Louisville Police Department Report Book 33(1):39–62. 1899–1903 Louisville Police Department Re- port Book. Mss. BL L888e. Filson His- Haney, Jennifer M. torical Society Special Collections. 2004 An Archaeological Survey of the Pro- Louisville, Kentucky. posed Newtown Pike Extension – Small Area Redevelopment Plan, City McDowell, Robert Emmett of Lexington, Fayette County, Ken- 1962 City of Conflict: Louisville in the Civil tucky (Item No. 7-593.00). Contract War, 1861–1865. Louisville Civil War Publication Series 03-182. Cultural Round Table, Louisville, Kentucky. Resource Analysts, Inc., Lexington, Kentucky. Mackey, Thomas C. 2000 “Learning, Deducting, and Reporting”: Hart and Mapother Louisville, Kentucky’s Vice Report of 1854 Map of City of Lawrenceburg, Dear- 1915—Part Two: Local Conditions. born County, Indiana. Hart and Ma- Filson Club History Quarterly pother, Louisville, Kentucky. 74(2):85–107.

Herndon, Richard L. O’Malley, Nancy 2006 Management Summary of Phase I In- 2002 The Pursuit of Freedom: The Evolution vestigations for the I-65 Accelerated of Kinkeadtown, and African-American Section of the LSIORB (Louisville Post-Civil War Neighborhood in Lex- Bridges) Project and Data Recovery ington, Kentucky. Winterthur Portfolio Plan for Phase III Investigations. Cul- 37:187–217. tural Resource Analysts, Inc., Lexing- ton, Kentucky. Parish, Cindy K., and Steven D. Creasman 1997 An Archaeological Survey of the Porte Indiana Historical Bureau Cochere Modification for the Pavilion 1997 Canal Mania in Indiana. The Indiana and Hotel Complex, Argosy Lawren- Historian June:2–15. ceburg Casino, Dearborn County, In- diana. Contract Publication Series 97- Kellogg, John 10. Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc., 1977 Negro Urban Clusters in the Postbel- Lexington, Kentucky. lum South. Geographical Review 67(3):310–321. Parish, Cindy K., Andrew P. Bradbury, Ste- 1982 The Formation of Black Residential phen D. Creasman and Derek M. Areas in Lexington, Kentucky, 1865– Wingfield 1887. The Journal of Southern History 1996 Archaeological Phase I Investigations 48(1):21–52. of the Argosy Lawrenceburg Casino Hotel, Roadway, and Remote Parking Klotter, James C. Areas, Dearborn County, Indiana. 1985 The Black South and White Appala- Contract Publication Series 96-10, chia. In Blacks in Appalachia, edited Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc., Lex-

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ington, Kentucky. 1870 The Ninth Census of the United States: 1870. Washington, D.C. Powell, Helen 1880 The Tenth Census of the United 2002 A Cultural Resource Survey for New- States: 1880. Washington, D.C. town Pike Extended from West Main 1900 The Twelfth Census of the United Street to South Broadway and South States: 1900. Washington, D.C. Limestone and South Upper Streets in 1910 The Thirteenth Census of the United Lexington, Fayette County, Kentucky. States: 1910. Washington, D.C. H. Powell and Company, Lexington, 1920 The Fourteenth Census of the United Kentucky. States: 1920. Washington, D.C.

Renford, Rochelle Vlach, John M. 2005 Mad Love: When It Comes to Louis- 1986 The Shotgun House: An African- ville’s Sex Industry, It Seems that Eve- American Architectural Legacy. In rything Old is New Again. Electronic Common Places: Readings in Ameri- document, http://www.geoerie.com, can Vernacular Architecture, edited by accessed May 7, 2007. Dell Upton and John Vlach, pp. 58–78. University of Georgia Press, Athens. Seifert, Donna J. 1994 Mrs. Starr’s Profession. In Those of Waller, Altina L. Little Note: Gender, Race, and Class 1995 Feuding in Appalachia: Evolution of a in Historical Archaeology, edited by Cultural Stereotype. In Appalachia in Elizabeth M. Scott, pp. 149–173. Uni- the Making: The Mountain South in the versity of Arizona Press, Tucson. Nineteenth Century, edited by Mary Beth Pudup, Dwight B. Billings, and Shevitz, Amy Hill Altina L. Waller, pp. 347–376. Univer- 2007 Jewish Communities on the Ohio Riv- sity of North Carolina Press, Chapel er: A History. University Press of Ken- Hill. tucky, Lexington. Weakley and Company Stanley, Gregory K. 1885 History of Dearborn and Ohio Coun- 1994 Making a Home: Italians and Jews in ties, Indiana, from Their Earliest Set- Louisville. Filson Club History Quarter- tlement. F. E. Weakley & Company, ly 68(1):35–56. Chicago, Illinois.

Thomas, Herbert A., Jr. Wentworth Publishing Company 1973 Victims of Circumstance: Negroes in a 1895 Grand Army of the Republic Souvenir Southern Town, 1865–1880. Register Sporting Guide. Special Collections, of the Kentucky Historical Society University of Kentucky, Lexington. 71(3):253–271. Williams, L. A., and Company Tolzmann, Don Heinrich 1882 History of the Ohio Falls Cities and 2003 German Heritage Guide to the Greater Their Counties with Illustrations and Cincinnati Area. Little Miami Publish- Biographical Sketches. Vol. 1. L. A. ing Company, Milford, Ohio. Williams & Co., Cleveland, Ohio.

United States Bureau of the Census Woestendiek, John 1850 The Seventh Census of the United 1980 Valley of Neglect. Lexington Leader 19 States: 1850. Washington, D.C. December:1–12 (Supplement). Lex- 1860 The Eighth Census of the United ington, Kentucky. States: 1860. Washington, D.C.

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Work Projects Administration 1939 Real Property Survey of Lexington, Kentucky and Suburbs conducted by the Work Projects Administration, cos- ponsored by the Lexington Municipal Housing Commission and the Lexing- ton Planning and Zoning Commission. (Project # 665-43-3-57). Washington, D.C.

Yater, George H. 2001 Prostitution. In The Encyclopedia of Louisville, edited by John E. Kleber, pp. 731–732. University Press of Ken- tucky, Lexington.

Tanya A. Faberson Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc. 151 Walton Avenue Lexington, Kentucky 40508

Jennifer L. Barber Cultural Resource Analysts, Inc. 151 Walton Avenue Lexington, Kentucky 40508

144

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXPLORATIONS OF WORKSHOP ROCK SHELTER, UPPER CUMBERLAND PLATEAU, TENNESSEE

Jay Franklin and Sierra Bow

The following research presents the results of archaeological survey and testing of Workshop Rock Shelter (40FN260), a small upland “rock house” on the Upper Cumberland Plateau of Tennessee. Luminescence dated ceramics and the ceramic assemblage from Workshop Rock Shelter are used to highlight an approach for establishing the prehistoric culture history of the region, a culture history that is expected to be significantly different than those of adjacent low- land regions. Specifically, the proximate aim of this essay is to elucidate Woodland ceramic sys- tems on the Upper Cumberland Plateau. Problems with existing formal ceramic type designa- tions are also discussed. Lastly, it is further suggest that scholars and cultural resource manag- ers working in the Tennessee region use luminescence dating to aid in their archaeological in- vestigations and National Register assessments.

A major shortcoming of southeastern al relief inside 0.5 kilometers horizontal archaeology has been a narrow focus on distance (Figure 1). In the uplands and lowland regions. This appears to stem in underneath the myriad bluff lines of the part from the erroneous folk assumption region are several hundred caves and that highland regions, particularly South- perhaps tens of thousands of rock shel- ern Appalachia, are marginal zones and ters. These geologic features are as much cultural backwaters (e. g., Campbell 1921; a part of the cultural landscape here as Swanton 1946; Braudel 1972). In this ar- they are the natural landscape. Large ticle, the archaeology of a rock shelter site open air habitation sites which character- on the Upper Cumberland Plateau of ize adjacent lowland regions are virtually Tennessee (hereafter, the UCP), a unique absent here. As such, rock shelters and physiographic area of the Southern Appalachian highlands is discussed. On rare occasions when arc- haeological investigations have been conducted on the UCP, the culture histo- ries of adjacent regions have been used to interp- ret the archaeological record of this unique phy- siographic region (Fergu- son et al. 1986; Sullivan and Prezzano 2001:xxvi). This is an inadequate ap- proach. Topographic relief on the UCP is extreme FIGURE 1. The Western Escarpment of the Upper Cumberland Pla- and variable often ranging teau of Tennessee. up to 300 meters in vertic-

145 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

be found and documented on the UCP. Archaeologists have conducted com- paratively little systematic research in the Southern Appalachian highlands, particu- larly the Cumberland Plateau. Addressing this research void forty years ago, Charles Faulkner (1968a) called the Cumberland Plateau “an archaeological terra incogni- ta.” That having been said, Franklin (2002, 2006, 2008a) has been conducting archaeological field work and research on the UCP for more than 12 years (Figure 2). He and his students have recorded more than 350 rock shelter sites. Arc- haeological excavations have also been FIGURE 2. Study area. undertaken at a handful of these sites. caves served many purposes on the UCP. Nonetheless, there exists more survey They were not simply intermittently and data than excavation data at this point. A briefly occupied special purpose sites, primary research concern and focus is to they also served as habitation sites and meaningfully incorporate extant survey mortuary locations. In short, the entire data into these efforts of establishing the range of prehistoric human behavior can culture history of the region. This work

FIGURE 3. Workshop Rock Shelter.

146 Workshop Rock Shelter

describes the results of survey and testing efforts at Workshop Rock Shelter (40FN260), a small “rock house” on the western es- carpment of the Upper Cumber- land Plateau (Figure 3) are dis- cussed. A brief discussion of the proposed methodology aimed at effectively incorporating survey data into a culture historical framework for the region is also presented. It is suggested that this approach has great utility for researchers and cultural re- source managers alike. Workshop Rock Shelter was surveyed in 2001. A description and inventory of recovered arti- facts were included in Franklin’s (2002) dissertation. The site is a south-southwest facing shelter located just off the top of the pla- teau. Unfortunately, it has been extensively looted, perhaps for several decades or longer. This is a common impediment to the scientific investigation of rock shelters on the UCP (Des Jean and Benthall 1994). Despite the extent of looting, a number of FIGURE 4. Workshop Rock Shelter, plan view. temporally diagnostic artifacts tools left behind by the relic hunters. Giv- were recovered from surface contexts and en the extent of the looting and the large backdirt during the initial survey. One numbers of diagnostic materials that con- small shovel test pit, Test Unit 1, was ex- tinued to be recovered from the site, it cavated at that time. was believed to be important to conduct In May 2004, Franklin and his Univer- test excavations at Workshop Rock Shel- sity of Memphis archaeological field ter. A testing program was started in Oc- school students returned to map the site tober 2005. (Figure 4). At that time, the site did not appear to have been further disturbed. Stratigraphy However, artifact hunters vandalized the site sometime between May 2004 and Test Units 2-5 were excavated in Oc- March 2005. Franklin, now at East Ten- tober 2005. Approximately 40 cm of sedi- nessee State University, returned to the ments were displaced by artifact hunters site to assess the damage and collected in some locations. However, it appears potsherds and broken diagnostic stone that they may have removed already dis-

147 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 5. Diagnostic artifacts recovered from Test Unit 5. turbed sediments as the test units re- 4. Late Woodland artifacts were recov- vealed mostly intact deposits. Test Unit 2 ered from Level 1 and the top of Level 2. measured approximately 1 m x 1.5 meters Artifacts include the base of a Jacks Reef and was excavated into an existing loo- Corner Notched biface, one Madison bas- ter’s pit in an effort to examine site strati- al fragment, and one limestone tempered graphy. The top 30 cm of sediment was smoothed over cord-marked body sherd. likely screened backdirt from looting ac- These artifacts are all consistent with a tivities. Small pieces (e.g., <½”) of chert Late Woodland temporal affiliation. To- flaking debris were encountered, but we ward the base of Level 2, a small chalce- recovered no diagnostic artifacts. Below dony point was recovered. It does not ap- this level, an additional 70 cm of very dark pear to correspond with a known type but brown loamy sand was encountered. Di- does resemble Merom type points, indica- agnostic artifacts were recovered from tive of the Late Archaic Riverton Culture about 70-100 cm below surface. These of southern Indiana. These types of points items consisted of three Late Archaic have been recovered from elsewhere on asymmetrical stemmed biface fragments. the UCP and Middle Tennessee. A single No material that could be radiometrically Wade biface was recovered from Level 3 dated was recovered. indicating a Late/Terminal Archaic com- Test Unit 3 was excavated to a depth ponent. of 45 cm in 10 cm levels. A large sand- Test Units 4 and 5 were excavated in stone clast was encountered in Level 1 the interior portion of the shelter where and gradually exposed to cover the entire surface artifact densities were heaviest eastern half of the unit by Level 4. Conse- and where much darker sediment had quently, excavations were halted in Level been exposed. Because of the density of

148 Workshop Rock Shelter

TABLE 1. AMS Determination from Workshop Rock Shelter. Laboratory Provenience Measure Calibrated Age Calibrated # Ranges means AA67863 TU 5, L3 1150 ± 110 one AD 772-993 AD 883 BP sigma: (97.7%) AD 734 AD 728-736 (2.3%) two AD 657-1046 AD 852 sigma: (97.6%) AD 1106 AD 1090-1121 (1.9%) AD 1144

AD 1139-1149 (0.5%)

surface materials, these two units were mal bone fragment from the same level excavated in 5 cm levels. Test Unit 4 was was recovered and submitted for AMS excavated to a depth of 20 cm. Sediments dating. The sample yielded a one-sigma were uniform throughout, although some calibrated mean of AD 883 (Table 1). laminated sand lenses were noted. It is In short, it is clear that the Late Arc- evident that water occasionally moves haic, Middle Woodland, and most notably, through the shelter from the northwestern the Late Woodland are represented at portion of the site after heavy rains. Nu- Workshop Rock Shelter based on the test merous charcoal flecks were also noted excavations. Interestingly, greater num- throughout the stratigraphic profile. Diag- bers of diagnostic artifacts were not re- nostic artifacts were not encountered until covered during test excavations, especial- Level 4. One Middle Woodland expanding ly given that Test Units 3-5 seem to be stemmed biface was recovered. relatively undisturbed. Of note, however, Test Unit 5 was excavated to a depth is that excavations were conducted for a of 15 cm below surface. The sediments little more than one full day in October were uniform throughout. One Hamilton 2005. Additional test excavations were incurvate point was recovered in Level 1. planned in 2007 to recover pottery sam- It is deeply serrated, almost reminiscent of ples from good stratigraphic contexts for serrations rather than those luminescence dating (e.g., Franklin typical of Hamilton. In addition, one small 2008b). Unfortunately the site was looted limestone tempered cord-marked pot- again in 2007, and this time was damaged sherd was also recovered. In Level 2, one beyond salvage. In fact, the 2005 test Madison point was recovered along with units could not be relocated due to the four potsherds: two limestone tempered disturbance. The site has now been “rec- cord-marked body sherds, one limestone laimed” by a local citizen (see Figure 3). A tempered plain body sherd, and one li- fabric-marked, quartz tempered sherd mestone tempered plain rim sherd. Final- from a surface context was recovered dur- ly, in Level 3, one limestone tempered ing the last site visit. The sherd was col- smoothed over cord-marked body sherd lected for a luminescence sample and will was recovered (Figure 5). A burned ani- be discussed below. Discussion now turns

149 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 6. Biface seriation for Workshop Rock Shelter. to the surface materials recovered from survey. Faulkner simply identified the ce- the 2007 site visit. ramics based on his vast experience and expertise in Southeastern ceramic studies Stone Tools (Table 2). The result is the seriation pre- sented in Figure 7. There are two things The diagnostic stone tools recovered of note here: (1) the Middle and Middle to from Workshop Rock Shelter are briefly Late Woodland periods appear to have summarized in this article as the primary been the times of most intensive occupa- research focus of site investigations cen- tion of the shelter at least for the Wood- ters around the Woodland ceramic se- land Period; and (2) Franklin (2002, 2006) quence on the UCP (Bow and Franklin has maintained that Woodland ceramic 2008; Franklin 2008b). Figure 6 shows the traditions on the UCP were fairly conserv- diagnostic biface seriation from the site. ative and characterized by some type of There are three items of interest here. cord-marked pottery. The seriation mostly First, it is clear that prehistoric peoples this out. Faulkner categorized li- occupied Workshop Rock Shelter at least mestone tempered, smoothed over cord- intermittently for more than 10,000 years. marked sherds as Middle/Late Woodland. Second, the biface seriation is consistent Late Woodland sherds are all limestone with our test excavations. Third, the biface tempered plain. Stamped types, more seriation is consistent with our ceramic common in other areas of East and Mid- seriation which indicates the Middle dle Tennessee during the Middle Wood- Woodland was the time of most intensive land, are rare on the UCP. For example, occupation. simple and checked stamped limestone tempered wares dominated Middle Wood- Ceramics land assemblages in Faulkner’s (1978, 1988, 2001) Duck River Basin archaeo- Charles Faulkner conducted the initial logical investigations. Cord-marked types pottery identifications and seriation for were rare. On the UCP, the reverse ap- Workshop Rock Shelter in 2001 (Franklin pears to be the case, and the 11 simple 2002). No metric measurements were stamped sherds may be considered a rel- taken on the 71 sherds recovered during atively large sample size for UCP shel-

150 Workshop Rock Shelter ters. In any case, cord-marking is much base for the UCP. Therefore, the authors more common that other surface treat- have been working toward developing an ments at Workshop Rock Shelter. adequate means of seriation for the re- gion. Toward that end, a multi-faceted ap- Methods proach that includes using existing type descriptions, metric measurements, con- Since 2002, the ceramic sample from trolled stratigraphic excavations where Workshop Rock Shelter has increased by feasible, and most recently, the inclusion more than 100 sherds (n=183). Sizable of luminescence dated ceramics (Franklin ceramic samples from numerous other 2008b; Bow and Franklin 2008). Every UCP shelters have also been obtained. effort was also made to maintain consis- Currently, there are more than 60 rock tency with Faulkner’s earlier analysis. shelter sites in the authors’ ceramic data- Ambiguity of formal types on the UCP TABLE 2. Faulkner’s Seriation of the Workshop Rock Shelter Ceramics in 2001 (Franklin 2002). smoothed over cord- cord- cord- cord- fabric- fabric- simple marked marked marked marked marked marked plain plain stamped limestone quartz LS mix limestone limestone quartz limestone shell limestone totals Early Woodland 1 6 1 1 9 Early/Middle Woodland 3 3 Middle Woodland 3 11 14 Middle/Late Woodland 20 13 9 42 Late Woodland 1 1 Mississippian 2 2 totals 23 1 6 13 1 1 13 2 11 71

Mississippian

Late Woodland

Middle/Late Woodland

Middle Woodland

Early/Middle Woodland

Early Woodland

0 5 10 15 20 25

cord-marked cord-marked cord-marked smoothed over cord-marked fabric-marked fabric-marked plain plain simple stamped limestone quartz LS mix limestone limestone quartz limestone shell limestone

FIGURE 7. Faulkner’s ceramic seriation for Workshop Rock Shelter, 2001 (Franklin 2002).

151 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

is perhaps most exaggerated for limes- study, but this is not a novel assertion. tone tempered cord-marked types. This Kneberg (1961:13-14) notes the apparent problem is compounded by the fact that ambiguity between Candy Creek, Hamil- few systematic excavations have been ton, Mulberry Creek, and Flint River for conducted in the region. It is evident that cord-marked wares. Faulkner (1968b:26, limestone tempered cord-marked pottery 28) also argued for the need to either re- was in use on the UCP for more than vise or further study both Candy Creek 1,500 years from at least the Early Wood- Cord Marked and Hamilton Cord Marked land, through the Late Woodland, and into in terms of both their temporal and geo- the “Mississippian” (this issue is ad- graphical distribution. Seemingly, his sug- dressed below in the discussion of lumi- gestions have been under utilized. Given nescence dates). Clearly, greater chrono- Faulkner’s concerns (and the authors'), logical resolution is warranted. In East formal types are not used in this study. Tennessee, Middle Woodland limestone Metric measurements are also of li- tempered cord-marked pottery is typically mited value in the seriation efforts pre- designated Candy Creek Cord Marked sented in this essay. Lewis and Kneberg (Lewis and Kneberg 1946:102-103), al- (1946:102) list the average wall thickness though the type designation has been for Candy Creek Cord Marked as ranging used as far west as the Nashville Basin between 5-7 mm. For Hamilton Cord (e.g., Dowd 1969) and the western Ten- marked, an average range for wall thick- nessee Valley (Kneberg 1961). In the ness is 6-8 mm (Lewis and Kneberg Middle Tennessee River Valley, this type 1946:103). On average, then, later Hamil- has been named Flint River Cord Marked ton wares are marginally thicker wares (Heimlich 1952:19). However, Faulkner than Candy Creek. (1968b:26, 32) suggests that Flint River For plain wares, the distinction be- Cord Marked is a regional variant of Can- tween Middle and Late Woodland vessels dy Creek Cord marked and thus should based on wall thickness is equally te- be dropped as a formal type in and of it- nuous. Lewis and Kneberg (1946:103) list self. similar thickness for Hamilton Plain and For the Late Woodland in East Ten- Hamilton Cord Marked, e.g., 6-8 mm. For nessee, limestone tempered cord-marked Mulberry Creek Plain, an apparent slightly wares are typically referred to as Hamilton earlier variant of Hamilton Plain (e.g., Cord Marked (Lewis and Kneberg Faulkner 1968b:29; King 1969:72), Heim- 1946:103). Again, this type designation lich (1952:16) gives a wall thickness has also been used in Middle Tennessee range for Mulberry Creek Plain as 3-10 (Dowd 1969). Mulberry Creek Cord mm, with 3-5 mm range being characteris- Marked is common in the Middle Tennes- tic. However, in the type description, Haag see River Valley (Heimlich 1952:21) and (1939:9) gives wall thicknesses of be- is also found in the Nashville Basin (Dowd tween 5.5-8 mm with 7 mm being usual. It 1969). However, this type is typically clay is common for both variants to exhibit or grog tempered. We have rarely en- smoothed or scraped surfaces (Haag countered such tempering on the UCP, 1939:9; Lewis and Kneberg 1946:103; and Faulkner (1968b:25) relates the same Faulkner 1968b:29; King 1969:72). for East Tennessee. To facilitate our study and ceramic ser- Thus, it appears that formal type de- iation of surface collected pottery from scriptions are indeed of limited use in our Workshop Rock Shelter, we have arbitra-

152 Workshop Rock Shelter

rily chosen the 6 mm mark to distinguish historical information. This is very impor- between Middle and Late Woodland li- tant because we mostly encounter the mestone tempered varieties. Candy Creek archaeological record on the UCP in such tends to be thinner than Hamilton for cord- contexts. As Dunnell and Feathers marked wares, while Mulberry Creek (1994:115-116) have stated, “The vast tends to be thinner than Hamilton for plain bulk of the archaeological record lies on wares. In short, Late Woodland types on the surface... It is obvious that if a spatial- the UCP tend to be thicker – this includes ly representative record is required, arc- smoothed over cord-marked varieties. haeologists must cope with surficial depo- This distinction is not hard and fast, how- sits.” Our discussion turns to recently ob- ever, as our luminescence dates will tained luminescence dates and how they demonstrate. Cord thickness was also have aided the most recent seriation ef- used whenever discernible. Candy Creek forts with the Workshop Rock Shelter ce- is typically more deeply impressed and ramics. the cordage ranges between 1-3 mm in thickness. Hamilton Cord Marked is more frequently shallow and loosely impressed Luminescence Dates with cordage ranging from 5-7 mm (Lewis and Kneberg 1946:102-103). We are clearly faced with some typo- Twelve luminescence dates for Wood- logical and methodological concerns. If land (or limestone tempered) ceramics we are to adequately establish the culture obtained from various contexts in rock history of the UCP of Tennessee, it is im- shelters on the UCP have been obtained portant to be able to sort our existing rock from recent site investigations. Seven of shelter pottery samples chronologically. the dates come from controlled strati- This is especially true if we wish to obtain graphic contexts, two from undisturbed spatially representative sampling (e.g. surface contexts, and three from disturbed Dunnell and Feathers 1994). The only surface contexts. Obtaining a lumines- way to do this is by a program of lumines- cence date from Workshop Rock Shelter cence dating of ceramics from: (1) reliable itself was also attempted without success. stratigraphic contexts through controlled Unfortunately, by the time the sample was excavations; and (2) surface ceramics collected in 2007, the shelter had been so from our rock shelter surveys. Advantages vandalized as to render the results use- of luminescence dating over traditional less even with adequate background radi- radiocarbon dating include the fact that ation sampling. Therefore, the artifact luminescence does not require the asso- dates introduced in this work are used to ciation of archaeological carbon with the assist in the seriation of the surface col- artifact under investigation (Lipo et al. lected ceramics from Workshop Rock 2005). Statistical error margins for lumi- Shelter. nescence dating are now well under 100 The initial luminescence dates were years, a far more precise range than the obtained from ceramics recovered from typological dating discussed above. This nearby Far View Gap Bluff Shelter. Inten- means that archaeological material from sive test excavations were conducted at disturbed contexts or surface collections this site in March 2007. Although the site can potentially be dated and therefore is multi-component, the primary compo- generate meaningful chronological and nent is a Late Woodland midden deposit

153 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

TABLE 3. Luminescence Dates from Far View Gap Bluff Shelter. Provenience Description Wall (sherd) Fine- Coarse- Thickness grained grained measure measure Test Unit 7, Piece Plot 20, OSL Sample 3: li- Level 2 mestone tempered smoothed over 8 mm AD 849 ± 67 AD 1019 ± 83 cord-marked body sherd Test Unit 7, Piece Plot 21, OSL Sample 4: li- Level 2 mestone tempered plain body 5 mm AD 1086 ± 44 AD 1108 ± 36 sherd

TABLE 4. Radiocarbon (AMS) Determination from Far View Gap Bluff Shelter. Lab # Provenience Description Measure Calibrated Calibrated Age means Ranges AA77119 499.5N, Piece Plot 5: sooted one 495.5E limestone tempered 1098 ± sigma: AD 896- AD 910 smoothed over cord- 37 BP 924 marked body sherd (36.9%) AD 963 AD 939- 987 (63.1%) two sigma: AD 878- AD 949 1020

(Franklin 2008b). Ceramics associated recovered from the same excavation unit with this deposit are limestone tempered XU 12, along the back (northwest) wall of plain and smoothed over cord-marked va- the shelter. The three samples were taken rieties. The luminescence dates for both from successive 5 cm levels. They are are clearly Late Woodland (Table 3). The separated by only 12 cm vertical differ- luminescence date for the smoothed over ence, and it was originally thought that the cord-marked sherd is corroborated by an Woodland occupation of the site was re- AMS date on soot from a similar sherd stricted in temporal duration. The first (likely the same vessel) at the site (Table AMS determination from the site on wood 4). These chronometric dates were taken charcoal from Feature 2 suggested that from reliable stratigraphic contexts and the ceramics might be limited to the Early are confirmed by the association of other Woodland. An AMS measure of 2308 ± 35 diagnostic artifacts, such as Hamilton and BP would seem to be consistent with this Madison points. idea. However, the luminescence dates Eagle Drink Bluff Shelter, also very clearly indicate that the ceramics at Eagle close by, was excavated during three Drink span most of the Woodland period successive summer field seasons (2005- (Table 5). A Middle Woodland placement 07). This site, too, is multi-component. for limestone tempered cord-marked However, stratified Woodland period de- wares (e.g., Candy Creek) is supported posits were encountered in the excava- based on the dates. The criss-cross cord- tions (Franklin 2008b). The luminescence marked sherd dates to the early Late pottery samples from Eagle Drink were Woodland (or late Middle Woodland).

154 Workshop Rock Shelter

TABLE 5. Luminescence Dates from Eagle Drink Bluff Shelter. Provenience Description Wall (sherd) Fine-grained thickness measure Excavation Unit Piece Plot 44, OSL Sample 2: limestone 12, Level 4 tempered cris-cross cord-marked body 5.4 mm AD 676 ± 45 sherd Excavation Unit Piece Plot 65, OSL Sample 4: limestone 12, Level 5 tempered cord-marked body sherd 6.15 mm AD 3 ± 66 Excavation Unit Piece Plot 89, OSL Sample 5: limestone 12, Level 6 tempered fabric-marked body sherd 7.24 mm BC 1218 ± 115

TABLE 6. Additional Luminescence Dates from Rock Shelters of the Upper Cum- berland Plateau of Tennessee. Site/Provenience Description Wall (sherd) Fine-grained thickness measure Job Site Rock Shelter, Test Pit OSL Sample 1: limestone tempered 1 cord-marked body sherd 6.77 mm AD 953 ± 23.08 Gwinn Cove Rock Shelter, OSL Sample 1: limestone tempered Test Pit 2 cris-cross cord-marked body sherd 7.42 mm AD 1111 ± 32.7 Bobcat Arch Rock Shelter, OSL Sample 1: limestone tempered surface cord-marked body sherd 7.24 mm AD 803 ± 39.71 Pogue Creek Cave 1, vestibule OSL Sample 1: limestone tempered surface cord-marked body sherd 5.46mm AD 1009 ± 26.61 Big Sandy Conor Rock Shelter OSL Sample 1: limestone tempered (40Fn248), surface cord-marked body sherd 13.00 mm BC 177 ± 98.04 Hemlock Falls Rock House OSL Sample 1: limestone tempered (40Fn239), surface cord-marked body sherd 7.60 mm AD 678 ± 36. 54 Deep Green Rock House, sur- OSL Sample 1: limestone tempered face smoothed over cord-marked body 7.55mm AD 1400 ± sherd 14.89

A very early date for limestone tem- Roane County. That date has not been pered fabric-marked wares was also ob- published yet, but it, too, yielded a date of tained from the site. The luminescence more than 3,000 years ago on limestone measure of BC 1218 ± 115 dates this pot- tempered fabric-marked pottery (Franklin tery to more than 3,000 years ago. This 2007). The results were generated from seems too early for this type (e.g., Long two different labs indicating independent Branch Fabric Marked) of pottery in Mid- results for these very early dates (we dle and East Tennessee (McCollough and have also just recently obtained a lumi- Faulkner 1973; Lafferty 1978, 1981). We nescence date of more than 3000 years note two things here. First, the lumines- for a grit tempered fabric-marked sherd cence measure is virtually identical to from a shelter in Upper East Tennessee). another one from Red Velvet Spider A luminescence date of AD 953 ± 23 Rockshelter on the Tennessee River in was also obtained from limestone tem-

155 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

pered cord-marked pottery from a small The remaining three luminescence test unit at nearby Job Site Rock Shelter dates come from surface contexts in dis- (Table 6). The sherd thickness was 6.7 turbed rock shelters on the UCP. Howev- mm, within the range of both Candy Creek er, it is believed that the results are ro- Cord Marked and Hamilton Cord Marked. bust. This is further supported by robust The date, however, clearly is more in line luminescence dates on pottery from dis- with Hamilton. turbed plow zone contexts in the Central From a test unit at Gwinn Cove Rock Mississippi Valley (Lipo et al. 2005). The Shelter, a luminescence date of AD 1111 earliest date for limestone tempered cord- ± 32.7 for limestone tempered criss-cross marked pottery comes from Big Sandy cord-marked pottery was obtained (Table Conor Rock Shelter. The measure of 177 6). This date is nearly 500 years later than ± 98 BC (2127 ± 98 BP) clearly places it in the date for criss-cross cord-marked at the Early Woodland period. This particular Eagle Drink. The sherd is also significant- sherd measured 13 mm in thickness, ly thicker (7.42 mm) than the Eagle Drink lending support to its Early Woodland sample (5.4 mm). date (this specimen is clearly a body While a reliable luminescence date sherd and not a basal sherd). from surface collected pottery at Work- A luminescence measure of AD 678 ± shop was not recovered, robust measures 36.54 was obtained from a limestone on surface collected sherds from other tempered cord-marked sherd from Hem- shelters in the region have been generat- lock Falls Rock House. The sherd meas- ed (Table 6). Two dates come from undis- ured 7.6 mm in thickness, outside the turbed, or pristine, contexts. Bobcat Arch range of Candy Creek. However, the date Rock Shelter was investigated in January suggests a transition from the Middle to 2008. The site has multiple components late Woodland periods. with artifacts lying on the surface near the Finally, a luminescence date of AD back wall. There was no evidence of his- 1400 ± 15 for a limestone tempered toric disturbance or traffic. A lumines- smoothed over cord-marked sherd was cence date of AD 803 ± 39.71 for a limes- generated from Deep Green Rock House. tone tempered cord-marked sherd was This example is perhaps the only dubious obtained from the site. Interestingly, this date in the sample discussed in this re- sherd measured only 4.86 mm in thick- search. This date is seemingly far too late ness, outside the range of Late Woodland for the use of limestone tempered pottery wares as described by previous research- on the UCP. Faulkner (personal commu- ers (Haag 1939; Lewis and Kneberg nication, 2008) suggests AD 1100 as an 1946:102-103). appropriate date for the end of limestone A luminescence measure of AD 1009 tempering in the region. However, limes- ± 26.61 was also derived from a limestone tone tempered cord-marked ceramics tempered cord-marked sherd recovered have been recovered from very late con- from an undisturbed surface context in the texts in southwest Virginia. This date is vestibule of Pogue Creek Cave 1. The tentatively accepted until more is known sherd thickness is 5.46 mm, again see- about the Woodland-Mississippian transi- mingly outside the range of Hamilton Cord tion on the UCP. Marked.

156 Workshop Rock Shelter

Mississippian

Late Woodland

Middle/Late Woodland

Middle Woodland

Early/Middle Woodland

Early Woodland

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

cord-marked cord-marked cord-marked cord-marked smoothed over cord-marked limestone quartz sand, grit, quartz mix LS mix limestone smoothed over cord-marked smoothed over cord-marked fabric-marked fabric-marked plain quartz LS mix limestone quartz limestone plain plain simple stamped smoothed over simple stamped LS mix shell limestone limestone

FIGURE 8. Final ceramic seriation for Workshop Rock Shelter.

TABLE 7. Final Ceramic Seriation for Workshop Rock Shelter. smooth cord smooth over smooth mark cord over smooth cord- over cord sand, mark cord- over mark fabric plain simple simple mark cord grit, lime- mark cord- lime- mark fabric plain lime- stamp stamp lime- mark quartz stone lime- mark stone lime- mark lime- stone plain lime- lime- stone quartz mix mix stone quartz mix stone quartz stone mix shell stone stone total Woodland Early 6 5 9 1 7 3 31 E/M 11 11 Middle 61 13 2 11 7 94 M/L 0 Late 20 4 19 1 44 Mississippian 3 3 Totals 72 6 5 9 20 1 4 7 3 32 2 4 11 7 183

Workshop Ceramics Revisited further supported by our AMS date of AD 883 in Level 3, Unit 5 discussed earlier. The latest ceramic seriation for Work- This level also contained limestone tem- shop Rock Shelter is consistent with pered, smoothed over cord-marked pot- Faulkner’s earlier seriation. Based on re- tery. To be certain, Faulkner’s seriation cent luminescence dates (e. g., Far View was completed before the Late Woodland Gap), and the seriation for Workshop AMS date was obtained from recent arc- Rock Shelter presented in this study, it is haeological testing. The authors believe proposed that smoothed over cord- that the seriation presented in this article marked pottery should be revised from a accurately reflects a significant Late Middle/Late Woodland designation to the Woodland component at the site as rec- Late Woodland period (Table 7, Figure 8). orded in the test excavations at the site. This revision of culture period affiliation is

157 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

Discussion sample sizes and many more lumines- cence dates to clarify the issues broached In the end, the authors are perhaps in this essay. left with more questions than answers. The discussed excavations and analyses Summary do not purport to have solved Woodland ceramic systems on the UCP at this point. By combining luminescence dating However, some facts are clear. For ex- with the typological descriptions, including ample, luminescence dates confirm some- metric measurements such as vessel thing that has been suspected for some thickness, the authors can begin to seriate time by the authors, namely that limes- existing UCP rock shelter collections. tone tempered cord-marked pottery was Given the methodological problems dis- made and used on the UCP for most of cussed in this paper, however, the au- the Woodland period. The authors pre- thors urge scholars and cultural resource viously suggested a temporal span of managers working in the Tennessee re- perhaps 1000 years (Franklin and Bow gion to avoid assigning formal typological 2007). However, the life history for this designations to surface collected/survey ceramic type is closer to 1500 years. Ear- materials unless the artifacts in questions ly Woodland limestone tempered cord- are derived from controlled stratigraphic marked pottery is very thick (e.g., Big proveniences. Temporal designations Sandy Conor Rock Shelter). Unfortunate- beyond “Woodland” would also seem to ly, metric measurements and existing type be ambitious in survey assessments, at descriptions do not help much in sorting least from cord-marked wares. We further out the Middle and Late Woodland. The suggest the inclusion of funds for lumi- luminescence dates presented in this nescence dating in archaeological survey work indicate that neither wall thickness project budgets as a means of acquiring nor cordage width is a robust indicator of meaningful chronological information. chronology on the UCP. This level of archaeological inquiry should Temporal variation in rim and lip forms become a standard research method. may yet aid in sorting out Woodland pot- Such an approach would be a big step tery on the UCP. Unfortunately, the au- forward, although dozens more lumines- thors recovered only two cord-marked cence dates are necessary before arc- rims from Workshop Rock Shelter. The haeologists can consider this approach first was quartz tempered with a flattened reliable and statistically meaningful. cord-marked lip and may be Early Wood- During the past several months the au- land. The second was limestone tem- thors have obtained both internal and pered and smoothed over cord-marked extramural funding to pursue a lumines- with smaller cordage like Candy Creek. cence dating program. Twelve lumines- The lip is rounded and slightly flattened cence dates from ceramic specimens in and narrowed, which is not particularly rock shelters on the UCP and the ceramic helpful in delineating between Candy assemblage from Workshop Rock Shelter Creek and Hamilton. The sherd is more have been used to highlight this ap- than 8 mm thick near the bottom (opposite proach. In the coming months, we will al- the lip) and was assigned a Late Wood- so begin to use this approach for diagnos- land temporal designation. In short, arc- tic heated and burned stone tools. The haeologists require greatly increased authors believe this will allow a more

158 Workshop Rock Shelter

meaningful interpretation of the culture laim it. I am very grateful for his help and friend- history of the region. Further, this ap- ship. Thanks go to Jeff Wiley and the folks at the Hangin’ Hog BBQ for always making sure we are proach will generate useful chronological well fed while in the field. We very much appre- information from survey projects for mak- ciate Tim Baumann and Mark Groover for inviting ing better informed decisions regarding us to contribute a paper to this volume in honor of National Register assessments. In sum, Charles Faulkner. Lastly, we appreciate the con- this approach will anchor the long term structive and cogent comments of two anonymous reviewers. We all responsibility for any short- research and management strategies for comings of this research. the UCP, including the long term archaeo- logical survey of Pogue Creek State Natu- References ral Area (Franklin 2008a). Bow, Sierra M. and Jay D. Franklin Acknowledgements: Jay Franklin sincerely thanks 2008 The Upper Cumberland Plateau Arc- Charles Faulkner for all his help and vast know- haeological Thermoluminescence Dat- ledge concerning Southeastern prehistory and ing Project. Paper Presented at the ceramics. Charles Faulkner has always made time 20th Annual Current Research in Ten- to help and answer the questions of students and colleagues, even when he is very busy. I am a far nessee Archaeology Meeting, Nash- better archaeologist for his influence. We owe a ville. sincere debt of gratitude to the Estate of Bruno Gernt, Inc. for allowing us to conduct these exca- Braudel, Fernand vations. Jay Franklin is especially indebted to Jerry 1972 The Mediterranean and the Mediterra- Gernt for his support and friendship. The AMS nean World in the Age of Phillip II. dates were done by the NSF-Arizona AMS Facility Harper & Row, New York. at the University of Arizona. Funding for the AMS dates was provided the NSF-Arizona AMS Facility Campbell, John C. and a Major Research Development competitive 1921 The Southern Highlander and His grant from the Office of the Vice Provost for Re- search and Sponsored Programs, ETSU. Funding Homeland. Russell Sage Foundation, for the luminescence dates was provided by the New York. Honors College, ETSU in the form of a Student– Faculty Collaborative grant to Sierra Bow and Jay Des Jean, T. and J. L. Benthall Franklin, a Major Research Development competi- 1994 A Lithic Based Prehistoric Cultural tive grant to Jay Franklin from the Office of the Chronology of the Upper Cumberland Vice Provost for Research and Sponsored Pro- Plateau. Tennessee Anthropologist grams, ETSU, and a Survey and Planning Grant 19(2):115-147. awarded to Jay Franklin by the Tennessee Histori- cal Commission. Carl Lipo and Sachiko Sakai at Dowd, John T. the Institute for Integrated Research in Materials, Environments, and Society (IIRMES) Lab at Cali- 1969 Excavation of a Tennessee Overhang: fornia State University Long Beach conducted the Mill Creek Overhang (40DV33). Ten- luminescence dating. We are very grateful to them nessee Archaeologist 25(1):1-19. for their tireless efforts. The Department of Sociol- ogy and Anthropology, ETSU also provided fund- Dunnell, Robert C. and James K. Feathers ing for the field research. Lucinda Langston served 1994 Thermoluminescence Dating of Surfi- as crew chief and lab manager for our field cial Archaeological Material. In Dating projects. Former ETSU students Andrew Hyder, in Exposed and Surface Contexts, Jenna Cormany, Jessi Farley, Charlie Hall, Cindy edited by Charlotte Beck, pp. 115-137. Turner, and Lacey Stewart helped excavate Work- University of New Mexico Press, Albu- shop Rock Shelter. Conor Franklin and Miller Franklin also assisted in the excavations. Joe Te- querque. vepaugh did his best to monitor Workshop Rock Shelter and expended great personal effort to rec-

159 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

Faulkner, Charles H. Upper Cumberland Plateau of Ten- 1968a Archaeological Investigations in the nessee. Paper Presented at the 63rd Tims Ford Reservoir, Tennessee, Annual Southeastern Archaeological 1966. Report of Investigations 6, De- Conference, Little Rock, Arkansas. partment of Anthropology, The Univer- 2007 Cave and Rock Shelter Excavations sity of Tennessee, Knoxville. on the Tennessee River, Roane Coun- 1968b A Review of Pottery Types in the ty, Tennessee. Paper Presented at the Eastern Tennessee Valley. Southeas- 64th Annual Meeting of the Southeas- tern Archaeological Conference Bulle- tern Archaeological Conference, tin 8:23-35. Knoxville, Tennessee. 1978 Ceramics of the Owl Hollow Phase in 2008a Archaeological Survey of Pogue Creek South-Central Tennessee: A Prelimi- Gorge State Natural Area. Paper Pre- nary Report. Tennessee Anthropolo- sented at the 20th Annual Current Re- gist 3(2):187-202. search in Tennessee Archaeology 1988 Middle Woodland Community and Set- Meeting, Nashville. tlement Patterns on the Eastern High- 2008b Luminescence Dates and Woodland land Rim, Tennessee. In Middle Ceramics from Rock Shelters on the Woodland Settlement and Ceremo- Upper Cumberland Plateau of Ten- nialism in the Mid-South and Lower nessee. Tennessee Archaeology Mississippi Valley, edited by R. C. 3(1):87-100. Mainfort, Jr., pp. 75-98. Archaeological Report No. 22, Mississippi Department Franklin, Jay D. and Sierra Bow of Archives and History, Jackson. 2007 Archaeological Explorations of Work- 2001 Woodland Cultures of the Elk and shop Rock Shelter, Upper Cumberland Duck River Valleys, Tennessee: Con- Plateau, Tennessee. Paper presented tinuity and Change. In The Woodland at the 64th Annual Southeastern Arc- Southeast, edited by D. G. Anderson haeological Conference, Knoxville, and R. C. Mainfort, Jr., pp. 185-203. Tennessee. The University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Haag, William G. 1939 Pottery Type Descriptions. Newsletter, Ferguson, T. A., R. A. Pace, J. W. Gardner, Southeastern Archaeological Confe- and R.W. Hoffman rence, Vol. 1, No. 1, Lexington. 1986 An Archaeological Reconnaissance and Testing of Indirect Impact Areas Heimlich, Marion D. Within Selected Development Sites of 1952 Guntersville Basin Pottery. Geological the Big South Fork National River and Survey of Alabama, Museum Paper Recreation Area. Final Report of the No. 32. University, Alabama. University of Tennessee Big South Fork Archaeological Project. Submit- King, Duane H. ted to U.S. Army Engineer District, 1969 Pottery, Site (40Mr7). In Arc- Nashville. haeological Investigations in the Telli- co Reservoir, Tennessee, 1967-1968: Franklin, Jay D. An Interim Report, edited by Lawr V. 2002 Prehistory of Fentress County, Ten- Salo, pp. 58-82. Department of Anth- nessee: An Archaeological Survey. ropology, University of Tennessee, Doctoral Dissertation, Department of Knoxville. Anthropology, University of Tennes- see, Knoxville, University Microfilms, Kneberg, Madeline D. Ann Arbor, Michigan. 1961 Four Southeastern Limestone- 2006 Prehistoric Culture Chronology on the tempered Pottery Complexes. Sou-

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theastern Archaeological Conference Jay D. Franklin Newsletter 7(2):3-14. Department of Sociology and Anthropology East Tennessee State University Lafferty, Robert H., III Johnson City, Tennessee 37614 1978 The Early Woodland Chronological Sierra Bow and Cultural Affinities at Phipps Bend Department of Sociology and Anthropology on the Holston River, Northeast Ten- East Tennessee State University nessee. Journal of Alabama Archaeo- Johnson City, Tennessee 37614 logy 24(2):132-150. 1981 The Phipps Bend Archaeological Project. Research Series 4, Office of Archaeological Research, University of Alabama, and TVA Publications in Anthropology 26, Knoxville.

Lewis, Thomas M. N. and Madeline D. Kne- berg 1946 Hiwassee Island: An Archaeological Account of Four Tennessee Indian Peoples. The University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville.

Lipo, Carl P., James K. Feathers, and Robert C. Dunnell 2005 Temporal Data Requirements, Lumi- nescence Dates, and the Resolution of Chronological Structure of Late Pre- historic Deposits in the Central Missis- sippi Valley. American Antiquity 70(3):527-544.

McCollough, Major C. R. and Charles H. Faulkner 1973 Excavation of the Higgs and Doughty Sites, I-75 Salvage Archaeology. Ten- nessee Archaeological Society, Mis- cellaneous Papers No. 12, Knoxville.

Sullivan, Lynne P. and Susan C. Prezzano (editors) 2001 Archaeology of the Appalachian High- lands. The University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville.

Swanton, John R. 1946 Indians of the Southeastern United States. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin No. 137. Smithsonian Institu- tion, Washington, D. C.

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EXPLORING HOOSIER MATERIAL CULTURE: LANDSCAPE AND ARCHITECTURAL ARCHAEOLOGY AT THE MOORE-YOUSE HOUSE AND HUDDLESTON FARMSTEAD

Mark D. Groover

Excavations conducted at the Moore-Youse house and Huddleston farmstead in east central In- diana illustrate typical landscape and architectural changes that transpire at dwellings occupied by multiple households. The two sites presented in this essay demonstrate that archaeologically identified landscape and architectural events, such as the movement of refuse disposal areas over time and dwelling expansion and renovation episodes, often correspond to domestic transi- tions in which a new household succeeds a previous household. Further, the two Midwest case studies discussed in this essay also illustrate the variety of cultural and material conditions that existed among Hoosier households during the 19th century.

Domestic sites are canvases--upon multiple households. During the 1800s which the residents’ life histories are ma- residents of the Moore-Youse house lived terially recorded. This material record of in the town of Muncie, Indiana. Publically, lives lived in times past is particularly evi- their house, its furnishings, and their way dent archaeologically in the diachronic of life reflected middle-class adoption of progression of landscape changes and Victorian inspired popular culture ele- architectural events that transpired at his- ments in the Midwest. Privately, their resi- toric sites. At residences that possess dence and especially the rear house yard, time depth, for example, midden loci located on a double town lot, resembled a change and shift over time, fence line lo- small farmstead that contained a garden, cations are altered, outbuildings are con- orchard, a chicken house, and livestock. structed, moved, or razed, and dwellings The foodways and diet practiced by the often experience a broad variety of altera- residents of the Moore-Youse house, tions, such as the addition of rooms and supplied by livestock raised in the house periodic renovation episodes. All of these lot, likewise reflected a relatively strong landscape and architectural events in turn rural orientation during much of the 19th wax and wane with the material life histo- century (Blanch 2006; Groover 2004). ries of the people and households that In contrast to the Moore-Youse house, lived at domestic sites. the Huddleston farmstead, located in In the following essay archaeological Mount Auburn, Indiana along the National indicators of landscape and architectural Road (modern-day U.S. 40), was estab- change are explored at the Moore-Youse lished in the late 1840s by lapsed Quak- house and the Huddleston farmstead. ers from North Carolina. Under the lea- Both of these home places are located in dership of patriarch John Huddleston, east central Indiana. These two sites illu- members of the Huddleston family were strate the development and characteris- frontier entrepreneurs and practiced an tics of Hoosier material culture during the aggressive economic strategy during the 19th century. The sites also illustrate the second half of the 1800s. The Huddleston landscape and architectural change that family not only operated a successful farm typically occurs at houses occupied by but also commercially catered to the wa-

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The Moore-Youse House

The Moore-Youse house in Muncie is located in east central Indiana, approx- imately 50 miles northeast of Indianapolis (Figure 1). Occupied during the early his- toric period by the Delaware Indians, Eu- ropean-American settlement of the area that would eventually become Delaware County and Muncie began with Indian traders in the 1820s. Goldsmith Gilbert, for example, was an influential trader that operated a trading post near the Moore- Youse house. Between the 1830s and 1850s, Muncie experienced the transition from a frontier community to a small farm- ing town. Agriculture was the leading eco- nomic activity in the local area until natu- ral gas was discovered in the 1880s. As a result of the natural gas boom Muncie be- gan to industrialize after the 1880s (Kem- FIGURE 1. Location of the Moore-Youse house per 1908:104, 148). and Huddleston farmstead in Indiana. Unfortunately, the early occupational gon trade and the steady stream of set- history of the Moore-Youse house lot is tlers migrating west along the National not complete. The Moore-Youse house is Road between the 1850s and 1870s. At located in the earliest settled area of their farm along the National Road in Muncie that was originally part of the Mount Auburn, the Huddleston family op- Hackley Reserve, an early land purchase. erated a general store, an inn, a This land tract was purchased by trader campground, a wagon yard, livery, black- Goldsmith Gilbert in 1825 and contained smith shop, and a wagon weigh station. 627 acres. Gilbert later donated the land Interestingly, this aggressive economic surrounding the Moore-Youse house to strategy was tempered by a strong reli- the city of Muncie in 1827 (Haimbaugh gious orientation within the Huddleston 1924:413). Artifacts recovered from site family. Originally Quakers, the family excavations suggest that the Moore- parted from the church while in Indiana Youse property was first inhabited at this but remained religiously active, especially time. John Huddleston, a productive religious In 1844 Goldsmith Gilbert died and the scholar who authored several essays and property encompassing the house lot was books that disagreed with Quaker doctrine officially bequeathed to his daughter and (Burns 1919:231; Huddleston Family son-in-law, Mary Jane Gilbert Andrews Records n.d.). In the following paper, arc- and Daniel Andrews. Archaeological evi- haeology conducted at the Moore-Youse dence indicates the property was occu- house is first presented followed by a dis- pied perhaps as early as the late 1820s or cussion of site investigations at the Hud- early 1830s, but the identity of the first oc- dleston farmstead.

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FIGURE 2. Mary “Mame” Moore Youse and William Youse at their home in the 1890s. cupants is not known. Historical records originally from Virginia, who then deeded do indicate that the property was sold in the town lot and dwelling to his daughter 1844 by Mary Jane and Daniel Andrews Elizabeth “Clara” Crooks Quinn Moore to Anderson Carter, a tailor, and his wife and her husband Charles W. Moore. Lavina Groover Carter. Shortly after pur- Charles and Clara had a son, Charles E. chasing the property, the daughter of La- Moore and a daughter Mary Elizabeth vina and Anderson, Deborah Conn Carter, "Mame" Moore that were born in 1862 and was born between approximately 1846 1865, respectively. Charles Moore, Sr. and 1848 in the house on the property died in 1898 and Clara passed away in (Ball State University Archives and Spe- 1904. Their daughter Mary "Mame" Moore cial Collections [BSUASC] 1844, 1849). resided at the house for the remainder of Based on extant records, the residents her life. She married William R. Youse in of the dwelling between the 1840s and the 1893 and they had one child, Mary, in 1980s were middle class residents of 1896 (Figure 2). Mame and Will Youse Muncie. Anderson Carter was a tailor, and died in 1943 and 1945, respectively. In later residents consisting of the Moore 1946 Mame and Will's daughter, Mary and Youse families, were involved in law Youse, married John J. (Jack) Maxon. and local businesses. They were also John Maxon was a successful Muncie church leaders in the community. In 1864 businessman. Interestingly, Mary Youse Anderson Carter sold the property con- Maxon continued to maintain the house taining the dwelling to Samuel P. Wilson, after her marriage and resided there after

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also identified in the north area of the house lot (Figure 3). During summer 2004 and 2005, test units were also ex- cavated in the east and north midden locations. The levels in the units were excavated in 0.20 tenths of feet in order to conduct time sequence analy- sis, a fine-grained type of stra- tigraphic analysis (Groover 1998, 2001, 2003). The unit FIGURE 3. Artifact density map showing midden loci at the adjacent to the west door of the Moore-Youse house. dwelling contained a broad and the death of her husband John Maxon in abundant range of household 1957. Mary Maxon died in 1982 and in her items and faunal material. A dense depo- will she donated her family home to the sit of architectural debris from a substan- Delaware County Historical Society, which tial renovation episode to the house was has maintained the property as a house also encountered in the excavation museum since this time (Hoover 1990). squares (Figure 4). In contrast to the mid- den adjacent to the west side of the house Archaeology at the Moore-Youse lot, the midden in the northwest corner of House the house lot dated to the late 19th and early 20th century. The results of arc- During summer 2004 and 2005 Ball haeological investigations at the Moore- State University anthropology students Youse house are now discussed. under the direction of Mark Groover con- ducted grant-supported archaeological excavations at the Moore-Youse house in downtown Muncie, In- diana. During archaeological in- vestigations, the field crew es- tablished a site grid in the house lot and excavated shovel test pits at 10 ft. intervals. This in- formation was then used to iden- tify the spatial extent and cha- racteristics of archaeological deposits in the house lot. Spatial analysis of the material from the shovel test pit survey indicated that a dense midden was lo- cated in the east central area of the house lot immediately adja- cent to the west door of the FIGURE 4. Excavation unit showing deposit of architectural de- dwelling. A dense midden was bris in profile wall.

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Household Dynamics and Material year in October, Mary Jane Gilbert An- Trends at the Moore-Youse House drews and her husband Daniel H. An- drews sold the property to Anderson Historical and archaeological informa- Carter and his wife Lavina. Anderson tion associated with the Moore-Youse Carter was a tailor. Between 1849 and house allows the reconstruction of materi- 1850 tax records for the property in- al trends related to architectural change, creased from $600 to $730, suggesting landscape change, and foodways. Re- architectural improvements were made to garding household dynamics, it is as- the dwelling after the Carters purchased sumed that the sequence of residents that the property. Garriott's (1995) architectur- lived in the dwelling significantly influ- al study of the dwelling indicates that the enced the life history of the house lot, ground floor was expanded from a single dwelling, and material consumption at the to two-room structure at this time (Figure site. These topics are explored in the fol- 5). A second story containing two rooms lowing discussion. was also added. Corresponding to this Previously discussed historical records dwelling expansion, a dense architectural associated with the Moore-Youse House midden was encountered in excavation indicate that at least four historically units 1, 3, and 4 next to the structure con- known households resided in the dwelling (Hoover 1990). An architectural study of the house conducted in 1995 by Russell Garriott (1995), a Ball State University his- tory student, revealed that the footprint of the structure changed and grew over time, corresponding with the successive households that occupied the residence. Remnants of an earlier foundation located beneath the floor boards of the extant dwelling indicate that the residence origi- nally consisted of a one-room structure, possibly a log house, which was one story in height. Window glass dates from levels 8 through 9 of the test units located west of the structure's side door indicate the dwelling was constructed between the 1820s and 1830s. During the 1820s and 1830s the surrounding community con- sisted of only a few dwellings and a trad- ing post operated by Goldsmith Gilbert, the founder of Muncie (Kemper 1908). The identity of the dwelling's original resi- dent is not known, although trader Goldsmith Gilbert owned the property. In January1844 Goldsmith Gilbert died and his daughter Mary Jane Gilbert An- FIGURE 5. Floor plan showing additions to the drews inherited the property. Later that Moore-Youse house over time.

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firming that the house experienced a ma- terial was encountered in the upper levels jor architectural expansion episode during of the test units adjacent to the west side the late 1840s and early 1850s. Archaeo- of the dwelling. The later concentration of logical deposits dating to this period were architectural material was present in le- encountered in the test units adjacent to vels 3, 2, and 1. These later deposits date the west door. These deposits consisted from the 1860s through the 1870s of a dense concentration of brick, mortar, (Groover 2004). There were no other wall plaster, window glass, and nails. The known major dwelling additions after the architectural deposit is probably debris 1880s. from the expansion of the existing dwel- Approximately a decade after complet- ling, involving the removal of existing ing the last of the dwelling renovations in walls, and the subsequent addition of the the 1880s, Charles Moore and Clara east room and second story in the late Moore passed away in 1898 and 1904. At 1840s or early 1850s. this time Mary "Mame" Elizabeth Moore Approximately fourteen years later in Youse inherited the property at age 40. 1864 the Carter family sold the dwelling Mame had previously married William and it was purchased by Samuel P. Wil- Youse in 1893. They had a daughter, son in 1864. Wilson subsequently deeded Mary, in 1896 and resided at the dwelling the house to his daughter Clara and her for the remainder of their lives. Their husband Charles Wesley Moore. The daughter, Mary Youse, married Jack Moore-Youse family, comprising a female Maxon late in life in 1946. After her hus- centered lineal household, in turn occu- band's death in 1957, Mary Youse Maxon pied the residence for over a century. continued to live at her family home until Charles and Clara Moore had two child- her death in 1982 (Hoover 1990). ren, Charles Edward Moore in 1862 and The above review of architectural Mary "Mame" Moore in 1864 (Hoover trends indicates that two of the four known 1990). Shortly after purchasing the home households that resided in the dwelling in 1864 the Moore family expanded the expanded the structure between the late four-room house and added a rear ell on 1840s and 1880s, consisting of the Carter the west side of the structure that served and Moore-Youse families. In turn, the as a dining room. In the 1870s a kitchen archaeological midden located immediate- addition and utility room were also added ly west of the dwelling confirms these to the north wall of the structure imme- known architectural events, in which at diately east of the dining room. A decade least two dwelling expansion episodes are later in the early 1880s a back bedroom, evident in the archaeological record. Inte- bathroom, furnace room, and two other restingly, the architectural expansion epi- smaller rooms were added to the second sodes to the house likewise correspond to story. During the 1880s a garage and utili- household succession periods, which are ty room were also added to the first floor typically punctuated by episodes of land- north of the 1870s kitchen addition (Gar- scape and architectural change (Groover riott 1995). Victorian-influenced architec- 1998, 2003, 2004, 2008). As documented tural embellishments were also added to in previous studies (Groover 1998, 2003, the front exterior facade of the house dur- 2004, 2008), episodes of landscape and ing this period (Blanch 2006). Archaeolog- architectural change often transpire when ically, corresponding to these additions, a a new household assumes occupancy of second concentration of architectural ma- a residence from a former household. At

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the Moore-Youse house, for example, five the Gibbs farmstead in east Tennessee years after purchasing the dwelling, the (Groover 1998, 2003, 2004) and Bush Hill Carter family expanded the dwelling in ca. plantation in South Carolina (Cabak and 1849. Likewise, within five years of pur- Groover 2004, 2006). The household chasing the house, the C.W. Moore family specific movement of midden loci over also expanded the dwelling initially in time is called midden shift. Midden shift 1864 and continued their home improve- refers to diachronic change in the location ments for the next 20 years up to the of refuse disposal areas as new residents 1880s. occupy a dwelling and as new landscape As the Moore-Youse dwelling ex- elements, such as dwelling additions or panded and grew with the life history of its the creation of new outbuildings, are add- residents, the house lot also experienced ed to house lots. landscape changes. House lot change is In addition to architectural and land- particularly evident in the temporal loca- scape change, material life at the Moore- tion of midden loci in the side and rear Youse house during the 1800s was also house lot adjacent to the dwelling. A characterized by material continuity in dense midden dating from the 1820s or several related domains. It is assumed 1830s to the 1870s was located imme- that the occupation of the site by a lineal diately west of the dwelling, correspond- family, composed of a mother, daughter, ing to the location of a west side door and granddaughter from the 1860s to the (Figure 3). This midden was created when 1980s, provided a substantial strand of the dwelling was fist constructed and in- female-centered continuity at the resi- habited in the 1820s or 1830s. As men- dence. Mame and Charles Moore, occu- tioned previously, architectural debris pants of the house from the 1860s to the from dwelling expansion episodes in the early 1900s, were church leaders and al- 1840s and 1860s or 1870s was also evi- so active in the local Temperance Move- dent in units excavated in this west side ment, beginning in the 1870s (Hoover area of the house lot. 1990). Interestingly, compared to typical As new rooms were added to the rear 19th-century domestic sites, few frag- of the dwelling, the location of refuse dis- ments of glass from alcoholic beverage posal areas shifted in the house lot to the containers were recovered from excava- back area of the lot closer to the extant tion. Likewise, excavations did not pro- rear fence line (Figure 3). The previously duce any tobacco pipe fragments, sug- active midden area adjacent to the west gesting that a healthy lifestyle devoid of side of the house became inactive and alcohol consumption and tobacco use served as the location of decorative flower was practiced at the house during the beds, as revealed through period photo- second half of the 1800s. graphs. Likewise, dark, rich soil fill was In addition to abstinence from alcohol encountered in the upper levels of the and tobacco, material continuity was also units next to the house. Numerous flower observed in redware ceramic use. Con- pot fragments were recovered in the up- ventional wisdom regarding redware use per levels corresponding to this shift in during the 19th century emphasizes that site use. This cultural practice in which this locally made folk ceramic was mainly refuse disposal behavior and midden lo- used during the pioneer period in most cations move over time has been ob- regions and disappeared as the frontier served at several other house lots such as period ended (Groover 1998, 2003). Fur-

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the residence is prob- ably due to cost. Two redware vessels could typically be purchased for the price of one stoneware container during the 1800s. The greater cost of stone- ware was due to the superior quality of stoneware clay re- quired to produce the ceramic. Stoneware, a semi-vitreous ceramic, also required more fuel FIGURE 6. Distribution of ceramics by ware types at the Moore-Youse in the kiln to produce house. higher firing tempera- tures compared to redware, which would have also added to vessel cost (Groover 1998). In addition to ma- terial continuity, the general foodways that were practiced by the site occupants were revealed by the ce- ramics that they used and discarded. Sixty percent of the ceramic sample obtained from FIGURE 7. Distribution of ceramics by decoration types at the Moore- site excavations is Youse house. composed of ironstone ther, it is assumed by many archaeolog- and whiteware flatware (designated white ists that redware was quickly replaced by bodied ware in Figure 6), indicating por- stoneware utilitarian ceramics in most tioned meals consumed on plates were areas during the 1800s. Interestingly, the main type of dining practices used by redware is the most prevalent utilitarian the occupants. Within the tableware cate- ceramic at the site throughout the 1800s, gory, 48 percent of the ceramics are com- comprising almost 40 percent of the ce- posed of painted wares, consisting of ramic sample. Stoneware was used to a spatter, mocha or dipped wares, and edge limited extent and represents a mere two decorated flatware. Transfer printed ce- percent of the ceramic assemblage (Fig- ramics represent 44 percent of the deco- ure 6). The persistence of redware rated tableware category (Figure 7). The throughout the second half of the 1800s at transfer printed colors consist of lighter

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blue transfer-prints and brown transfer own and live in the house, had a complete printed plates that date to the 1840s and table service of gilded Limoges china dur- later. Flow transfer printed mulberry plates ing the latter part of her life. This set is on were also used by the site occupants. Be- display in the house museum and a few sides painted and printed flatware, nine fragments of a tea cup from the set were percent of the decorated white bodied recovered archaeologically. tableware recovered from the site consists of molded ironstone plate fragments typi- Discussion cal of the middle 1800s and later. A small number of pearlware plate fragments de- Archaeological excavations conducted corated in green and blue shell edge, in at the Moore-Youse house in Muncie, In- addition to a cobalt blue hand painted diana revealed several interesting trends pearlware vessel fragment, were also re- pertaining to landscape change, architec- covered from the basal deposits of the tural events, and related household dy- excavation units, indicating the site was namics and middle class material life in occupied during the 1820s or 1830s. the American Midwest during the 1800s. Regarding social dining, during the Although daily life at the dwelling was second half of the 1800s the Moore and characterized by continuity, the residents Youse families were known for being of the dwelling were aware of national good hosts and frequently having dinner trends that shaped popular culture be- parties at their residence (Blanch 2006). tween the 1840s and late 1800s. Victorian Faunal material from the site indicates influenced social life, consisting of enter- beef was the predominant meat con- taining guests during dinner parties and sumed at the site followed by pork and other types of gatherings, was apparently chicken. A small amount of wild game important to the residents of the dwelling was consumed by the residents during the (Blanch 2006). A dining room and sepa- early occupation of the site (Blanch rate kitchen were added to the house be- 2006:169-170). The ceramics recovered tween the 1860s and 1870s, in addition to from excavation are typical of the time pe- other bedrooms, an office, and bathrooms riod and are perhaps best described as (Garriott 1995). These architectural fashionable but not elaborate. For exam- events in turn were clearly evident in the ple, no examples of ceramics from match- archaeological record (Groover 2004). ing table services were recovered from Emphasis upon dining and entertaining excavations, suggesting that the colors of was also illustrated by fashionable table- the plates matched or were harmonized ware recovered from excavations. during meals but the patterns possibly did In contrast to aspects of landscape, not match. This informal practice during architectural, and artifact-based change the 1800s has been observed at other identified at the site, the female-centered, sites, such as the Gibbs farmstead lineal family that resided in the dwelling (Groover 1998, 2003, 2008) and Bush Hill during the second half of the 19th century plantation (Cabak and Groover 2004, encouraged material continuity in the do- 2006), and suggests most households mains of redware use and abstinence during the 19th century did not have ela- from alcohol and tobacco consumption. borate table services. Conversely, it is The Moore and Youse families, especially known that during the 20th century, Mary Mame and daughter Mary, also had a Youse Maxon, the last family member to strong attachment to their family home

170 Hoosier Material Culture place which insured its survival to the stantially renovated the farm. In 1906 present time. Consequently, archaeologi- Henry sold the farm to his son Charles. cal information recovered from the Moore- Ownership of the farm passed from the Youse house provides an interesting look Huddleston family when Charles died in at middle class material conditions and 1930. From the 1930s to the 1960s the household trends in the Midwest during farm was owned by a number of individu- the 19th century. als until it was acquired by the Historic Landmarks Foundation of Indiana in the The Huddleston Farmstead 1960s. During this time it was not operat- ed as a farm (Evolution of the Huddleston During the first half of the 1800s, the Farmhouse [EHF] n.d.). National Road was one of the nation’s first interstate road systems. Extending from 2007 Site Investigations at the Hud- Maryland to St. Louis, the National Road dleston Farmstead was a major migration route from settle- ments in the east to the western frontier. During summer 2007 a historical arc- Between the 1830s and 1860s, communi- haeology field school was conducted in ties, towns, and cities sprang up along the the rear house lot of the Huddleston National Road. Daily, scores of wagons farmstead in Mount Auburn, Indiana by travelling to the western territories passed Ball State University anthropology stu- through towns such as Cambridge City, dents under the supervision of Mark Centerville, and Richmond in east central Groover (2007). The Huddleston Farm- Indiana. In many of these towns, indus- house is maintained as a historic house trious merchants and entrepreneurs ca- museum by the Historic Landmarks tered to and prospered from the western Foundation of Indiana, a private preserva- wagon traffic during the first half of the tion organization. 1800s (Burns 1919). Three main goals guided excavations In Mount Auburn, Indiana near Cam- conducted at the farmhouse during the bridge City (ca. 60 miles east of Indianap- field school, consisting of education, re- olis), the John Huddleston family provided search, and preservation management. services to settlers migrating west along The field school provided excavation ex- the National Road (Figure 1). A prosper- perience for students, it generated useful ous farm was operated at the site by the archaeological research information, and Huddleston family. A wagon yard, livery, the results will help personnel at the Hud- general store, inn, and campground were dleston Farmhouse manage the archaeo- also operated at the farmhouse by the logical resources at the site and interpret Huddleston family during the height of the landscape history of the farmstead. wagon migration west between the 1840s The main archaeological fieldwork ob- and 1870s (Burns 1919). The extant farm jective at the site was to define the site complex consists of the original dwelling, structure of the extant farm lot and at- a reconstructed smokehouse, a carriage tempt to identify the former location of barn, and a large Pennsylvania-style bank outbuildings in the rear yard of the farm barn and wagon yard. lot. During the first week a site grid was In 1877 John Huddleston, the original established and site mapping was con- head of household, died and his son Hen- ducted. Previously in May 2002, a syste- ry inherited the farm. In 1880 Henry sub- matic shovel test pit survey was con-

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rectangular subsurface feature measuring ca. 16 x 24 feet in size. During subsequent weeks of the field school units were exca- vated in the northwest area of the rear house lot containing the large subsurface feature lo- cated during the syste- matic soil probe survey. The feature (designated Feature 2) turned out to be the continuous limes- tone foundation of a FIGURE 8. Artifact density map showing midden loci at the Huddleston structure (designated farmstead. Structure 1) measuring ducted by personnel with the Ball State ca. 16 x 24 feet. The University Department of Anthropology northwest corner of the structure was en- (Zoll 2002). countered in unit 3, the first unit exca- Before the 2007 field school com- vated over the feature (Figure 9). The menced, spatial analysis of the 2002 site north foundation and associated corners survey data was first conducted. The of the structure were subsequently ex- analysis results revealed the distinctive posed during the remainder of the field artifact spatial signature of a building, school. strongly suggesting that a structure was Forming an east-west oriented land- located in the northwest quarter of the scape axis, the north wall of Structure 1 is rear house lot (Figure 8). Based on the aligned with the north wall of an extant results of spatial analysis, two excavation smokehouse and carriage barn located units were subsequently excavated in the ca. 70 feet east of Structure 1 (Figure 10). northwest quarter of the rear house lot in the area containing a dense concentration of architectural material. In unit 1 a sub- stantial posthole was encountered. The locust post is probably associated with a fence line that is still extant along the west boundary of the house lot. A systematic soil probe survey was also conducted in the northwest quarter of the rear house lot in the area containing the dense artifact concentration, denoted from the spatial analysis map. The artifact concentration appeared to be the distinctive spatial foot- print of a structure. The soil probe survey subsequently revealed a large continuous FIGURE 9. Northwest corner of Structure 1.

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FIGURE 10. Plan view of Huddleston farmstead rear yard showing alignment of outbuildings in relation to Structure 1. presumably constructed during the 1840s. The landscape alignment also indicates that John Huddleston used a formal land- scape plan when he constructed the farm lot in the 1840s. Historical records note that a two-story structure had been lo- cated in the year yard of the house lot (EHF n.d.). Consequently, Structure 1 may have been two stories in height. Structure 1 contained a continuous limes- tone foundation and had brick walls, de- noted by brick fragments in the rubble above the limestone foundation in the up- per levels of the units and an intact course of bricks resting upon the limestone foun- dation at the southwest corner of the FIGURE 11. Southwest corner of Structure 1 structure (Figure 11). showing intact brick resting on limestone founda- The construction methods and mate- tion. rials associated with Structure 1 are also The alignment of the north wall of Struc- identical to methods used to build the ture 1 with the two original extant out- main house (a three story brick Federal buildings suggests Structure 1 was an style house, Figure 12), the spring house, original outbuilding in the rear house lot, and the smokehouse in the rear house lot.

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suggests the structure had a domestic function, and may have been a detached kitchen or guest house. Interestingly, few personal items were re- covered. The dearth of per- sonal items at an inn or guest house might be expected since travelers or guests would unlikely not have had a large number of personal items with them during their brief stay in Structure 1. The ceramics recovered from excavations consist FIGURE 12. Front (north) view of the Huddleston house (photo- mainly of undecorated white- graph courtesy of Historic Landmarks Foundation of Indiana). ware and stoneware. The The construction similarities suggest amount of utilitarian ceramics discarded Structure 1 was contemporaneous with around the structure suggests food sto- these buildings. Recovered artifacts in the rage and preparation were frequent activi- upper levels of the Structure 1 units sug- ties, items consistent with a kitchen or or- gest it was razed sometime between the dinary. Interestingly, few decorated table 1870s and first quarter of the 20th cen- ceramics were recovered from the site. tury. Although the function of the structure The lack of decorated ceramics suggests is currently unknown, it may have served the site residents were frugal regarding as a guest house or ordinary for travelers ceramic purchases. Regarding foodways, on the National Road, given its substantial the majority of the tableware is composed construction methods and the possibility of flatware and specifically plates. A small that it was two stories in height. A notice- number of bowl fragments was recovered able amount of recovered kitchen related from the site, mainly large stoneware ves- artifacts (table ceramics, storage ceram- sels. ics, and animal bone fragments) suggest a domestic-related function for Structure Architectural Artifacts and Landscape- 1, which would be consistent with a guest Household Events house or inn. The structure may have also been a summer kitchen. The results of time sequence analysis Artifacts recovered from Structure 1 using the architectural artifacts indicate were analyzed using standard functional that a substantial renovation episode oc- analysis (South 1977) and a stratigraphic- curred at Structure 1 in circa 1880. seriation method called time sequence Graphed chronologically by dated excava- analysis (Groover 1998, 2003). The re- tion levels, a large number of nails and sults of functional analysis indicate that window glass fragments were deposited the majority of artifacts from the structure around Structure 1 in approximately 1880 consist of architectural items, mainly nails (Figure 13). This period corresponds to and window glass, and kitchen artifacts. the transition between the John Huddles- The noticeable amount of kitchen items ton household and the Henry Huddleston

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FIGURE 13. Graph showing diachronic distribution of window glass and nails recovered from Structure 1. household. As discussed in previously from a gas pipeline was also encountered published studies (Cabak and Groover along the south wall of the Structure 1 2004, 2006; Groover 1998, 2003, 2004, foundation, indicating the building had 2008), landscape and architectural gas lighting. Likewise, electrical insulators change often occurs at residences during were also recovered from the upper levels household transition periods, when one in Structure 1, suggesting the building head of household succeeds the former was modernized between the late 19th household head. and early 20th century. Paralleling the The 1880 renovation episode was vis- cement slabs, electrical hardware similar ible archaeologically via the stratigraphic to items recovered from Structure 1 was distribution of nails and window glass. A also attached to wall posts in the carriage poured cement block was also encoun- house, indicating both of these structures tered along the east wall of the structure. were modernized at approximately the In 1880 the carriage house east of Struc- same time. ture 1 was expanded by Henry Huddles- ton and cement slabs were poured in the Architectural Interpretation floor of the new addition to the structure (EHF n.d.). The poured concrete slabs are The Huddleston farmstead contained similar to a cement slab encountered in an elaborate complex of structures and Structure 1 suggesting contemporaneous activity areas. The domestic area con- improvements. A section of copper tubing tained a three-story brick Federal style

175 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

house, a spring house, a smokehouse, farmstead and Mendenhall plantation and a newly discovered outbuilding that suggests that Quakers during the 1800s may have been a detached kitchen or may have been adopting elements of guest house. A broom shop was also lo- southern plantation-influenced landscape cated along the west edge of the house design. Conversely, it is also possible that lot fronting the National Road. A large li- the large farmstead complexes trans- very barn, carriage shop, and wagon yard planted by Pennsylvania Quakers to North were located in the east half of the farm Carolina may have served spatially as a lot. The large brick residence of Amos plantation prototype during the 1700s. Huddleston, the son of John Huddleston, The Huddleston family was originally from was also located ca. 50 feet east of the Pennsylvania. They migrated to North large livery barn (Atlas of Wayne County, Carolina and then moved to Indiana. Indiana 1874:65a; EHF n.d.). These two examples suggest that Interestingly, the Huddleston farmsteads among some affluent Quakers farmstead is strikingly similar to Menden- and former Quakers in these source areas hall plantation near Jamestown, in Guil- were based on a standardized plan, as ford County, North Carolina. Guilford illustrated by the Huddleston and Men- County was the former home of many denhall complexes. The architectural ele- transplanted Pennsylvania Quakers that ments and elaborate arrangement of the later settled in Wayne County, Indiana, farm lots among Quaker-influenced far- such as famed abolitionist Levi Coffin. mers in Indiana in turn appear to have The county was also a major stop along been an amalgam of farm elements pre- the Underground Railroad. Mendenhall valent among successful Quaker farmers was established in 1811 and operated by in Pennsylvania and perhaps plantations Richard Mendenhall, a Quaker that op- in North Carolina. posed slavery. Called a plantation during For example, the main dwelling at both the 1800s, Mendenhall was not worked by the Huddleston and Mendenhall sites was slaves but contained a large complex of a Federal style brick house, a type of buildings. The main house at Mendenhall dwelling used by the rural well-to-do was an I-house. A spring house was lo- throughout eastern North America. Also, cated next to the main house. The com- the spring houses at both complexes are plex also contained a bank barn, a school practically identical. Likewise, both com- house, and a large brick store that fronted plexes contain bank barns, a distinctive the main road at Mendenhall, similar to barn type found in Pennsylvania. Bank the farm lot arrangement at the Huddles- barns are unique in that access to both ton farm. Richard Mendenhall was a tan- the first and second floor levels of the ner and he sold leather products from the structure can be gained from the ground. store (Stockard 1902:60, 81-82). They are relatively rare in the South. The The similarity of the Huddleston Huddleston and Mendenhall complexes farmstead to the Mendenhall complex in also contained stores that fronted busy North Carolina suggests that a relatively roads. standardized farm layout was used by The Huddleston farmstead and Men- some prosperous Quakers in Pennsylva- denhall plantation illustrate the elaborate nia, North Carolina, and Indiana during complex of outbuildings found at some the 1800s. Interestingly, the elaborate Quaker-influenced farms. This level of farm complex used at the Huddleston farmstead differentiation illustrates rela-

176 Hoosier Material Culture

tively aggressive economic activities on due to its geographic location, Indiana the part of some Quaker farmers. Interes- was a cultural crossroads where the ma- tingly, Quaker religious philosophy terial traditions of these two parent re- stressed concepts related to simplicity, gions merged and were transformed over the use of the Quaker plain style aesthetic time. As a result, the area comprising In- and philosophy in dress, architecture, and diana offers an anthropologically relevant furnishings, and a general rejection of ma- opportunity to explore archaeologically the terialism and acquisitiveness (Pennell migration processes and cultural dynam- 1992). As with all cultures, however, ics typical of the American Midwest. In people are complex--we often espouse this essay, landscape and architectural ideals that in actuality are sometimes diffi- archaeology conducted at the Moore- culty to closely comply with. Such seems Youse house and the Huddleston to be the case with affluent Quaker- farmstead illustrated some of the charac- influenced farmers such as John Huddles- teristics associated with the 19th-century ton and Richard Mendenhall. John Hud- origins of Hoosier material culture. As dleston was a fairly aggressive frontier these two case studies illustrate, however, entrepreneur that did not shy away from during the 1800s Indiana was settled by a economic activities. He operated a pros- broad range of settler households bringing perous farm, store, wagon yard, and inn. with them a diverse variety of cultural He also operated a grading and road practices and material traditions. At the building service. This aggressive econom- Moore-Youse house, the residents during ic orientation appears to contradict ele- the second half of the 1800s practiced a ments of Quaker religious philosophy. On lifestyle influenced by popular culture, en- the other hand, however, it is thought that tertaining guests at dinner parties and the Huddleston farm may have been a adopting Victorian-era furnishings and stop on the Underground Railroad. So de- dwelling embellishments. In contrast, spite economic prosperity, he also may members of the Huddleston family were have participated in social causes impor- devoted to their religious beliefs, lived tant to Quakers. In summary, the Hud- plainly, as illustrated by their use of unde- dleston house is a fascinating example of corated tableware, yet operated an ag- a Quaker-inspired farmstead in Indiana. In gressive and lucrative business from their a small way, excavations conducted at the strategically located farmstead. As these site in 2007 contributed to further under- Hoosier case studies illustrate, the level of standing of landscape planning and archi- variety that existed in Indiana during the tecture at successful farms in the Mid- 1800s therefore offers a fascinating yet west. complex and challenging context for con- ducting historical archaeology and inter- Conclusion preting the trajectory of material culture in the Midwest.

Upon initial consideration the Ameri- Acknowledgements: I sincerely thank Charles can Midwest might mistakenly be viewed Faulkner for his professional guidance during the as a culturally homogenous region within past 23 years. Dr. Faulkner influenced much of my the . During the first thinking about domestic landscapes and architec- ture at historic sites. Likewise, as a teacher, scho- half of the 1800s, Indiana was settled by lar, mentor, and colleague, he serves as a strong pioneers migrating from the middle Atlan- role model for his students. For me, he has set a tic region and the South. Consequently, professional example that I strive to emulate. Arc-

177 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

haeology conducted at the Moore-Youse house in State University, Muncie, Indiana. 2004 and 2005 was supported by a Ball State Uni- versity internal grant (Lilly II Building the Four-Year Burns, Lee Initiative grant program). Fieldwork conducted at 1919 History of the National Road in Indi- the Huddleston farmstead in 2007 was also sup- ana. C.E. Pauley, Indianapolis, Indi- ported by a Ball State University internal grant, (Provost’s Enhanced Initiative Program— ana. Immersion). I thank the Delaware County Histori- cal Society and the Historic Landmarks Founda- Cabak, Melanie A. and Mark D. Groover tion of Indiana for their support of the archaeology 2004 Plantations Without Pillars: Archaeo- conducted at the Moore-Youse house and the logy, Wealth, and Material Life at Bush Huddleston farmstead. Earlier versions of this es- Hill, Volume 1: Context and Interpreta- say were presented in 2004 at the joint Southeas- tion. Savannah River Archaeological tern Archaeological Conference/Midwest Archaeo- Research Papers 11. Savannah River logical Conference in St. Louis, Missouri and in Archaeological Research Program, 2007 at the Midwest Archaeological Conference in South Carolina Institute of Archaeolo- South Bend, Indiana. I thank Angela Gibson (Bracken Library, Ball State University) and gy and Anthropology, University of George “Buddy” Wingard (Savannah River Arc- South Carolina, Columbia. haeological Research Program, South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, Univer- 2006 Bush Hill: Material Life at a Working sity of South Carolina) for drafting the figures in Plantation. Historical Archaeology this essay. I also thank colleagues Tim Baumann, 40(4):51-83. Kevin Smith, and Mike Moore for their editorial efforts and patience with this thematic volume of Evolution of the Huddleston Farmhouse Tennessee Archaeology. (EHF) n.d. Unpublished manuscript on file, Hud- References dleston Farmhouse, Historic Land- marks Foundation of Indiana, Mount Atlas of Wayne County Auburn, Indiana. 1874 Atlas of Wayne County, Indiana. Griff- ing, Stevenson, and Company, Phila- Garriott, Russell A. II delphia, Pennsylvania. Reprinted 1974 1995 History of the Moore-Youse House. by The Bookmark, Knightstown, Indi- Unpublished paper, manuscript on file, ana. Department of History, Ball State Uni- versity, Muncie, Indiana. Ball State University Archives and Special Collections [BSUASC] Groover, Mark D. 1844 Probate inventory for Goldsmith Gil- 1998 The Gibbs Farmstead: An Archaeolog- bert. Box 106, Folder 8, Probate ical Study of Rural Economy and Ma- Record 01480, 01480a, 01480b. Ball terial Life in Southern Appalachia, State University, Muncie, Indiana. 1790-1920. Unpublished doctoral dis- 1849 Deed from Daniel and Mary Jane An- sertation, Department of Anthropology, drews to Anderson Carter, Delaware University of Tennessee, Knoxville. County, Block 9, Lots 7 and 8. Deed 2001 Linking Artifact Assemblages to Record 10:376. Ball State University, Household Cycles: An Example from Muncie, Indiana. the Gibbs Site. Historical Archaeology 35(4):38-57. Blanch, Christina L. 2003 An Archaeological Study of Rural Ca- 2006 “Because of Her Victorian Upbringing”: pitalism and Material Life: The Gibbs Gender Archaeology at the Moore- Farmstead in Southern Appalachia, Youse House. Unpublished M.A. the- 1790-1920. Springer, New York. sis, Department of Anthropology, Ball 2004 Exploring Household Dynamics and

178 Hoosier Material Culture

Material Trends at the Moore-Youse sources Management Services, Ball House. Paper presented at the joint State University, Muncie, Indiana. Southeastern Archaeological Confe- rence and Midwest Archaeological Mark D. Groover Conference, St. Louis, Missouri. Department of Anthropology 2007 Architectural Archaeology at the Hud- Ball State University dleston Farmstead. Paper presented Muncie, Indiana 47306 at the Midwest Archaeological Confe-

rence, South Bend, Indiana. 2008 The Archaeology of North American Farmsteads. University Press of Flori- da, Gainesville, Florida.

Haimbaugh, Frank D. (editor) 1924 History of Delaware County, Indiana. Historical Publishing Company, Indi- anapolis, Indiana.

Huddleston Family Records (HFR) n.d. Collection Number M0854, BV3527, OM0424. Indiana Historical Society, Indianapolis, Indiana.

Kemper, G.W.H. (editor) 1908 A Twentieth Century History of Dela- ware County Indiana. Whipporwill Publications, Evansville, Indiana.

Pennell, Sara Margaret 1992 The Quaker Domestic Interior, Phila- delphia 1780-1830: An Artifactual In- vestigation of the "Quaker Esthetic" at Wyck House, Philadelphia and Collen Brook Farm, Upper Darby, Pennsylva- nia. Unpublished M.S. thesis, Depart- ment of Historic Preservation, Univer- sity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.

South, Stanley 1977 Method and Theory in Historical Arc- haeology. Academic Press, New York.

Stockard, Sallie W. 1902 The History of Guilford County, North Carolina. Gaut-Ogden, Knoxville, Ten- nessee.

Zoll, Mitchell K. 2002 Huddleston Farmhouse Inn, Wayne County, Indiana, Archaeological Field Reconnaissance. Archaeological Re-

179

PRELIMINARY EFFORTS TOWARD A CULTURAL RESOURCE SURVEY OF THE CHARCOAL-BASED IRON INDUSTRY IN EAST TENNESSEE, CA. 1770-1890

C. Alan Longmire

Tennessee led the southeast in iron production for the first part of the nineteenth century, with production centered in the eastern part of the state. Although some studies have been done in the past by historians and geologists, there has to date never been a holistic attempt at cataloging the cultural resources connected with that industry in the eastern part of the state. This paper will outline the steps to be taken in that regard, with the ultimate result to be a publication on the subject similar to the 1988 survey of Tennessee’s western highland rim iron industry by Smith, Stripling, and Brannon.

This paper is not so much a presenta- 291, 299). In order to establish the context tion of findings as a presentation of what I for this paper, some definitions and a know and what I hope to document con- short description of the processes in- cerning the cultural resources associated volved are necessary. with the charcoal-based iron industry in The ore. Iron in its natural state is in east Tennessee. Using as a guide the ex- the form of three main types of iron oxide cellent 1988 thematic survey of Tennes- compounds (Figure 1): Red ore, or hema- see’s western highland rim iron industry tite (Fe2O3), known in Tennessee as dyes- by Samuel D Smith, Charles P. Stripling, tone; brown ore, which may be several and James M. Brannon (1988), I hope to different iron hydroxide compositions such create a similar record for the eastern part as bog ore, lepidocrocite (FeO(OH)), or of the state. goethite (HFeO2), but is lumped under the Focusing on charcoal as a fuel gives term limonite; and magnetic ores or mag- us a date range of between about 1779 netite (Fe3O4) (Maher 1964:13-14). The and 1890. (Swank 1892). Why limit it to iron content of these rocks ranges from charcoal-fueled iron production? Prior to less than 20 percent to nearly 73 percent. the introduction of coal and coke, iron All three of these ores occur in east Ten- production was a relatively small-scale nessee, but by far the most important to widely dispersed craft serving a primarily the early industry were the brown ores regional market. The advent of coke and (Killebrew and Safford 1874:222-238; coal transformed the face and scale of the Maher 1964:2). These generally occur as industry in the last half of the nineteenth orebanks, residual rock in the clays atop century into a centralized heavy industry decomposed limestone formations at the serving the national economy. This transi- foot of slopes, where they may be mined tion took place over a time span of about by stripping the clay down to bedrock and 30 years, from the first coke-fired blast washing the excavated material to leave furnace experiments in Chattanooga in the ore. The brown ores of east Tennes- 1860 and the first successful one at see are primarily associated with clays Rockwood in 1867 to the demise of the decomposed from Cambrian and Ordovi- last currently known charcoal bloomery cian dolomites of the Shady and Knox fire sometime in the 1890s (Swank 1892: formations, although there are other

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brown ores where they occur as compact replacements of pyrite in interstitial spac- es along faults in the dolomites and limes- tones in the mountains, and there are oc- currences of hematite deposits interbed- ded with shales of the Cambrian Rome formation, particularly in the Holston Val- ley region of Sullivan County, but in gen- eral the deposits upon which the charcoal- based iron industry depended were of the goethite orebank variety (Maher 1964:2- 11). These deposits occur almost exclu- sively along the boundary between the Blue Ridge Physiographic province and the Ridge and Valley Physiographic prov- FIGURE 1. The three major iron ores of Eastern Tennessee, clockwise from top left: Hematite, Le- ince in the study area, with the most nota- pidocrocite (yellow limonite), Magnetite, and Goe- ble concentrations being in five counties thite (brown limonite). of upper east Tennessee: Carter, Greene, Johnson, Sullivan, and Unicoi. Blount, Monroe, and Polk counties in the southern part of east Tennessee were also major producers of iron ore, but it was not the brown goethite of the northern counties. Blount and Monroe County ore is mostly a Knox-derived hematite, and Polk County ore is a different type entirely, and was associated with the upper levels of copper ore at Ducktown (Case 1925:69; Maher 1964:20-22). This ore was rarely used in charcoal furnaces and bloomeries due to the excess copper it contained, which made iron produced from it brittle at a red FIGURE 2. A steel bar heating up in the forge. heat (Killebrew and Safford 1874:225). Usable Metal (Figure 2). The following sources (Maher 1964). Red hematite (Si- description of the processes involved are lurian) and magnetite (Precambrian) must paraphrased from Frederick Overman’s generally be mined by digging shafts into 1851 treatise on iron and steel in the a relatively solid ore body, which is much United States (Overman 1851). The two more work. Luckily, magnetite is limited to types of iron most commonly produced at a small area of upper east Tennessee the time were cast iron and wrought iron. along the North Carolina border, and Cast iron is, as the name suggests, made compact hematite is with few exceptions by reducing the ore to a liquid and pouring limited to outcrops near the foot of the the result into molds. It is a strong but brit- Cumberland Plateau (Burchard 1913), tle material, well suited for vessels and neatly bracketing our study area. There machinery parts, but cannot be forged into were some instances of shaft mining of tools and hardware by a blacksmith (Fig-

181 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

chemically strips the oxygen from the iron atoms, replacing it with carbon. The re- sulting metallic iron droplets make their way down the stack, adsorbing carbon from the fuel, until it ends up in a puddle of molten iron on the hearth of the fur- nace, topped by a glassy slag composed of impurities from the ore (chiefly silicates) and from the furnace lining. The resulting molten iron containing from about 2 to 5 percent carbon is periodically tapped off into either molds or pigs, so called be- cause of their resemblance to a line of FIGURE 3. The author forging a tool. nursing piglets. Once “in blast” a furnace ure 3). Prior to the invention of the was run continuously until something in Bessemer process in the 1850s the system broke, requiring a shutdown. A forgeable iron was a composite blast session typically lasted several material of soft, low-carbon iron months, 24 hours a day, seven days a filaments in mechanical admixture week, until the furnace lining wore out. with stringy silicate slag. We call this material wrought iron. Cast iron has a carbon content of be- tween about 2 percent to 5 per- cent, while wrought iron rarely has more than about 0.3 percent car- bon. Anything containing between 0.3 and about 2 percent carbon may be called steel, as iron with this range of carbon content may not only be forged but also har- dened and tempered to take a long-lasting cutting edge or to be resilient and springy. Steel can be made from either cast or wrought iron, or directly from ore. There is only one way to make cast iron from ore, and that is by use of the blast furnace (Figure 4). This is a tall, narrow structure which is loaded from the top with fuel and ore in alternating charges of each, and in which a blast of air is blown into the base of the col- umn. The reduction of the ore takes place when carbon monoxide gas produced by the burning fuel FIGURE 4. Blast furnace cross-section (Overman 1851).

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FIGURE 5. Blast machine of the type used for blast furnaces in East Tennessee (Overman FIGURE 6. A bloomery forge cross-section 1851). (Overman 1851). The blast furnace, then, was by necessity a large operation that required a resident that requires a sizeable furnace stack and community of workers to run the furnace support structures. Since the furnaces without interruption, a constant source of were built of massive blocks of dry-laid ore, and a constant source of fuel. This stone, those off the beaten path tend to meant miners and charcoal burners must survive. also be kept employed more or less con- Wrought iron can be made by several stantly, resulting in a huge cultural foot- processes, either directly from the ore or print on the community. The additional re- by refining cast iron pigs. An ironworks quirement of a constant air blast meant that produced only wrought iron was that the whole operation had to be si- known as a forge, and could be as small tuated to take advantage of water power as a two-man operation or as large as a (or later, steam power) to run the air blast furnace community, where they were pumps (Figure 5). These requirements often located (Figure 6). Types of forge resulted in a fairly narrow range of loca- works are the Catalan forge, which pro- tions in which a blast furnace may be op- duced wrought iron directly from the ore, erated profitably, since it must be close to and the Finery forge, which produced not only ore and fuel, but also to a stable wrought iron by partially remelting cast community which can supply food. Addi- iron pigs with furnace slag in an open fire, tionally, the furnace itself had to be large which also lowers the carbon content. enough to produce iron at a profit, taking Both of these types of establishment were advantage of the economies of scale. known historically as bloomeries, because Most of the charcoal-era furnaces in our the end product of the initial process is a area were capable of producing from one spongy mass of low-carbon iron and slag to six tons of pig iron per day, an amount called a “bloom” (Figure 7). These

183 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 7. Water-powered trip hammer (Overman FIGURE 8. Water powered trip hammer in action, 1851). Germany. “blooms” were then worked under mas- parts], and in all other respects they are as sive water- or steam-powered trip ham barren of modern appliances as if the mers or rolls into wrought iron bars, which world’s iron industry had stood still for 100 years. They are fitfully operated as the could then be forged into anything from wants of their owners or the neighboring wagon wheel rims to hinges to nails (Fig- farmers and blacksmiths require, or as the ure 8). As transportation systems im- supply of water for the tromps will permit. proved, raw blooms themselves were They furnish their respective neighbors with sometimes shipped to places like Cincin- iron for horseshoes, wagon tires, harrow teeth, etc. The explanation of the survival in nati or Pittsburg to be forged there. The this region, of the primitive methods of iron “Finery” type forge was almost always lo- making which have long been abandoned cated alongside or at least near a blast by progressive communities, is the fact that furnace since cast iron pig and iron slag environments which hedged about the pio- were needed as raw materials. Catalan- neer of the Valley have never been broken down and but slightly modified. Still cut off forge bloomeries, on the other hand, by their isolated situation and their poverty could be anywhere the requisite ore, fuel, from all intimate relation with the outside and water power were located. These world, they are to be admired for doing so forges could be operated by a handful of well rather than condemned for doing so men on an as-needed basis, as the fol- poorly. lowing quote from the 1880 U.S. census of manufacture paraphrased in Case A third type of ironworks found in east (1925:58) points out: Tennessee during the charcoal era was the rolling mill (Figure 10). This facility There are today--1880--about two dozen took in blooms or finished iron bars, re- bloomeries in East Tennessee. Nearly every heated them, and rolled them out into one is blown with the tromp (Figure 9) [a everything from iron sheet to nail rods. type of water blast device with no moving These mills also generally produced cut

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FIGURE 9.Trompe illustration (Bond et al. 1939).

FIGURE 11. Nail-cutting machine, ca. 1870. ly give us more examples of each, but for a good general starting point let’s look at J.P. Leslie’s 1859 tome, A Guide to the Iron Manufactories, etc. of the United States, in which we find that between the 1790s and 1859 our selected area was known to have had 28 blast furnaces, 78 bloomeries, and four rolling mills. What’s left of all that? Blast furnace sites are typically the best known and preserved, since the im- posing stone stacks were usually built FIGURE 10. A rolling mill (Overman 1851). away from the course of later develop- nails from the iron sheet they rolled (Fig- ment and so remain looming in the forests ure 11). One rolling mill in Carter County like Mayan pyramids (Figures 12, 13, and also had a foundry and cupola furnace, in 14). This is in great contrast to what these which cast iron pig or scrap could be manufactories looked like when in opera- melted down and cast into other shapes tion (Figure 15), with most of the furnace

(Nave 1953). covered by wood frame buildings, and Now that we’ve established the types whole blocks of other support structures of iron manufacturing locations found in and employee housing located nearby. east Tennessee during the charcoal-fired These furnaces became de facto commu- period, how many of each do we know nity centers, and often supported a small existed? Further research will undoubted- town (e.g., Hayesville Furnace).

185 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 12. The stone stack of the Clarksville Iron Furnace, Unicoi County, TN looms from the forest. This furnace was built in 1832 and went out of blast for the last time in 1854 after a flood damaged the works.

FIGURE 13. The south wall of the Clarksville Furnace.

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FIGURE 14. Looking west from the charging ramp of the Clarksville Furnace with a human included for scale.

FIGURE 15. Hopewell Furnace, a fully restored eighteenth century blast furnace complex in Pennsylvania. Photo courtesy of the U.S. National Park Service.

187 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 16. Hayesville Furnace remnant looking southwest. Photo courtesy of Mr. Don Bible.

All that remains of this community is a logging, floods, and general disuse. The pair of stone stacks (Figure 16) but when four rolling mills in East Tennessee in in operation between 1869 and 1873 1859 were in urban centers and have not these furnaces produced a combined total survived later development. of 10 to 12 tons per day of pig iron. The Other traces of the charcoal iron in- support staff for all this activity caused a dustry are the raw material procurement small town to be built, which the em- locations, in other words the orebanks, ployees named Hayesville after the super- mines, quarries, and coaling grounds that intendent, a Mr. Hayes. The area is still served the furnaces and forges. We have labeled “Hayesville” on quad maps (Fig- a general location for most of the known ure 17, next to Cinder Hill and Coal Gap), orebanks and mines thanks to the late even though only three structures are Stuart Maher, a state geologist who also shown. None of these structures are re- had an interest in the bygone iron indus- lated to the ironworks. try. Mining was done both by formal con- The other types of iron manufactory tract and informally by local residents who haven’t seemed to survive well. Most of lived near the ore deposits. Because of the infrastructure of a bloomery was made the residual nature of the brown ore de- of wood. The forge itself may be stone or posits that formed the major source of ore brick, and the tilt hammer head and anvil for the industry in east Tennessee, mining were heavy iron, but otherwise these were was done by stripping off soil with mule- not very permanent structures. The dams drawn scoops and simply picking up the and water power systems of all the iron- ore, an activity most people could do. Hy- works have long since been destroyed by draulic mining made an appearance at the

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FIGURE 17. Hayesville Furnace site and vicinity (USGS 7.5 minute Davy Crockett Lake qua- drangle, 181 SE). very end of the charcoal period, but was that charcoal burning or even just wood- not common until afterwards (Maher hauling for the ironworks was a major win- 1964). Magnetic ores along the North ter and part-time activity for farmers who Carolina border and red hematite or dyes- lived near these operations. There were tone ores along the face of the Cumber- contract colliers, but the informal opportu- land Escarpment were extracted by pro- nistic charcoal production by local resi- fessional miners in underground shaft dents provided much of the fuel supplies mines. These ores formed a very small and left little trace on the ground. This part of the charcoal-era iron sources in seems hard to believe at first, when one east Tennessee. However, Burchard considers just how much hardwood char- (1913:157) notes that in 1854 only five coal was required by this industry. We furnaces and fourteen bloomeries were have no good record of the amount of using the Silurian red hematite of the charcoal needed by a bloomery operation, Rockwood formation, compared to at least but the ledgers of several furnaces have 23 furnaces and 64 bloomeries using survived. One nineteenth century opera- brown ores. This reliance on the residual tion in Missouri had particularly good brown ores helped hasten the end of the records of charcoal consumed per ton of iron industry in upper east Tennessee. pig iron produced. In 1854, for example, The brown ore beds were a finite resource the Maramec works used 1,600 bushels that have now been almost totally mined of charcoal to produce 83 tons of pig iron out. (Norris 1964:43-52). This breaks down to Coaling grounds are hard to find due about 19¼ bushels of charcoal per ton of to the nature of the practice and the fact iron. Over the course of the 1850s, the

189 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

of natural features on quad maps such as the many furnace creeks, furnace hollows, forge creeks, and so on. There’s even a “Coaling Grounds Ridge” that served Eagle Furnace (itself a community now) south of Rockwood. Place names can al- so be somewhat mystifying, such as “Ironworks Ridge” north of Mooresburg in Hawkins County where no ironworks was known to be. Perhaps someone once planned a furnace or forge that never came to pass. The Iron Mountains of up- per east Tennessee were named for their FIGURE 18. Embreeville Iron Company boarding orebanks, as was Iron Hill Island in Watts house (built 1897), fall 2007. Bar Reservoir. Of course, the latter was plain old Iron Hill before TVA made it an island. One of the major site types recorded by Smith et al. (1988) in their survey of Tennessee’s western highland rim iron industry is the domestic architecture as- sociated with owners, managers, and em- ployees of iron-related industry in the area. In east Tennessee, the architectural record is considerably sparser for the charcoal iron period. If we include post- charcoal development of resources used during the charcoal period we can add the FIGURE 19. Embreeville Iron Company company several structures in and around the house, fall 2007. Bumpass Cove mining district that date to Maramec Furnace used an average of the late nineteenth and early twentieth about 550 acres of hardwood timber per centuries, such as the boarding house year to run one blast furnace, a finery (Figure 18) and a company house (Figure forge, and a bloomery. This amount of de- 19). If we include buildings associated forestation is one reason for the decline of with the coal and coke-fired iron industry, the charcoal iron industry worldwide. It is then there are many examples in LaFol- also the reason specific coaling grounds lette, Rockwood, and Dayton. If we add are hard to locate: they were virtually eve- improvements associated with the coke, rywhere. oil, and gas-fired foundries, then we can Place names recall the presence of include vast tracts of Knoxville and Chat- the iron industry, such as the two Orebank tanooga, along with parts of almost every communities (one near Kingsport, the town that had rail access in the tcentury. It other between Greeneville and Newport), may come to that, but I would like to keep the many communities with the words fur- large-scale national industry out of the nace or forge in their name, of which Pig- picture as much as possible, preferring to eon Forge is the most famous, and names focus on the earlier, more localized

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FIGURE 20. Breaking up charcoal in preparation FIGURE 21. Building a short-shaft bloomery fur- for smelting. nace designed to produce high-carbon steel di- rectly from ore. This is similar to the Japanese type of furnace known as a Kera.

FIGURE 22. The completed furnace in blast. Air is FIGURE 23. Opening the furnace to reveal the supplied by four tuyeres in the base. bloom under a layer of charcoal. aspects of iron production. experimental short-shaft furnace de- In closing, we have identified general signed to produce high-carbon steel and sometimes specific locations for most blooms (halfway between wrought iron of the furnaces, forges, and rolling mills of and cast iron) for makers of Japanese- the period in question through several style edged tools. This furnace was lo- earlier works by geologists, economic cated in Bristol, Tennessee at a blades- boosters, and census reports. What re- mith’s gathering. We’ve operated this fur- mains is to go out and ground-truth each nace three times now, producing small one to see what’s left, if anything. blooms of steel each time. I will finish my essay with a bonus: Figure 20 shows the breaking of char- some pictures of one of the first charcoal coal into small lumps for uniform combus- bloomery furnaces to be operated in east tion in the furnace, Figures 21 and 22 de- Tennessee since the 1890s. Rather than pict the construction of this furnace, and a Catalan forge or blast furnace, this is an Figure 23 reveals the steel bloom under a

191 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 24. Consolidating the bloom. FIGURE 25. The fruit of the furnace: a bar of bloomery steel destined to become a blade.

FIGURE 27. The author presents the previously pictured trowel to Dr. Faulkner. Finally, lest you think this type of expe- rimental archaeo-metallurgy has no place in this paper, I present the following prod- uct of my labors (Figure 26). This item FIGURE 26. Pattern welded 4.5 inch pointing was fashioned into a presentation piece trowel made by the author. It contains a small trowel used to honor Charles Faulkner, as amount of East Tennessee wrought iron. seen in Figure 27. layer of charcoal at the end of firing. Fig- ure 24 shows the bloom being com- References pressed and homogenized under an 80- ton hydraulic press using a propane-fired Bond, A. Russell, Albert A. Hopkins and A.P. Beck forge for heat, modern substitutes for a 1939 The Story of Mechanics: The Science finery forge and giant helve hammer. Fig- of Captive Force For Development of ure 25 is the final product: a bar of steel Machine Power in this Industrial Age. destined to become a blade. Collier & Son, New York.

192 Iron Industry

Burchard, Earnest F. ous Branches, Including a Description 1913 The Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee. of Wood-Cutting, Coal-Digging, and State of Tennessee State Geological the Burning of Charcoal and Coke; the Survey Bulletin 16. Nashville, Tennes- Digging and Roasting of Iron Ore; the

see. Building and Manag ement of Blast Furnaces, Working by Charcoal, Coke, Case, Earl C. or Anthracite; the Refining of Iron, and 1925 The Valley of East Tennessee: An Ad- the Conversion of Crude into Wrought justment of Industry to Natural Envi- Iron by Charcoal Forges and Puddling ronment. State of Tennessee Depart- Furnaces. Henry C. Baird, Philadel- ment of Education, Division of Geolo- phia, Pennsylvania. gy Bulletin 36. Nashville, Tennessee. Smith, Samuel D., Charles P. Stripling, and Killebrew, J.D. and J.M. Safford James M. Brannon 1874 Introduction to the Resources of Ten- 1988 A Cultural Resource Survey of Ten- nessee, First and Second Reports of nessee’s Western Highland Rim Iron the Bureau of Agriculture for the State Industry, 1790s - 1930s. Tennessee of Tennessee. Tavel, Eastman, and Department of Conservation, Division Howell, Nashville, Tennessee. of Archaeology Research Series Number 8. Nashville, Tennessee. Lesley, J.P. 1859 The Iron Manufacturer’s Guide to the Swank, James M. Furnaces, Forges, and Rolling Mills of 1892 History of the Manufacture of iron in the United States with Discussions of All Ages, and Particularly in the United Iron as a Chemical Element, an Amer- States from Colonial Times to 1891. ican Ore, and a Manufactured Article, The American Iron and Steel Associa- in Commerce and in History. John Wi- tion, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. ley, New York. C. Alan Longmire Maher, Stuart W. Tennessee Department of Transportation 1964 The Brown Iron Ores of East Tennes- PO Box 3518 Dept. CRS see. State of Tennessee Department Johnson City, Tennessee 37602 of Conservation, Division of Geology Report of Investigations No. 19. Nash- ville, Tennessee.

Nave, Robert Tipton 1953 A History of the Iron Industry in Carter County to 1860. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, East Tennessee State Univer- sity, Johnson City.

Norris, James D. 1964 Frontier Iron: The Story of the Mara- mec Iron Works 1826-1876. State His- torical Society of Wisconsin. Reprinted 1972 by the James Foundation, St. James, Missouri.

Overman, Frederick 1851 The Manufacture of Iron in All its Vari-

193

NEW ROCK AND CAVE ART SITES IN TENNESSEE: 2007

Jan F. Simek, Sarah A. Blankenship, Nicholas P. Herrmann, Sarah C. Sherwood, and Alan Cressler

Between 2006 and 2007, a number of previously unknown prehistoric open air rock art and dark zone cave art sites were discovered by archaeologists from and associated with the University of Tennessee. Included among these new sites are the oldest directly dated pictograph from the eastern woodlands, found in a cave near Knoxville, several cave burial sites that have associated art, and a number of pictographs found high on the bluffs of the Cumberland Plateau. Variability in this prehistoric art is discussed and several patterns in their nature and distribution are do- cumented.

Today, the University of Tennessee is first projects he took on was a study of the proud of its Cave Archaeology Research previously excavated materials from The Team (CART), a group of faculty, stu- Old Stone Fort, a remarkable Woodland dents, and allied avocational cavers that period enclosure in Coffee County, Ten- is engaged in discovering, documenting, nessee (Faulkner 1971). His interest in and interpreting the prehistoric and histor- the sacred landscapes of prehistoric Ten- ic use of dark zone caves in the southeast nesseans has never waned. Most fa- of North America. One of the central foci mously, he began work in 1979 on Mud of activities has been prehistoric cave art Glyph Cave, one of the very first deep sites in the region (Simek and Cressler dark zone cave art sites ever recognized 2001; Simek and Cressler 2005). At the in North America (Faulkner 1986; Faulk- same time, CART has recorded open-air ner et al. 1984). That work led him to in- prehistoric and historic rock art sites in itiate a successful search for other cave Tennessee, because these may well re- art sites (Faulkner 1988; Faulkner and flect and relate to ceremonial art produc- Simek 1996), and it is following Faulkner’s tion activities we see underground (Si- lead that CART continues systematic mek, Frankenberg, and Faulkner 2001). cave survey work today. To honor Dr. By the end of 2007, more than sixty cave Faulkner, we present here the most re- art sites were listed in the CART databas- cent results of CART’s work, a description es, with 47 of these in Tennessee alone. of the thirteen prehistoric art sites discov- Thirty-three open-air rock art sites have ered in Tennessee in 2007. We should also been documented. All of this activity note that discoveries of these important is a direct outgrowth of Charles H. Faulk- sites occurs with increasing frequency, ner’s pioneering work in Tennessee pre- another legacy of the attention to detail historic cave and rock art; indeed, he was and completeness that characterized all of the founder, and is still a member today, Charles Faulkner’s research, including of the UT cave research team. that into Tennessee’s sacred prehistoric Faulkner’s interest in prehistoric cere- landscapes. monialism goes back to his first days in The year 2007 was very productive for Tennessee. When he first came to the the Cave Archaeology Research Team at University of Tennessee as a fresh, new the University of Tennessee. Four new young anthropology professor, one of the prehistoric cave art sites were discovered

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FIGURE 1. Red disk pictograph on ceiling of 40th Unnamed Cave, Tennessee. in Tennessee, as were several in other Cumberland Plateau. Fortieth Unnamed southeastern states including the first Cave is a site that we previously recorded such find in Florida. Three of the four in our survey as containing several en- Tennessee caves are located on public graved boulders at the mouth, but despite land holdings. In 2007, nine open-air rock extensive examination inside, we had art sites were also recorded. These open- never seen evidence for parietal art in the air sites are varied and impressive, and cave. But survey crews from the Universi- the fact that they are as widespread and ty of the South located two pictographs on seemingly predictable in their location the ceiling of the cave’s dark zone, one a suggests that this site type may be far nondescript stripe of red color, the other a more common (if sometimes difficult to well defined red disk around 15cm in di- perceive) than previously thought. This ameter (Figure 1). We have occasionally article will illustrate many of the sites we seen other such disks in caves in Ten- cataloged in 2007 and then present some nessee, specifically in several burial brief thoughts on what we might learn caves where they are scattered above the based on this year’s efforts in the field. area where interments were located. This cave may well contain or have contained Cave Art Sites1 burials, as looter pits are frequent in the floor sediments. The first cave site we will discuss is on We visited 49th Unnamed Cave in public land in the southern portion of the Montgomery County, Tennessee, at the

195 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 2. Petroglyphs from 49th Unnamed Cave, Tennessee. request of the Tennessee Division of Arc- given the known presence of numerous haeology and in consultation with the interments here. Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians, to re- Fiftieth Unnamed Cave is also located bury a human cranium removed from the in Montgomery County, making a total of cave along with many others in the 1940s; three cave art sites in this western High- this specimen, of a young female who had land Rim county (including Dunbar Cave; been scalped, had somehow made its Simek et al. 2007). The cave is owned by way to collections held by the state of the State of Tennessee and protected Iowa. During our search for a safe and with a massive gate. Joe Douglas had ob- hidden place to bury the cranium, we served a large-scale saltpeter works in the identified two petroglyphs incised into the cave along with some possible human limestone of the cave wall (Figure 2). One remains, and it was at his urging that we of these petroglyphs corresponds to what went to the site. At the entrance, Alan we have called a “toothy mouth,” an im- Cressler noticed several pictographs. On age associated with mass human burials further examination, we also identified at (Simek et al. 2004). It is not surprising that least one petroglyph, a fan-shaped set of this image occurs in 49th Unnamed Cave incised lines, all of these just inside the

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FIGURE 3. Red pictograph from 50th Unnamed Cave, Tennessee. twilight zone of the cave vestibule. One of bule and must have been produced either the pictographs (Figure 3) is quite impres- standing on a platform or before the vesti- sive, comprising a large disk with four ap- bule sediments were excavated down dur- pendages and open areas that may ing saltpeter production in the cave. Thus, represent eyes in a face effigy. A second these images are likely prehistoric. Fur- pictograph is a concentric circle and disk, ther into the cave’s dark zone, Douglas’s with white pigment used to outline the in- suspicions were confirmed with the identi- ner circle (Figure 4). A third is a “toothy fication of two human teeth, three human mouth” next to the red disk face (Figure phalanges, and a possible human long 5). The disk is presently nearly three me- bone fragment, all indicating human bu- ters above the sediment floor of the vesti- rials in the cave consistent with the “too-

197 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 4. Circle pictographs from 50th Unnamed Cave, Tennessee. thy mouth” motif observed at the en- trance. Fifty-first Unnamed Cave is located along the Clinch River in East Tennessee on property managed by the Tennessee Valley Authority. We first identified a number of mud glyphs in the cave in 2005 during a survey of the area for TVA. These comprise dense panels of mean- dering lines and circle shapes (Figure 6). In 2007, during a visit to the site asso- ciated with the SEAC annual meeting in Knoxville, two new and rather wonderful images were discovered on the ceiling of the cave. Both are avian images (Figure 7), probably ospreys given the feathers depicted on the back of the heads. One of these has a second bird head (Figure 8), this one a woodpecker, incised inside the outline of the osprey profile. These are remarkable images indeed. FIGURE 5. “Toothy mouth” pictograph from 50th Unnamed Cave, Tennessee.

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FIGURE 6. Panel of meandering line mud glyphs from 51st Unnamed Cave, Ten- nessee.

FIGURE 7. Avian, possibly crested bird, head petroglyph from 51st Unnamed Cave, Tennes- see.

199 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 8. Second avian head petroglyph from 51st Unnamed Cave, Tennessee; this one has a second dissimilar bird head effigy for the eye. Open Air Rock Art Sites shallow southwest-facing overhang high on the western escarpment of the Cum- Five of the nine open air rock art sites berland Plateau. A variety of forms are documented in 2007 were recorded in the present, including cross-in-circles and southern Cumberland Plateau area of possible avian images. The panel has Tennessee, reflecting CART’s increased been chalked, although poorly. According activity in that region due to Sarah Sher- to the gentlemen that took us there, this is wood’s joining the faculty at the University one of several similar sites in the imme- of the South in Sewanee, where four of diate area, a rumor we have been follow- the sites we will discuss are located. A ing from other sources for some years. number of open sites were already known Four sites in the South Cumberland in this region (Hensen 1986; Faulkner are located on the Sewanee domain, and 1996; Faulkner et al. 2004), so the addi- three of these were identified by Sewanee tion of more sites is not surprising. archaeologists and recorded in the Do- The Sentic Brothers Shelter is not on main site files, although not listed in the the University of the South campus, al- state files. All four sites contain red picto- though it is not far away in Coffee County, graphs in small numbers (Figure 10), with Tennessee. The site is in a sandstone a uniform theme of anthropomorphic re- outcrop and contains a panel of deeply presentations. All are located in Pennsyl- incised petroglyphs (Figure 9) under a vanian sandstone at the top of the west-

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FIGURE 9. Petroglyphs at Sentic Brothers Shelter, Tennessee. ern Plateau escarpment except for a sin- gle red pictograph that we discovered on a large float boulder just below the rim rock. The human images are usually sim- ple line figures with hands or feet empha- sized (Figure 11). In one case, the anth- ropomorph bears horns on the head (Fig- ure 12). Many of these are quite faded, as they are exposed on cliff walls without much protection from the elements. In past years, we have recorded at least five other sites in the same area, both on the Sewanee Domain and other examples in north Alabama, with similar motifs (Figure 13). This would seem to represent a unita- ry and consistent South Cumberland rock art type rare in other parts of Tennessee.

FIGURE 10. Anthropomorph pictograph from South Cumberland Plateau, Tennes- see. 201 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 11. Faded anthropomorph pictograph from South Cumberland Plateau, Tennessee, showing emphasis on fingers.

FIGURE 12. Horned anthropomorph pictograph from South Cumberland Plateau, Tennessee. Left image is raw photograph; right image is enhanced.

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FIGURE 13. Typical anthropomorph pictograph from South Cumberland Plateau, Tennessee.

FIGURE 14. Faded red pictorgraph from the Overlook Shelter in the Middle Cumberland Plateau, Tennessee. 203 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 15. Cross in circle pictograph from the Baker Mountain Shelter, Tennessee. Two open sites were discovered this graph sites in Tennessee, given that it year in the Middle Cumberland Plateau comprises black paintings (which most region north of Fall Creek Falls State Park often appear in caves) rather than the red in Van Buren County, Tennessee. One of ones most common in the open. We saw these, the Overlook Shelter, contains a evidence for human interments in the single, very faded red petroglyph (Figure shelter floor, and it may be that the black 14) that may have been similar to those color, associated with death in southeas- just described for the Sewanee region. tern Native American color symbolism This site is on state property. The second (Mooney 1900), reflects this association. site, Baker Mountain Shelter, is a more In the northern Cumberland Plateau, elaborate locality containing at least ten Skinner Mountain Shelter is in a remote black pictographs in charcoal pigment. area not far from the Kentucky state line. These pictographs are well preserved and It contains two black pictographs (Figure comprise monolithic axe images, crosses 16), one an abstract shape composed of a and cross-in-circle images, and a fine, bent line and the other a very complex complex multi-component version of the and detailed anthropomorph silhouette cross-in-circle motif (Figure 15). Icono- with a deformed lower limb and small pro- graphy would suggest a classic Missis- jections on the head. Both pictographs are sippian age for this site. Baker Mountain quite bright in appearance, surprising giv- Shelter, along with the site we consider en that they are rather exposed, located next, is rather anomalous for open picto- on the ceiling of an open rock shelter near

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FIGURE 16. Black pictographs from the Skinner Mountain Shelter, Tennessee. a small waterfall. Skinner Mountain is also identified and include potassium, somewhat anomalous both in its technol- aluminum and silicon. The control sample ogy and preservation, and initially, au- was primarily comprised of silicon and thenticity was an issue. We therefore oxygen from silicon dioxide (i.e., quartz- sampled the pictographs for pigment bearing sandstone basal rock). A signifi- analysis. cant percentage of carbon was also found Black pigment analyzed from Skinner in the control sample. This occurrence is Mountain Shelter consists of carbon likely the result of organic deposits on the black, or charcoal, mixed with clay, a spe- face of the sandstone. In short, the black cific prehistoric recipe for paint now identi- paint used at Skinner Mountain consisted fied in a number of southeastern rock art of charcoal and clay that was likely mixed sites. Energy Dispersive X-ray Spectro- with water (the recipe mentioned above), meter (EDS) identified major carbon, which allowed the paint to penetrate into 22.82 percent, the characteristic compo- the basal rock. The sandstone rock here nent of bone black and charcoal. The is comprised of well-cemented silicate presence of vegetal carbon is more prob- particles shown in Figure 17, and the able due to the absence of parallel ele- pigment was so indurated in this matrix, ments such as calcium and phosphorous, so as to be quite difficult to remove for indicative of bone black, or calcium phos- analyses. These results make it highly phate plus carbon. Elements indicative of likely that the Skinner Mountain picto- aluminum-silicates and clay minerals were graphs are ancient.

205 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 17. Scanning Electron Microscope Photomicrograph of pigment and limestone from Skinner Mountain, Tennessee.

FIGURE 18. Petroglyphs on boulder near Cookeville, Tennessee (photograph by Kevin Smith). One last site we mention in passing near Cookeville, Tennessee, and certain that was brought to our attention by Kevin elements of the design recall late prehis- Smith of Middle Tennessee State Univer- toric designs (Figure 18). We have been sity. A single elaborate petroglyph panel able to view this specimen only with a was found on a boulder in a streambed centimeter of water over the top, but our

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FIGURE 19. Map of distributions of prehistoric rock art and cave art sites in Tennessee. impression is that the lines were probably concentrated in the central and southern produced with metal implements and that areas of the Plateau. Fourth, there is an the petroglyph is historic. Further study is empty area between the Cumberland warranted. sites and the western Cumberland River drainage sites, and we believe (although Patterning on the Landscape we will not pursue this point here) that the western sites are part of a different stylis- Now that we have a number of sites in tic province than are the eastern ones. each art site category (33 open air and 47 Why this pattern exists is not clear, but in caves) we can begin to look at spatial we can speculate a bit as to its meaning. structure in the locations of these sites. In Tennessee, there appears to be a sys- Figure 19 shows the distribution of both tematic relation among rock art sites, with open air and dark zone cave art sites in the great majority located along the west- Tennessee. A few things are immediately ern escarpment of the Cumberland Pla- evident. First, both site types have a few teau. This is true despite the fact that representatives along two major river suitable rock outcrops and caves exist courses: the Tennessee River in the east, throughout East and Middle Tennessee. It with a few sites in the low hills at the is also true despite the lack of large-scale western edge of the Tennessee Valley habitation centers in the Plateau region, leading towards the Cumberland escarp- especially during the Mississippian period ment, and the Cumberland River in the that was the time when most of the art west. Second, the vast majority of both was produced. The Cumberland Plateau, site types are confined to the Cumberland in fact, was an area that saw only specia- Plateau and adjacent eastern Highland lized use during much of prehistory, with Rim regions of central Tennessee; here, little evidence for large-scale, permanent rock art sites form a nearly straight line all settlement and only one known Mississip- along the western part of the Plateau. pian mound site at elevation. This is in Third, cave art sites seem to be relatively contrast to other areas in the eastern uniformly distributed along the western woodlands. In both Arkansas and Mis- escarpment, but open rock art sites are souri, rock art sites and (in Missouri)

207 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

caves are located in relation to ceremonial geography, symbol, and function is only habitation sites in systematic ways. In beginning to be determined. We will have Missouri, the three site types cluster to- other interpretations of Tennessee’s pre- gether on the landscape (Edging and Ah- historic visual landscapes in the near fu- ler 2004; Kreisa et al. 2002). In Arkansas, ture as our research progresses. rock art sites were located in the uplands around ceremonial centers in the valley Conclusion bottoms (Hilliard et al. 2005). It seems, therefore, that prehistoric Charles Faulkner began research into rock art in Tennessee, as in Arkansas and prehistoric rock and cave art in Tennes- Missouri, was an organized alteration of see when he initiated his investigations at the landscape using visual symbols above Mud Glyph Cave nearly 30 years ago. and below ground as the primary means Over the years, he has continued to dis- of expression. These locations suggest cover and interpret new sites, and his en- cosmological as well as geographic crite- thusiasm and support have now driven ria for determining art site locations. How- several generations of researchers to pur- ever, this alteration is topographically sue understanding of the beautiful and constrained to the limestone uplands of enigmatic work in Tennessee’s caves and the Cumberland Plateau, a region that on its bluffs. The discoveries from 2007 lacks intensive large-scale habitation in reported here are natural culminations of the way that characterizes the river valley his pioneering work. We are forever in- regions both to the east and west. This debted to him for his leadership, guid- suggests that these visual features were ance, friendship, and insight in this work. positioned along a boundary, between the His will always be the foundation on which prehistoric cultures of the East Tennessee we build. River valley, closely related to cultures further to the south, and the Cumberland Notes 1 We use a numerical system of identifying prehistoric River drainage cultures that have cultural cave sites in the Southeast rather than the cave’s actual affinities to the north and west. Thus, or common names, and we will not reveal locational Tennessee rock art may have served as information. This is because many of these sites are on private land, unprotected except by the efforts of their boundary markers at certain times in pre- owners, and they are vulnerable to the looters and arti- history. fact thieves that continue to plague both archaeologists However, there are other aspects of and landowners. this art that indicate that if boundary mark- ing was one function, there were other, References complex uses of the sites. Many of the Edging, Richard and Steven R. Ahler caves were locations where elaborate ri- 2004 Rock Art in the Southern Ozarks. In tuals occurred (Simek and Cressler 2008; The Rock Art of Eastern North Ameri- Simek et al. 2001). Many cave sites are ca, edited by Carol Diaz-Granados associated with burials, and color symbol- and J.R. Duncan, pp. 90-109. Univer- ism seems to be part of the patterning, sity of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. with red the dominant color for picto- graphs in the open air and black the do- Faulkner, C. H. (editor) minant color inside caves. Prehistoric rock 1986 The Prehistoric Native American Art of art in Tennessee certainly served many Mud Glyph Cave. University of Ten- functions, and the relationships between nessee Press, Knoxville, Tennessee.

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Faulkner, C. H. Kreisa, Paul P., Richard Edging, and Steven 1971 The Old Stone Fort: Exploring an Arc- R. Ahler haeological Mystery. University of 2002 The Woodland Period in the Northern Tennessee Press, Knoxville, Tennes- Ozarks of Missouri. In The Woodland see. Southeast, edited by D.G. Anderson 1988 A Study of Seven Southeastern Glyph and R.G. Mainfort, Jr., pp. 113-133. Caves. North American Archaeologist University of Alabama Press, Tusca- 9(3):223-246. loosa. 1996 Rock Art of Tennessee: Ceremonial Art in This World and the Underworld. Mooney, J. R. In Rock Art of the Eastern Woodlands, 1900 Myths of the . 19th Annual edited by C. H. Faulkner, pp. 111-118. Report of the Bureau of American American Rock Art Research Associa- Ethnology. Government Printing Of- tion, San Miguel, California. fice, Washington, D.C.

Faulkner, C.H., B. Deane, and H.H. Earnest, Simek, J. F., and A. Cressler Jr. 2001 Issues in the Study of Prehistoric Sou- 1984 A Mississippian Period Ritual Cave in theastern Cave Art. Midcontinental Tennessee. American Antiquity Journal of Archaeology 26(2):233-250. 49(2):350-361. 2005 Images in Darkness: Prehistoric Cave Art in Southeastern North America. In Faulkner, C. H., and J. F. Simek Discovering North American Rock Art, 1996 Mud Glyphs: Recently Discovered edited by L. Loendorf, C. Chippendale Cave Art in Eastern North America. In- and D. Whitley, pp. 93-113. University ternational Newsletter on Rock Art of Arizona Press, Tucson, Arizona. 15:8-13. 2008 On the Backs of Serpents: Prehistoric Cave Art in the Eastern Woodlands. In Faulkner, C. H., J. F. Simek, and A. Cressler Cave Archaeology in the Eastern 2004 On the Edges of the World: Prehistoric Woodlands: Essays in Honor of Patty Open Air Rock Art in Tennessee. In Jo Watson, edited by D. Dye, pp. 169- The Rock-Art of Eastern North Ameri- 192. University of Tennessee Press, ca: Capturing Images and Insight, Knoxville. edited by C. Diaz-Granados and J. R. Duncan, pp. 77-89. University of Ala- Simek, J. F., A. Cressler, and E. Pope bama Press, Tuscaloosa. 2004 Association Between a Southeastern Rock Art Motif and Mortuary Caves. In Hensen, B. B. The Rock-Art of Eastern North Ameri- 1986 Art in Mud and Stone: Mud Glyphs ca: Capturing Images and Insight, and Petroglyphs of the Southeast. In edited by C. Diaz-Granados and J. R. The Prehistoric Native American Art of Duncan, pp. 159-173. University of Al- Mud Glyph Cave, edited by C. H. abama Press, Tuscaloosa. Faulkner, pp. 81-108. University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Simek, J. F., J. C. Douglas, and A. Wallace 2007 Ancient Cave Art at Dunbar Cave Hilliard, J. E., G. Sabo, and D. Sabo State Natural Area. Tennessee Con- 2005 Rock Art in the Cultural Landscape. In servationist 23(5):24-26. Rock Art in Arkansas, edited by G. Sabo and D. Sabo, pp. 44-58. Univer- Simek, J. F., C. H. Faulkner, T. Ahlman, B. sity of Arkansas, Arkansas Archaeo- Cresswell, and J. D. Franklin logical Survey, Fayetteville. 2001 The Context of Late Prehistoric Sou- theastern Cave Art: The Art and Arc-

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haeology of 11th Unnamed Cave, Tennessee. Southeastern Archaeolo- gy 20(2):142-153.

Simek, J. F., S. R. Frankenberg, and C. H. Faulkner 2001 Towards an Understanding of Sou- theastern Prehistoric Cave Art. In In- tegrating Appalachian Highlands Arc- haeology, edited by S. Prezanno and L. Sullivan, pp. 49-64. University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville.

Jan F. Simek University of Tennessee Department of Anthropology 252 South Stadium Hall Knoxville, Tennessee 37996-0720

Sarah A. Blankenship University of Tennessee Department of Anthropology 252 South Stadium Hall Knoxville, Tennessee 37996-0720

Nicholas P. Herrmann Mississippi State University Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work Mississippi State, Mississippi 39762

Sarah C. Sherwood Dickinson College Department of Archaeology Carlisle, Pennsylvania 17013

Alan Cressler U.S. Geological Survey 3039 Amwiler Rd # 130 Atlanta, GA 30360

210

BUFFALO ROCK (11JS49): A HISTORIC PERIOD NATIVE AMERICAN ROCK ART SITE IN JOHNSON COUNTY, ILLINOIS

Mark J. Wagner, Mary R. McCorvie, and Charles A. Swedlund

The Buffalo Rock Site is a pictograph site located in a rockshelter in Pope County, Illinois. Here, we present a site description, history, and historical context for the location. We conclude that the Buffalo Rock site paintings represent a series of related images created over a very short pe- riod of time, possibly even in a single visit, by ca. A.D. 1700-1800 Native American peoples traveling along the Golconda-Kaskaskia Trace through southern Illinois.

Illinois has long been known to contain some point in time between ca. A.D. 1700 a rich heritage of prehistoric rock art (i.e., to 1800. pictograph and petroglyph) sites (McA- The bison painting is now so faded dams 1887:25-42), approximately 40 of that it appears only as a slightly darker which survive today (Wagner 1996:47- area on the shelter wall that is difficult to 79). Less well known, however, is that the photograph under normal conditions (Fig- state also contains a small number of his- ure 3). To make it more visible, photo- toric period pictograph sites created be- grapher Charles Swedlund enhanced the tween A.D. 1673 to ca. 1835. In this ar- red colors to create a much more vivid ticle we describe in detail one of these image (Figure 4). He also photographed it sites—Buffalo Rock (11JS49)—which in color and then created a false color im- consists of a bison, crescent moon, age that exaggerated red and green col- star/planet, and other paintings located on ors. He then converted this image to a the walls of a rock shelter in Pope County, black and white photograph in which the Illinois (Figures 1 and 2). The shelter con- reddish-orange bison painting appeared taining these paintings is directly imme- as a light (white) rather than dark image diately north of the intersection of the Gol- (Figure 4). conda-Kaskaskia Trace and the Le Grande (or Hunter’s) Trace, two very im- Site Description portant late eighteenth to early nineteenth century overland trails that once linked the The Buffalo Rock site (also known as Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. Although the the Bleeding Buffalo, Indian Buffalo Paint- exact age of the bison and other paintings ing, and Gum Spring Hollow site) consists is unknown, recent studies have revealed of a west-facing rock shelter located in a that bison were present in northern parts narrow interior creek valley called Gum of Illinois as early as 2,000 years ago Spring Hollow on the Shawnee National (Harn and Martin 2006:9-13; Martin and Forest (SNF) in the rugged Shawnee Hills Harn 2006:9-66; McMillan 2006). We ar- region of southern Illinois (Figure 1). This gue in this article, however, that stylistic high-roofed (ca. 8 m at the drip line) and historic data indicate that the Buffalo sandstone overhang has a heavily eroded Rock site paintings were most likely dirt floor that slopes westward towards created by Great Lakes Algonquin Gum Spring Creek, a spring-fed creek peoples traveling through southern Illinois that holds water year-round. The L- along either the Golconda-Kaskaskia shaped shelter consists of a vertical east- Trace or Le Grande-Hunter’s Trace at west oriented wall located beneath a

211 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

tion across southern Illinois (Figure 4). This trace still exists today in the form of a Shawnee National Forest (SNF) dirt hik- ing/horseback trail located immediately west of and adjacent to the shelter. This trail intersected with another major early trail called the “Hunter’s Trace” or “Le Grande Trace,” which originally linked the French posts of Ft. Massac along the Ohio River and the town of Kaskaskia along the Mississippi River (McCorvie and Morrow 1994), immediately south of Gum Spring Hollow and the Buffalo Rock site. The reason for the junction of these two trails at Gum Spring Hollow is that this hollow, which also is known as “Moccasin Gap” represented the major passageway through the eastern Shawnee Hills during the late eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries (Walsh 1948:127). By the early nineteenth century the Golconda- Kaskaskia Trace had superseded the Le Grande-Hunter’s Trace in importance, with immigrants traveling down the Ohio River landing at the river port of Golconda and then traveling westward across southern Illinois on this road. FIGURE 1. Buffalo Rock site location, Johnson In 1807 a General Land Office (GLO) County, Illinois. surveyor mapped that section of the Gol- slight overhang at the north end of the conda-Kaskaskia trail that passed by Buf- site, which extends eastward beneath the falo Rock. His map indicates that the Gol- roof of the main part of the shelter to meet conda-Kaskaskia Trail ran in a northwest the north-south oriented wall that forms direction directly toward Moccasin Gap the back wall of the shelter. A faded red- (i.e., Gum Spring Hollow) and Buffalo dish-orange painting of an east-facing bi- Rock, with a second trail—a “wagon” road son is located on the vertical wall at the leading to Ford’s Ferry on the Ohio Riv- north end of the shelter, while the other er—heading in a northeast direction to- paintings—crescent moon, star/planet, wards this same gap (Figure 5). “Ford’s cross, and miscellaneous areas of faded Ferry Road” appears to be an early 1800s red ocher—are located on the rear (east) name for the former Le Grande-Hunter’s wall of the shelter (Figure 2). Trace (Walsh 1948:27), suggesting that The shelter is located directly on the the name of this old French road had former route of the eighteenth to nine- been changed by American settlers who teenth century Golconda-Kaskaskia traveled along s it to reach Ford’s Ferry in Trace, an important early trail that once present-day Hardin County, Illinois, during extended in a northwest-southeast direc- the first decades of the nineteenth

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FIGURE 2. Buffalo Rock site, 2001 (photograph by Mark Wagner) century. As noted above, Buffalo Rock is Pictographs located immediately north of the junction of the two trails, meaning that overland The shelter contains two groups of travelers heading on one of these two paintings: (1) a large reddish-orange pic- trails toward Kaskaskia and the Mississip- tograph of an east-facing bison located on pi River would have passed directly by the the exterior vertical wall at the north end site if they had taken the lower route run- of the shelter (Figures 2, 3, and 4); and ning in front of the shelter. (2) a series of seven badly-faded paint- Trail ruts, however, also are present ings located on the rear wall of the main on the bluff top above and east of the part of the shelter, the most discernible of shelter, indicating that the combined Gol- which are a crescent moon and a possible conda-Kaskaskia-Le Grande Trace prob- star-planet. The bison painting is a well- ably separated into creek bottom and upl- known local landmark that reportedly was and branches upon entering Gum Spring first discovered (at least by Americans) Hollow-Moccasin Gap. This is typical of when American settlers “first came to the late eighteenth-nineteenth century trails in vicinity” in the early 1800s (Allen Illinois, with the upland and bottomland 1963:101). The existence of the second branches representing alternate routes group of paintings remained unknown un- used during wet and dry periods of the til we discovered them during a systemat- year, respectively. During rainy periods, ic inspection of the shelter walls in 1994. for example, the creek bottom branch The reason for this oversight appears to running through Gum Spring Hollow may be that visitors to the site are immediately have become impassible, with travelers drawn to the bison painting, consequently instead taking the upland branch that ran failing to inspect the darker interior walls along the bluff top in the same general of the shelter for additional paintings. This direction as the bottomland trail.

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FIGURE 3. Present-day faded appearance of bison painting, 2008 (photograph by Mark Wagner) lack of attention has helped to preserve an eye is located in the center of the head these smaller paintings, which (with one (Figure 6). Rather than being a pecked exception) have escaped the series of re- pit, this ca. one cm deep shallow pit ap- painting episodes that have seriously af- pears to represent a natural feature on the fected the integrity of the bison painting. rock face that the Native American arti- sans incorporated into the bison painting. North Wall Paintings As we discuss later in this article, his- torical accounts indicate that the bison The single painting on the north exte- painting has been repainted several times rior shelter consists of the well-known bi- since at least the 1930s and its appear- son painting (Figures 2, 3, and 4). This ance has clearly changed through time. 5YR 4/4 reddish brown to 5YR 6/6 reddish As such, it is possible that the current col- yellow painting of an east-facing bison or of the bison painting is not the same as covers a maximum 110 cm long by 53 cm its original color. Our impression after high area of the rock face. Located 1.4 to viewing the bison painting on numerous 1.93 m above the floor of the shelter, the occasions over the past fifteen years, bison has a humped back, short down- however, is that the modern chalk or other ward pointing tail, four short legs that materials used by people trying to “save” curve forward, and a hornless head with a the bison painting by repainting it tends to rounded snout or muzzle. A small (ca. 2 wash off over the years, with the painting cm) depression that appears to represent eventually resuming its typical faded

214 Buffalo Rock

FIGURE 4. Enhanced photograph of the bison painting (photograph by Charles A. Swedlund)

appearance. Another possible indication that the current (2009) color of the bison painting is close to or the same as its orig- inal color is that the one of the two Mun- sell color values—5YR 4/4 reddish brown—for the bison painting is identical to those colors recorded for the east wall paintings within the shelter, which (with one possible exception) appear never to have been repainted (see below).

East Wall Paintings FIGURE 5. Early nineteenth century trails leading A series of seven small paintings ex- to the Buffalo Rock site. tend over an approximate 2.35 m long by Identifiable motifs include a crescent 1.0 m high section of the back or east wall moon, a crossed circle representing a of the shelter (Figures 2 and 7). In con- probable star or planet, and a simple equi- trast to the solid-colored bison painting, lateral cross. The remaining images con- four of the east wall paintings consist of sist of solid-colored areas, outlined cir- outlined images with unpainted interiors. cles, and other designs that are not readi-

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FIGURE 6. Detail of bison head showing natural pit representing possible eye (photograph by Charles A. Swedlund).

FIGURE 7. Moon, star, cross, and other paintings, east wall of shelter (photograph by Mark Wagner) ly classifiable as to motif type. probable star or planet—consists of a 24 The first of these paintings—the cres- cm diameter 5YR 4/4 reddish brown quar- cent moon—consists of a 5YR 4/4 reddish tered circle in which the arms of the cross brown right-facing crescent that measures extend through and outside of the circle 24 cm long by 6 cm (maximum) wide (Figures 7, 8, and 9). A small (six cm di- (Figures 7, 8, and 9). This image appears ameter) solid-colored red circle is located to depict a waning moon, that is, the 28 cm south and above the quartered cir- moon as it appears when decreasing in cle. The quartered circle is located only 14 size during the second week of the lunar cm south and at the same approximate month. elevation as the crescent moon, vocation- The second identifiable image—the al characteristics that suggest the two im-

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FIGURE 8. Digitally-altered photograph of moon and star paintings, east wall of shelter (photograph by Charles A. Swedlund) symbol, the Buffalo Rock quartered circle appears to represent a four-pointed star or planet similar to two examples asso- ciated with crescent moons in Missouri (Diaz-Granados and Duncan 2000:200). The third identifiable motif—a small equal armed cross that measures 16 cm high x 16 cm wide—is located 70 cm south and slightly below the star-planet motif (Figure 7). This lightly ground image, FIGURE 9. Drawing of moon and star paintings, which is not shown in this article due to east wall of shelter the difficulty in photographing it, is cov- ages are associated with each other. Al- ered by a faded 5YR 4/4 reddish brown though cross-and-circle or quartered cir- pigment. Beyond this are a pair of 5YR cle designs interpreted as world symbols 4/4 reddish brown outlined designs, the (Hall 1997:119-127) are a common pre- left (northern) one of which resembles a historic Mississippian period (A.D. 1000- capital “D” while the right (southern) one 1550) rock art motif in southern Illinois resembles a circle with two diverging lines (Wagner 1996:47-79; Wagner et al. coming out of the top. The two diverging 2004:42-64), the Buffalo Rock site cross- lines are brighter in appearance and have and-circle differs from those images in the a different color value (5YR 4/6 yellowish extension of the arms of the cross red) than the two D-shaped designs, sug- through the circle. Rather than a world gesting they may have been added by vis-

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FIGURE 10. Early 1900s appearance of bison painting (Smith 1912) itors to the site. century French bison hunters (Moyers The final painted image on the east 1931:26-104). Eighteenth or nineteenth wall consists of a 12 cm x 9 cm solid- century accounts in support of these colored 5YR 4/4 reddish brown oval lo- statements, however, have not been cated approximately one meter south of found. Although the site indeed must have the equilateral cross. This last design is been known to eighteenth and early nine- the only image on the eastern wall that teenth century travelers along the Gol- appears to have been recognized by visi- conda-Kaskaskia Trace, knowledge of the tors to the site in the past and chalked existence of the site beyond a local level over for photographic purposes (Figure 7). most likely decreased throughout the ni- neteenth and early twentieth centuries as Site History this trail fell into disuse and became a lo- cal back road. Visitors to the site during John Allen (1963:101) noted that the this time most likely consisted of nearby Buffalo Rock site was known to the earli- farm families who visited the site during est American settlers in southern Illinois. If trips to nearby Gum Spring to obtain wa- correct, this statement indicates that the ter as well as to wash their clothes in the site had been “discovered” by at least ca. creek. Pope County farm resident Ruby A.D. 1800. Another local researcher, Wil- Oliver, for example, remembered visiting liam Nelson Moyers, further suggested the site as a girl in 1926 during a trip by that the Buffalo Rock site bison painting her family to Gum Spring to obtain water may have been created by eighteenth and do their laundry. Afterwards her father

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took her to see the bison painting at Buf- mane; the legs are more like bench falo Rock, which local residents believed legs, there are no hoofs; the tail is too had been painted by the Indians in blood short and has no tuft; there is no sug- on the rock face. gestion of sex. The earliest known published refer- ence to the site occurs in George Wash- The “yellow ochre” described by Moy- ington Smith’s 1912 History of Southern ers actually appears to have been a yel- Illinois (Smith 1912:31-32). The value of low paint or chalk applied to the painting this reference lies not in Smith’s very brief in the early 1930s. Harrisburg newspaper account of the site (i.e. a “Buffalo painting columnist Clarence Bonnell, for example, on a bluff in Johnson County”), but in a reported in a 1933 article that the painting photograph of the bison painting that ac- had been “originally painted in brown but companied his limited description (Figure recently smeared over with a yellowish 10). This image, which represents the first tinge evidently for the purpose of making known photograph of the painting, illu- it plainer” (Bonnell 1933:32; italics added). strates that in 1912 the bison appeared as Bonnell’s article, which appeared in a a dark-colored right (east) facing qua- small book on southern Illinois outdoor druped with a large distinct hump on its attractions, appears to have been taken back. In contrast to the way the bison ap- from his newspaper column and was pears today, the 1912 photograph shows probably already several years old by the a single large horn extending out of and time it appeared in his 1933 book. As extending backwards from the top of the such, the “yellow ocher” described by head. The photograph also shows what Moyers in 1931 is quite likely the same appears to be a lighter area of paint con- “recently smeared…yellowish tinge” de- necting the front of the hump with the scribed by Bonnell two years later (Bon- back of the head immediately below the nell 1933:32; Moyers 1931:74). This yel- base of the horn. This area of lighter low paint apparently washed away fairly paint, together with the very solid dark rapidly with the bison once again appear- appearance of the rest of the image, sug- ing as a faded reddish brown iron oxide gests that the bison may have been re- painting by 1950. It maintained this color painted shortly before the photograph was from at least the 1950s to early 1970s taken, with the lighter area representing with various authors describing the color an area that escaped repainting (Figure of the bison painting as “light brown” 10). (Peithmann 1951:4; 1952:93), “light rust” The bison definitely had been re- (Peithmann 1955:99), “pale rust” (Allen painted by 1931 when local historian Wil- 1963:101), and “brownish red” (Pulcher liam Nelson Moyers provided the first de- 1973:29). It is possible, however, that the tailed description of this painting (Moyers 5YR 4/6 reddish yellow color value rec- 1931:74; italics added): orded on part of the bison painting in 2007 was taken on a still-surviving remnant of [To create the image] yellow ochre, the 1930s “yellow ochre” paint or chalk mixed with water, was rubbed into the mentioned by Bonnell and Moyers. pitted [rock] surface and followed the By the early 1950s Buffalo Rock had crude outline of an animal. The only come to the attention of professional arc- paint showing now is that within the haeologists with James B. Griffin record- pits. It is sort of a silhouette, with nei- ing the site in the Illinois Archaeological ther mouth, ears, eyes, horns nor Survey (IAS) site files in 1950 as part of

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FIGURE 11. Ca. 1950 appearance of bison painting (Peithmann 1951) the Mississippi Valley Archaeological Sur- late 1940s and early 1950s where he held vey project. Griffin probably obtained his the title of Curator of Archaeology (Peith- information on the site from amateur arc- mann 1951, 1955). One possible indica- haeologist Irvin Peithmann who in 1951 tion that Peithmann indeed did repaint the published a short article on the archaeo- bison is that during our 1994 work at the logy of southern Illinois that included the site long-time local resident Orville Cook first known photograph of the bison (Fig- informed us that “someone from SIU had ure 11) to appear in print in 40 years painted it maroon” at some point in the (Peithmann 1951:4; see also Peithmann past (Cook 1994). Given Peithmann’s 1952, 1955). Peithmann’s photograph of known interest in the site as well as his the bison (Figure 11) differs significantly predilection for “saving” rock art sites by from the 1912 Smith photograph, most repainting them, Orville Cook’s comment particularly as regards the shape of the very well may have applied to him. head (rounded rather than square), end of Buffalo Rock, to our knowledge, has the snout (rounded rather than flat), and been repainted at least once more since presence or absence of horns (absent). Peithmann photographed it in the 1950s, Irvin Peithmann also may have re- with this most recent episode occurring in painted the bison in the 1950s, similar to the late 1980s. Its current appearance is what he is known to have done to at least very similar to that of the 1951 Peithmann two other southern Illinois rock art sites photograph rather than the 1912 Smith during that same time (Wagner 2002:7). photograph. Ronald Pulcher, then a grad- Peithmann was associated with the uate student at Southern Illinois Universi- Southern Illinois University Museum in the ty, visited the site in April 1972, as part of

220 Buffalo Rock

his study of Illinois rock art. Pulcher’s un- sites in southern Illinois suggests a rela- finished manuscript contains some brief tively late date for the arrival of bison with- notes on the site including a sketch of the in the region. Bison remains have not, to bison that again is similar to the 1951 our knowledge, been recovered from any Peithmann photograph (Pulcher 1973:29, prehistoric site within this part of the state. 62). No mention is made in any of the var- In addition, excavations at the Millstone ious articles written between 1912 and Bluff site, which is located in the same 1973 to the pictographs on the east wall county as the Buffalo Rock site and is one of the shelter which, to our knowledge, of the latest (ca. A.D. 1250-1550) occu- remained unknown until we recorded pied Mississippian sites in southern Illi- them in 1994. nois, failed to produce any bison remains although other relatively uncommon spe- Discussion cies such as elk and mountain lion were represented within the relatively large Culturally diagnostic artifacts that faunal assemblage recovered from this could be used to indirectly date the age of site (Butler and Cobb 2001). the Buffalo Rock site paintings are not Rather than being prehistoric in origin, present on the shelter floor, nor have any we believe that stylistic and historic data archaeological investigations to recover indicate that the Buffalo Rock site bison such materials ever been conducted with- painting dates to either the proto-historic in the shelter to our knowledge. Conse- or early historic periods. Most notable in quently, the precise age of these images this regard is the stylistic dissimilarity of is unknown. Although the presence of bi- this and the other paintings at the site to son imagery would at first glance appear the prehistoric art tradition of the state to indicate a late prehistoric or historic which is dominated by Mississippian pe- (post-A.D.1673) period age for the paint- riod (A.D. 1000-1550) motifs associated ings at the site, recent evidence from the with Southeastern Ceremonial Complex Lonza-Caterpillar site in north central Illi- (Wagner 1996:47-79). This dissimilarity nois has revealed that bison were present also is evident at the only other Illinois in that part of the state by approximately rock art site (Clarida Hollow, 11PP8) that 400 B.C. (Harn and Martin 2006:9-13). contains bison-related motifs. Located Marshalling a variety of geological and immediately east of Buffalo Rock, Clarida biogeographical evidence, McMillan Hollow contains a series of unique bison- (2006:108) has argued for an even great- related images including staked-out flayed er antiquity for bison in the state, conclud- bison hides contained within cosmic cir- ing that bison most likely “were present cles; a skinned and partially butchered soon after, if not before, the establishment bison with an arrow or dart sticking of the full-blown prairie in [central] Illinois” through it; and a magical being with bison- at ca. 4,200 B.C. As such, the bison paint- like forelegs, tail, and tufted head (Wagn- ing at the Buffalo Rock site potentially er and McCorvie 2002). The imagery at could have been created at any point in both sites is markedly different in method time between ca. 4000 B.C. to A.D. 1835 of execution (paintings as opposed to pe- when the last Native American groups troglyphs) and style from those at the were removed from the state. nearby site (A.D. 1250- In contrast to northern Illinois, howev- 1550), which contains well-known Missis- er, faunal evidence from archaeological sippian period icons such as the bi-lobed

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arrow, cross-in-circle, antlered serpents, southern Illinois (Fortier and Chaput and falconoid birds as the dominant im- 1969:385-406). Accompanied by over 30 ages (Wagner et al. 2004:42-64). voyageurs and the Jesuit missionary Fa- The interpretation of the Buffalo Rock ther Mermet, Juchereau established this bison painting as dating to the proto- post in 1702 and began dispatching bison historic or historic periods also is streng- hunters throughout southern Illinois and thened by the presence of bison-related adjacent areas of the lower Ohio valley. images at rock art sites and on portable This small establishment attracted the at- bone and stone items dating to these tention of the Mascouten, a Great Lakes same time periods in Illinois and else- Algonquin group who had begun a south- where in the Midwest (McCorvie and Mor- ward movement into the Illinois River val- row 1993). Bison paintings very similar to ley during the late seventeenth century the Buffalo Rock bison painting, for ex- (Temple 1966:159). The Mascouten es- ample, occur in a late prehistoric tablished a village next to the tannery, context in Wisconsin (Boszhardt serving as hide-hunters to the French in 2000:361-373). Depictions of bison also return for trade goods. Perhaps more sig- occur on pebbles and smoking pipes re- nificantly, especially as regards the occur- covered from late prehistoric to proto- rence of bison and bison-related motifs at historic contexts in northeastern Illinois rock art sites in southern Illinois, is that (Bluhm and Liss 1961; Herold et. al the Mascouten believed in a powerful bi- 1990:72), Missouri (Bray 1963:1-163), son manitou that lived beneath the earth Ohio (Tankersley 1986:289-303), and who gave life to all bison as well as hav- Kentucky (Webb 1998). The creation of ing the power to restore the sick to health bison images on portable objects contin- (Fortier and Chaput 1969:399; Thwaites ued on into the early historic period as 1899:237-239). The Mascouten belief in evidenced by the recovery of a bison rib the power of the bison manitou was tested decorated with an engraved bison from in 1703 when a contagious illness broke the eighteenth century Illini-occupied out among them, decimating their popula- Guebert site in Randolph County in tion and claiming the life of Juchereau de southern Illinois (Warren 2001:15). St. Denys. The tannery was abandoned As such, rather than being prehistoric upon the death of Juchereau but in little in origin, we believe it more likely that the more than one year while it was in opera- Buffalo Rock bison painting was created tion, Juchereau’s hunters, undoubtedly by Great Lakes Algonquin peoples from assisted by the Mascouten, reportedly outside of southern Illinois who entered had collected as many as 8,000 to 15,000 into the region at some point in the late bison hides (Fortier and Chaput seventeenth or (more likely) eighteenth 1969:401). centuries. Historic data indicate that by The abandonment of Juchereau’s the beginning of the eighteenth century Tannery marked the end of the large- enough bison were present in southern scale market hunting of bison in southern Illinois that commercial market hunting of Illinois and adjacent areas of the lower these animals became feasible. In 1700 Ohio River valley until the mid-eighteenth Charles Juchereau de St. Denys applied century. This activity resumed in the early to the King of for a license to es- 1760s when the British trader George tablish a buffalo hide tannery and fort Morgan obtained a contract from the Brit- along the lower Ohio River in extreme ish government to supply bison beef to

222 Buffalo Rock the British garrisons in the Illinois country 1700 and 1800. (McCorvie and Morrow 1993:5-6). From We also believe that the crescent his trading post at Kaskaskia on the Mis- moon and star paintings at the Buffalo sissippi River, Morgan sent bison hunting Rock site represent historic period crea- expeditions down the Mississippi and up tions that are most likely contemporary the Ohio River to Kentucky from 1765 to with the bison painting. The crescent-and- 1772. In 1767 alone, Morgan’s hunters star is an infrequent motif in southern Illi- brought 50,000 pounds of bison meat nois with the only other known examples back to the British-held post of Ft. de consisting of a painting on the ceiling of Chartres. The impact of Morgan’s opera- the Tripp site, a small rock shelter of un- tion on the bison population was amplified known age located 31 km due west of by French market hunters from both the Buffalo Rock, and as a petroglyph at the Illinois country and New Orleans who Mississippian-era Fountain Bluff site were actively hunting bison in Missouri, (11J41) in western Jackson County adja- southern Illinois, Arkansas, and Tennes- cent to the Mississippi River (Wagner see. In December of 1767, the same year 1996:63). The crescent-and-star motif al- in which his hunters harvested 50,000 so occurs in nearby southeastern Mis- pounds of bison meat, George Morgan souri, where Diaz-Granados and Duncan complained that the French had taken so (2000:181-182) have alluded to the possi- many bison that year that the number of bility that it represents the supernova of these animals in the lower Ohio Valley A.D. 1054. This supernova was so bright had decreased 95 percent from the year that when it first appeared it could be before (Baker 1997:593). seen in the morning sky in combination The extent to which Native Americans with the waning moon. Combination cres- were involved in Morgan’s bison hunting cent moon and star designs interpreted as operation is unclear. The majority of his possible records of the A.D. 1054 super- hunters clearly were American frontiers- nova also have been documented at a men who worked for him on a contractual number of other rock art sites in western basis. Morgan carried a large supply of North American (Brandt and Williamson Indian trade goods at his store at 1977; Brandt et al. 1975; Mayer Kaskaskia, however, and it is likely that at 1977:179-201; but see Ellis 1975:59-88, least some Native American hunters for a contrary opinion). traded bison meat and hides to him as The night sky, however, formed an well. Bison continued to be present in important aspect of the mythologies of small numbers in southern Illinois until at many historic period Native American least 1795 with the last bison in the state groups. As such, it is likely that at least reportedly being killed in 1808. In sum, some crescent moon and star designs are the archaeological and historical data associated with mythological events of the suggest a maximum date range of ca. religions of various historic period groups A.D. 1550-1800 for the bison painting at rather than being a record of a specific the Buffalo Rock site. Given the history of historical event such as the A.D. 1054 su- the market hunting of bison in the region pernova. Among the nineteenth century and the participation of Native Americans Pawnee, for example, the conjunction of in that endeavor, however, we would sug- the planet Venus and the waning crescent gest that it is more likely that the bison moon in the early morning sky each April painting dates to the period between A.D. was viewed as an embodiment of the

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Pawnee creation myth in which Morning Conclusions Star pursued Evening Star across the night sky (Chamberlin 1982; Hall 1997:86- In conclusion, we interpret the Buffalo 94). Rock site paintings as representing a se- The crescent-and-star motif also was ries of related images created over a very used by late eighteenth and early nine- short period of time, possibly even in a teenth century Great Lakes Algonquin single visit, by ca. A.D. 1700-1800 Native peoples on wooden grave markers and on American peoples traveling along the religious clothing. Henry Schoolcraft, for Golconda-Kaskaskia Trace through example, illustrated a Chippewa (Ojibwa) southern Illinois. The meaning of these wooden grave marker erected in 1793 images and the purpose for which they that contained two crescents, one light were created is, to say the least, proble- and one dark, which represented the “dry matical. Historic period Algonquin peoples quarter” of the moon (Schoolcraft in eastern North America often linked dis- 1851:356, Plate 50). Schoolcraft also crete images together in a series to form noted, however, that the crescent moon narratives of specific events such as raid- motif shown on the sides of tent used by ing parties, hunting expeditions, or the Algonquin shamans represented one of exploits of deceased (Coy the manitous summoned by the shaman 2004:3-18). Such groups of linked images as part of the “shaking tent” ceremony. served as mnemonic devices that could Crescent and star designs, in combination be used to recall to memory the details of with bison-related clothing, also were specific events by individuals familiar with used as part of the late eighteenth to early that event. In the case of Buffalo Rock, nineteenth century Great Lakes Medewin the bison painting, crescent moon, and healing society ceremonies. In 1804, for star in combination may detail the history example, a British who witnessed a of a single Native American bison hunting Medewin ceremony noted that the Mede- expedition that took place during the first win priest wore a “cap…made of the part of the month in the spring of a par- shaggy skin of a buffalo’s head with the ticular year. It is equally possible, howev- ear and horns on. A Buffalo Robe hung on er, that the crescent moon and star/planet his broad shoulders in the inside of which represent the Morning Star (Hall 1997:86- was worked in figures of sun, moon, stars, 94) while the bison painting could and other Hieroglyphics” (in Belue represent a manitou similar to that of the 1996:151-152; italics added). In sum, ra- Mascouten (Thwaites 1899:237-239) ther than being strictly a prehistoric period whose power could be accessed by paint- phenomenon, the crescent moon-and-star ing its image on the walls of the shelter. motif clearly continued in use as a motif Although it cannot be proven, the location among Great Lakes Algonquin peoples. of the Buffalo Rock site on a major trail As such, it is our opinion that the east wall linking the Ohio River, where the Mascou- crescent moon-and-star painting at the ten served as hide hunters to the French Buffalo Rock site is probably a historic pe- in 1702 and 1703, and Kaskaskia on the riod creation contemporaneous with the Mississippi where George Morgan ran a bison painting on the north wall. similar large-scale bison hunting operation from 1765-1772, also raises the possibility that the images at the site may have been created by Native American hunters work-

224 Buffalo Rock

ing for one of these two enterprises. Re- see. gardless of which (if any) of the above scenarios is correct, the Buffalo Rock site Belue, Ted Franklin paintings represent an important aspect of 1996 The Long Hunt: Death of the Buffalo the Native American rock art tradition of East of the Mississippi. Stackhole Press, Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania. Illinois. Only through the detailed docu- mentation of the designs at this and other Bonnell, Clarence “late” sites such as the Clarida Hollow site 1933 Each in a Day. Clarence Bonnell, Har- will we begin to delineate the methods, risburg, Pennsylvania. styles, and types of images associated with the very end of the Native American Bluhm, Elaine and Alice Liss rock art tradition in Illinois. 1961 The . In Chicago Area Arc- haeology. Illinois Archaeological Sur- Acknowledgements: First and foremost we would vey Bulletin No. 3. University of Illinois, like to acknowledge Dr. Charles Faulkner, whose Urbana. painstaking research at Mud Glyph Cave and oth- er rock art sites in Tennessee in the 1980s (Faulk- Boszhardt, Robert ner 1986) and later is largely responsible for the 2000 Turquoise, Rasps, and Heartlines: The revitalization of rock art studies as a legitimate Oneota Bison Pull. In Mounds, Modoc, field of research in eastern North American arc- and Mesoamerica: Papers in Honor of haeology. Mary and I also would be remiss if we did not thank Charlie for his continued interest and Melvin L. Fowler, edited by Steven R. support for our careers ever since we were gradu- Ahler, pp. 361-373. Illinois State Mu- ate students at the University of Tennessee in the seum Scientific Papers Series Vol. late 1970s. We also wish to thank Charles A. XXVIII. Illinois State Museum, Spring- Swedlund, emeritus professor of photography at field. Southern Illinois University Carbondale (SIUC), whose superb photographic skills have aided Brandt, John C. and Ray A. Williamson greatly to the documentation of southern Illinois 1977 Rock Art Representations of the A.D. rock art sites. Also acknowledged are the past and 1054 Supernova: A Progress Report. present personnel of the Shawnee National For- In Native American Astronomy, edited est, most particularly current Forest Supervisor Allen Nicholas, whose continued interest and sup- by Anthony F. Aveni, pp. 171-178. port over the years have aided greatly to the pre- University of Texas Press, Austin. servation of the Buffalo Rock and other rock art sites located on the forest. Finally, we also wish to Brandt, John C., Stephen P. Maran, Ray Wil- thank a number of local residents of southern Illi- liamson, Robert S. Harrington, Clarion nois including Mark Bensen, Orville Cook, Gary Cochran, Muriel Kennedy, William J, Hacker, and John O’Dell who have shared infor- Kennedy and Von Del Chamberlain. mation and photographs of the site over the years 1975 Possible Rock Art Records of the Crab or helped us map the site on various occasions. Nebula Supernova in the . In Archaeoastronomy in References Pre-Columbian America, edited by An- thony F. Aveni, pp. 45-48. University Allen, John of Texas Press, Austin. 1963 Legend and Lore of Southern Illinois. Southern Illinois University, Carbon- Bray, Robert dale. 1963 Southern Cult Motifs from the Utz Oneota Site, Saline County, Missouri. Baker, Mark The Missouri Archaeologist 25:1-163. 1997 Sons of A Trackless Forest. Baker’s Trace Publishing, Franklin, Tennes-

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Butler, Brian M. and Charles R. Cobb Hall, Robert 2001 The Millstone Bluff Site: A First Ap- 1997 An Archaeology of the Soul. University proximation. In Current Archaeological of Illinois Press, Urbana. Research in Kentucky, edited by C. Hockensmith and C. S. K. Carstens. Harn, Alan D and Terrance J. Martin Kentucky Heritage Commission, 2006 Early Confrontations with the Illinois Frankfort. Country’s “Wild Cattle.” The Living Museum 67:4:9-13. Chamberlain, Von Del 1982 When Stars Came Down to Earth: Herold, Elaine Bluhm, Patrica J. O’Brien, and Cosmology of the Skidi Pawnee In- David J. Wenner, Jr. dians of North America. Ballena Press, 1990 Hoxie Farm and Huber: Two Upper Los Altos, California. Mississippian Archaeological Sites in Cook County, Illinois. In At the Edge of Cook, Orville Prehistory: Huber Phase Archaeology 1994 Recollection of the Repainting of Buf- in the Chicago Area, edited by James falo Rock. Personal Communication to A. Brown and Patricia J. O’Brien, pp. Mark Wagner, October 8, 1994. 3-119. Center for American Archaeo- logy, Kampsville, Illinois. Coy, Fred 2004 Native American Dendroglyphs of the Martin, Terrance J, and Alan D. Harn. Eastern Woodlands. In The Rock Art 2006 The Lonza-Caterpillar Site: Bison of Eastern North America, edited by Bone Deposits from the Illinois River, Carol Diaz-Granados and James R. Peoria, Illinois. In Records of Early Bi- Duncan, pp. 3-16, University of Ala- son in Illinois, edited by R. Bruce bama Press, Tuscaloosa. McMillan, pp. 9-66. Illinois State Mu- seum Scientific Papers, Volume XXXI. Diaz-Granados, Carol and James R. Duncan Illinois State Museum, Springfield. 2000 The Petroglyphs and Pictographs of Missouri. University of Alabama Press, Mayer, Dorothy Tuscaloosa. 1977 An Examination of Miller’s Hypothesis. In Native American Astronomy, edited Ellis, Florence Hawley by Anthony F. Aveni, pp. 179-202. 1975 A Thousand Years of the Pueblo Sun- University of Texas Press, Austin. Moon-Star Calendar. In Archaeoas- tronomy in Pre-Columbian America, McAdams, William edited by Anthony F. Aveni, pp. 59-88. 1887 Records of Ancient Races in the Mis- University of Texas Press, Austin. sissippi Valley. C.R. Barns Publishing Company, St. Louis, Missouri. Faulkner, Charles H. (Editor) 1986 The Prehistoric Native American Art of McCorvie, Mary R. and Carol A. Morrow Mud Glyph Cave. University of Ten- 1993 The Occurrence of the North American nessee Press, Knoxville. Bison in the Eastern Woodlands. Pa- per Presented at the 58th Annual Fortier, John and Donald Chaput Meeting of the Society for American 1969 A Historical Reexamination of Juche- Archaeology, St. Louis, Missouri. reau’s Illinois Tannery. Journal of the 1994 Le Grande Trace: A Prehistoric and Illinois State Historical Society Historic Transportation Corridor 62:4:385-406. through Southern Illinois. Paper pre- sented at the 51st Annual Meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Con-

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ference, Lexington, Kentucky. pers, Volume II, Part 2, Springfield, Il- linois. McMillan, R. Bruce (Editor) 2006 Illinois State Museum Scientific Pa- Thwaites, Reuben G. pers, Volume XXXI. Illinois State Mu- 1899 The Jesuit Relations and Allied Docu- seum, Springfield. ments, Vol. LXVI: Illinois, Louisiana, , Lower Canada. Burrows Moyers, William Nelson Brothers Company, Cleveland, Ohio. 1931 A Study of Southern Illinois, the Sol- diers’ Reservation, Including the In- Wagner, Mark J. dians, French Traders, and Some Ear- 1996 Written in Stone: The Rock Art of Illi- ly Americans. Illinois State Historical nois. In Rock Art of the Eastern Wood- Society Journal 24:1: 26-104. lands, edited by Charles H. Faulkner, pp. 47-79. Proceedings from the East- Peithmann, Irvin ern States Rock Art Conference, Natu- 1951 The Archaeology of Southern Illinois. ral Bridge State Park, Kentucky, April Publisher and place of publication un- 10, 1992. American Rock Art Re- known, search Association Occasional Paper 1952 Petroglyphs and Pictographs of No. 2, San Miguel, California. Southern Illinois. Illinois State Arc- 2002 The Archaeology and Rock Art of the haeological Society Journal 2:91-94. Piney Creek Ravine. Illinois Transpor- 1955 Echoes of the Red Man. Exposition tation Archaeological Research Pro- Press, New York, New York. gram, Transportation Archaeological Research Reports No. 12. Urbana, Illi- Pulcher, Ron nois. 1973 Rock Art in Southern Illinois. Ms. On file. Center for Archaeological Investi- Wagner, Mark J. and Mary R. McCorvie gations, Southern Illinois University, 2002 The Clarida Hollow Site: An Early His- Carbondale. toric Period Pictograph Site in South- ern Illinois. Paper presented at the Schoolcraft, Henry 59th Annual Meeting of the Southeas- 1851 Historical and statistical Information tern Archaeological Conference, Bilox- Concerning the History, Conditions, i, Mississippi. and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of United States, Part I. Lippincott, Wagner, Mark J, Mary R. McCorvie, and Grambo and Company, Philadelphia, Charles A. Swedlund Pennsylvania. 2004 Mississippian Cosmology and Rock Art at the Millstone Bluff Site, Illinois. Smith, George Washington In The Rock Art of Eastern North 1912 A History of Southern Illinois. Lewis America, edited by Carol Diaz- Publishing Company, Chicago, Illinois. Granados and James R. Duncan, pp. 42-64, University of Alabama Press, Tankersley, Kenneth B, Tuscaloosa. 1986 Bison Exploitation by Late Fort Ancient Peoples in the Central Ohio River Val- Warren, Robert E. ley. North American Archaeologist 2001 The Colonial Period. In Discover Illi- 7:4:289-303. nois Archaeology, pp. 14-15. Illinois Association for Advancement of Arc- Temple, Wayne haeology and the Illinois Archaeologi- 1966 Indian Villages of the Illinois Country. cal Survey, Springfield. Illinois State Museum Scientific Pa-

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Walsh, Mary 1948 Land Routes in Southern Illinois, 1763-1830. Unpublished M.S. thesis, Department of History, University of Notre Dame, South Bend, Indiana.

Webb, Lynn S. 1998 The Significance of Late Prehistor- ic/Early Historic Utilization of Bison by Aboriginal Populations of the Eastern Prairie Peninsula and the Ohio River Valley. Unpublished M.A. thesis, De- partment of Anthropology, University of Kentucky, Lexington.

Mark J. Wagner Center for Archaeological Investigations Southern Illinois University Carbondale, Illinois 62901-6899

Mary R. McCorvie Shawnee National Forest Murphysboro, Illinois 62966

Charles A. Swedlund Professor Emeritus of Photography Southern Illinois University Carbondale, Illinois 62901-6899

228

CRADLE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS?: CERAMIC AND ARCHITECTURAL ANALYSIS OF TWO SOUTHEASTERN URBAN HOUSEHOLDS

Amy L. Young

The emergence of the American white-collar middle class followed on the heels of the Second Great Awakening and coincided with the creation of industrial . It is within this cul- tural framework that the “cult of domesticity” arose. This phenomenon, though national in scope, has been the subject of archaeological studies predominantly in the urban Northeast. This study presents data from two middle-class urban sites, Blount Mansion in Knoxville, Tennessee and The Oaks in Jackson, Mississippi. Analysis of ceramics, domestic architecture and historical data indicate that Southeastern housewives during the late antebellum period were full partici- pants in the cult of domesticity that sought to define the values of the emerging middle class.

Scholars from a variety of disciplines would instill in their children Protestant have long recognized that the American Christian values of being honest, frugal, middle class evolved its essentially mod- gentile, and industrious. Though scholars ern form in the Victorian Era (Coontz focusing on the cult of domesticity have 1988; Fitts 1999; Ryan 1981; Schlereth often utilized etiquette books, fiction, and 1991; Wall 1991). While emergence of the other forms of prescriptive works, they white-collar middle class was, in part, a recognize the potential biases of the reaction to the Second Great Awakening ideals expressed in that literature may be (approximately 1790s to the 1840s), it different from the realities of everyday life nevertheless incorporated many aspects (Clark 1987:144, Fitts 1999:31). Neverthe- of Protestant Christianity as part of its less, this literature is useful for exploring identity. Thus middle-class identity had at how middle-class housewives interpreted is core an understanding of the impor- the ideals and incorporated them into their tance of proper Christian behavior and the material culture in that it provides a base- relationship between private family life, on line for understanding the array of materi- the one hand, and public, economic and al culture to which housewives had political society on the other (Cott 1977; access. Ryan 1981). An important facet of middle- The material correlates of the middle- class family life defined the role of the class cult of domesticity have been identi- American housewife through the “cult of fied and examined on urban sites in the domesticity.” At the heart of the cult of northeastern United States (Fitts 1999; domesticity was the notion that American Wall 1991). The movement is not only housewives, in addition to the many and linked to a reaction to the Second Great arduous tasks necessary to keep a house, Awakening, but also to the shift in style played fundamental moral and religious from classical to romantic in domestic ar- roles in shaping the values of their child- chitecture and domestic furnishings (Clark ren and in creating the ideal environment 1976:33-31). The prevailing popular for attaining Christian salvation for them- theory during the Victorian Era was that selves, their family, and society at large. the environment in which children were In other words, within the private sphere reared was a potent force in shaping per- of the home, women were to create and sonality and morality, wherein virtue and maintain a domestic atmosphere that order were equated with beauty, and vice

229 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

and disorder with deformity (Clark that was built at the same time as the 1976:45-46). Although urbanization and dwelling, and fell into disuse when a new industrialization out of which the middle attached kitchen was constructed about class emerged were more significant 1880. forces in the Northeast, the extremely Fitts (1999) and others (Clark 1976; popular advice literature such as Cathe- Coontz 1988) observed that as the white- rine Beecher’s (1851) Treatise on Domes- collar middle class emerged in the mid- tic Economy, Andrew Jackson Downing’s nineteenth century in the U.S., members (1850) The Architecture of Country Hous- constructed a distinct set of values that es, and magazines like Godey’s Lady’s set it apart from and the working Book suggest that the cult of domesticity classes, particularly recent European im- and the middle-class movement were not migrants. Coontz (1988:192) argued that just limited to the urban and industrial the “…rapidly emerging economic and so- Northeast. This study examines two mid- cial milieu with far higher rates of geo- dle-class urban farmsteads in the South- graphic and occupational mobility than east for elements of the cult of domesticity before, middle-class children had to be expressed in their ceramic assemblages taught not their parents’ skills, rapidly be- and domestic architecture; the Blount ing outmoded, but general values and ap- Mansion site in Knoxville, Tennessee and pearances that would gain them entry to the Oaks in Jackson, Mississippi. Both the places where new skills were taught.” residences served as home to their re- The middle-class core values merged spective mayors during the late antebel- Protestant Christian morality, folk psy- lum period. Knoxville, established about chology that maintained that the environ- 1780, experienced rapid growth. Knox- ment molded the personality of the indi- ville’s population in 1850 was 2,076 but vidual, and the ideals of the romantic re- had grown to 32,637 in 1900 (Gray and vival movement. This placed the emerging Adams 1976:74). Jackson, established in white-collar middle-class home in sharp the early 1820s, was a relatively small contrast to industrialization, the competi- town for most of the period of this study, tiveness of capitalism, and urban living growing from 1,818 in 1850 to 7,816 in that was associated with intemperance, 1900 (McCain 1953:312). The Oaks, con- disease, and crime. The middle class be- structed in 1853, was home to a single gan to move away from inner cities to family until it was sold and converted to a commuting suburbs where homes be- museum home in the 1960s. The Blount came domestic sanctuaries presided over Mansion site has a more complex history by middle-class housewives. as it dates between ca. 1790 and the Architects like Andrew Jackson Down- 1920s when it, too, became a museum ing utilized ecclesiastical elements in the home. Blount was home to a number of design of family dwellings in the mid- different and unrelated families during its nineteenth century. Gothic Revival style history. Ceramic data from Blount Man- architecture became increasingly common sion for this study are limited, and come beginning about 1840. Their characteristic primarily from the cistern and a cistern features include steeply pitched roofs, conduit in the rear yard near the detached steep cross gables, ornamented gables, kitchen. Ceramic data from the Oaks are and wall surface extending into the gable more extensive and derived primarily from without a break (McAlester and McAlester test excavations in the detached kitchen 1986:197). This architectural style evoked

230 Cradle of the Middle Class an image of medieval Gothic churches been used by a woman in competitive and a more religious age. At the same displays designed to impress guests with time, stained glass became popular in the “refined gentility of her family” (Wall domestic architecture (Clark 1976:44). 1991:79). Given that Gothic Revival archi- According to Clark (1976:44), guidebooks tecture was rare in the Southeast, did recommended that the three primary col- middle-class women nevertheless adopt ors be used to symbolize the Trinity. Not similar patterns in their choices of ceramic only houses, but also stoves, furniture, table and tea wares? This study ad- and ceramics were designed using Gothic dresses that issue. standards. Another element to consider is the din- Blount Mansion, Knoxville, Tennessee ing room. Before the 1850s, pattern books that presented plans for middle-class Blount Mansion is located in the heart American homes rarely depicted separate of downtown Knoxville, Tennessee. Si- dining rooms. Dining rooms and the ela- tuated on one of the original town lots, it borate ritual of dinner parties were pri- was the home of William Blount who was marily concerns of the upper classes. appointed by President Washington in When dining rooms became more popular 1790 to govern the new Southwest Terri- for middle-class dwellings about 1850, the tory. Construction of the original home rooms were conceptualized as places for began around 1792 during the pioneer era family dining rather than formal entertain- of Knoxville when most settlers lived near ment. It was not until about 1880 that forts or stations (Young 2000). The home middle-class dining rooms began to be was continuously occupied until the 1920s associated with more elaborate, formal when the property was rescued from de- mealtime rituals, although on a smaller molition by preservationists. Between the scale than typical of society (Clark 1790s and the 1920s, the structures and 1987). layout were remodeled and reorganized While Gothic Revival architecture was (Faulkner 1985, 1988; Faulkner and Ger- relatively rare in the Southeast (McAlester man 1990; Young 2000). By ca. 1860, the and McAlester 1986:200), Southern wom- lot contained the main dwelling consisting en most likely constructed their own ver- of a two-story central block, with a one- sion of middle-class domesticity and gen- story east wing and a one-story west wing tility through other material culture. As (Young 2000). Of the original outbuildings, Wall (1991) and Fitts (1999) pointed out, only the office is extant. The original de- paneled Gothic style whiteware, iron- tached kitchen was reconstructed on its stone, and porcelain tablewares were ap- original foundation. Other original struc- parently markers of middle-class sensibili- tures identified in the archaeological ties in the Northeast. Essentially these record include a slave house and an un- studies suggest that the use of paneled identified structure. All of the early pio- Gothic-style ceramics (white granite, iron- neer-era structures appear to have been stone, and porcelain) were used in family enclosed in a substantial fence, perhaps and friendly situations to enhance “the sa- acting as a compound in the fear of Indian cred aspect of women’s domestic role attacks. The original slave house was within the ritual of family meals” (Wall moved onto the main house structure and 1991:79). Fancier tea sets used at tea became its west wing. Another slave parties, on the other hand, may have house was constructed in the rear yard

231 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

after about 1830 and is visible in the 1865 Emrick and Fore (1992), alterations to the photograph of Knoxville (Rothrock main dwelling were minor. It is likely that 1972:149). during the Boyd occupation that the kitch- According to a detailed architectural en was attached to the main house via the study (Emrick and Fore 1992), the Blount west wing, an early porch removed, and a Mansion dwelling was originally a hall- Victorian porch was added. It is not known and-parlor house over a nearly full base- whether the second slave house was ment between its construction and about erected by Boyd or by earlier residents. 1795. Sometime after 1800, the original By the time the families of Matthew slave house was moved and attached as Gaines and Samuel Boyd occupied Blount the west wing, and a second story was Mansion, the main dwelling consisted of a added to the original hall-and-parlor be- two-story central block, the east wing that tween 1812 and 1825. The single-story was likely the dining room, and the west east wing was added between 1815 and wing that originally stood in the rear yard 1830. The dining room at Blount may but had been moved and attached to the have been added while the property was central block, which likely became a considered more elite than middle-class, sleeping chamber. As Clark (1987:142) and most likely before the middle class stated, the dining room became a hall- assumed its modern identity. mark of achievement of middle-class res- The Blount Mansion property changed pectability. owners a number of times between ca. Archaeological work at Blount Man- 1820 and 1840 when it was purchased by sion, under the direction of Dr. Charles Matthew M. Gaines, who served as Mayor Faulkner, began in 1984 with testing in of Knoxville in 1843 (Deaderick 1976: the rear lot to locate outbuildings and ac- 627, Appendix C). In 1845 the property tivity areas. In 1987, testing was con- was purchased by Samuel B. Boyd, and ducted to locate remains of a possible late remained in the Boyd family for 75 years, eighteenth century rear porch (Faulkner though during the latter period was used 1988). In 1989, Faulkner exposed a filled for rental purposes (Emrick and Fore cistern conduit. Test excavations resumed 1992; Young 2000). It appears that the at Blount in 1992, and continued in 1993, property was occupied by the Boyd family 1994, and 1996 (Faulkner 1998; Young until at least 1882 (Faulkner and German 2000) with a primary goal of investigating 1990:9). Samuel Boyd, like Matthew the earliest period of the site. Of particular Gaines, served as Mayor of Knoxville interest here is the testing of the cistern from 1847 through 1851 (Deaderick conduit at Blount shown highlighted in 1976:627, Appendix C). He also served Figure 1 (Faulkner and German 1990). as judge on the chancery court bench un- til 1851. The Oaks, Jackson, Mississippi Samuel Boyd appears in the 1850 Knox County (Knoxville) census with his The Oaks is located at 823 North Jef- wife and eight children ranging in ages ferson Street in Jackson. It is only a short from 16 years to eight months. The slave distance from the Old State Capital at the schedule for that year shows that Boyd center of the antebellum town. The prop- owned three slaves, a female aged 20, a erty became the home of the Boyd family male aged 16, and a male aged 2. Ac- in 1853 and consisted of four acres of a cording to the architectural report by five-acre lot designated as Lot 7 in the

232 Cradle of the Middle Class

FIGURE 1. Excavation units at Blount Mansion. town of Jackson. It was constructed as a neer, and a drug store owner and a furni- suburban home on the edge of town. ture store owner. He was also a stake- The Oaks was the home of James holder in the Pearl River Steam Naviga- Hervey Boyd, who settled in Jackson in tion Company and briefly owned two Pearl 1823 at the age of 23. He was born on River steamboats, “Pearl Plant” and November 14, 1809 in Mason County, Bloomer.” Boyd was active in local poli- Kentucky. Boyd was a businessman; at tics, serving as the Mayor of Jackson in various times a brick merchant, an auctio- 1842, 1843, 1852, and 1858 and an al-

233 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

derman in 1844, 1847, 1862, 1863, 1865, Mississippi Department of Archives and and 1866. He was a founding member of History special collections date between the First Presbyterian Church in Jackson 1878 and 1883. They record purchases of and remained an elder until his death in nails, lumber, bricks, lathes, and gutter 1877. In 1843, James Hervey Boyd mar- pipes, and include labor payments for ried Eliza Ellis, also a Kentucky native. bricklaying, painting, whitewashing, and The Boyds had six children; Newton, Sa- plaster work. A series of Sanborn Fire In- rah, Mary, James, Sue, and Jonnie. Ten surance Maps of Jackson that include the years later, the Boyd family moved to the Oaks provide important information about Oaks. James, Sue, and Jonnie were likely modernization and modification of struc- born there (Young 2005). The 1850 slave tures in the town. The earliest Sanborn schedule for Hinds County, Mississippi that includes this section of town dates to shows James H. Boyd with one slave, a 1904 (Figure 2). The entire Lot 7 is not female aged 22. This was before the shown on this Sanborn map, only the Oaks property was purchased. The 1860 northern portion. Compared to an 1875 slave schedule does not indicate that the map of Jackson showing the Boyd proper- Boyds had any slaves, but family ac- ty, the lot has been subdivided. The 1904 counts mention a slave woman with a map shows that the section of the Boyd child. There is no apparent genealogical lot that fronts on North Jefferson was long connection between Mayor Samuel Boyd and narrow while the rear of the lot is lo- of Knoxville and Mayor James Hervey cated on North Street. The dwelling with a Boyd of Jackson. kitchen ell, along with a front and back Interestingly, the deed dating to 1853 porch, are shown on the map. Neither the indicates that Mrs. Eliza Boyd purchased front nor the back porches are depicted as the Oaks, and not her husband, James being enclosed. A covered shed shelters Hervey Boyd. The deed does not indicate the cistern and appears to connect the whether a dwelling was already located kitchen ell on the main dwelling with the on the property at the purchase date. The old detached kitchen. Two building that Greek Revival cottage still on the property probably functioned as barns or stables today has features consistent with an ear- are indicated, as also suggested by the ly 1850s construction date. The dwelling address of 823 ½. The small, circular was originally a four-room, single story dairy is shown on the southwest corner of house with a central hall. It is unknown the dwelling. Two small outbuildings are whether the front porch that is currently on shown, one north of the cistern and one the house was original or added later. The south of the detached kitchen. Archaeo- original dwelling likely had a rear porch, logical testing at the small structure south although that has yet to be unequivocally of the detached kitchen indicated it was a demonstrated (Young 2005). greenhouse and dated after the detached The dwelling and lot were modified kitchen had been abandoned. The func- and modernized. A kitchen ell was added tion of the small outbuilding north of the and the back porch was enclosed. At cistern has not yet been determined some point, part of that enclosure was (Young 2005). converted into a bathroom. Apparently, Five years later, the Boyd property ap- most renovations occurred after the death pears on the Sanborn Maps again (Figure of James Hervey Boyd in 1877. Receipts 3). The lot still extends from Jefferson to included in the Boyd Family Papers in the North Streets. One of the stables or barns

234 Cradle of the Middle Class

FIGURE 2. 1904 Sanborn, the Oaks. FIGURE 3. 1909 Sanborn, the Oaks. is gone. The rear porch appears partially enclosed. The round dairy is not shown, although it undoubtedly existed. The lot is shown as L-shaped with a new dwelling shown behind (west) of the remaining barn/stable fronting on North Street

(Young 2005). The Boyd property also appears on the 1918 Sanborn. The lot was further subdivided. A new dwelling was built on the rear of the 1904 Boyd lot, facing North Street. Neither of the barns/stables shown on the 1904 Sanborn is extant in 1918. By 1925 (Figure 4), the Sanborn map shows only the dwelling and the covered cistern, along with the two small unidentified build- ings that are left on the Boyd property. FIGURE 4. 1925 Sanborn, the Oaks. The original detached kitchen is gone, evidently torn down between 1918 and comes not only from the design of the 1925. Local residents recall that the de- house, but also from a collection of doc- tached kitchen was in ruins and covered uments and family remembrances (Young with vegetation in the early part of the 2005). twentieth century (Young 2005). The orig- Archaeological testing at the Oaks inal dwelling, apparently, was designed to commenced in 2004 and continued in include a separate dining room at the 2005. The goal was to locate and identify Oaks. Evidence for the dining room the remains of outbuildings and activity

235 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

FIGURE 5. Excavation units at the Oaks. areas, particularly those associated with The Ceramic Assemblage from Blount the occupation of James and Eliza Boyd. Mansion, Knoxville, Tennessee In all, twenty 1x1 m and one 1x0.5 m units were excavated in the rear and side lots The ceramic assemblage from Blount of the property (Figure 5). Of particular Mansion was recovered from cistern fill interest are the first six units excavated in and from excavations of the cistern con- the remains of the 1850s detached kitch- duit (Faulkner and German 1990). Ac- en which contained the majority of the ce- cording to Faulkner and German (1990:8), ramic assemblage recovered from the the cistern fill was probably deposited dur- site. ing the occupation of the house by the

236 Cradle of the Middle Class

TABLE 1. Refined Ceramics from the Cistern and two sherds were undecorated Cistern Conduit at Blount Mansion. while the remaining 47 sherds Ware Cistern Conduit exhibited some form of decora- Frequency Frequency* tion including transfer-printed, Unidentified CC 1 0 polychrome painted, flow blue, Ironstone 21 7 decal and gilt, blue underglaze Pearlware 1 2 Porcelain 3 8 with pink luster, and blue shell- Whiteware 23 111 edge. The cistern conduit in- TOTAL 49 128 cluded three undecorated *Faulkner and German 1990:Table 1 sherds of porcelain, two undeco- rated sherds of ironstone, one TABLE 2. Refined Ceramics from Kitchen Excava- undecorated sherd of pearlware, tions at the Oaks. and 37 sherds of undecorated Unit ironstone porcelain pearlware whiteware TOTALS 2 1 1 0 14 16 whiteware (Faulkner and Ger- 4 14 64 4 71 153 man 1990: Table 1). 5 1 0 0 19 20 At least one matching dinner 6 2 2 0 0 4 and tea set was identifiable in 7 4 10 0 8 22 8 21 45 3 55 124 the Blount cistern assemblage. TOTALS 43 122 7 167 339 Either the Gaines family or, more likely, the Boyd family (see TABLE 3. Decorated Porcelain from the Oaks. Faulkner and German 1990) Interior Decoration Exterior Decoration Frequency possessed a set of ironstone none none 74 with molded Gothic panels. blue underglaze 1 Three cups, a coffee or teapot, underglaze blue 1 three saucers, a pitcher, and 11 Embossed 2 plates were identified. The embossed panels 2 Boyds may have possessed a gilding on edge 1 tea set decorated with decal and gilt band 2 gold gilt. Although only saucers gilt 2 were identified in the assem- gilt band 2 blage, either family may have gilt band pink floral w/ yell. band 1 possessed a whiteware tea set gilt 6 decorated underglaze painted underglaze banded 1 red, blue, and green. Two sauc- floral underglaze 2 ers and a flow blue serving dish blue underglaze 1 in whiteware may also constitute

another set. Boyd family. Table 1 presents the distribu- tion of the ware types from the cistern and cistern conduit. The Ceramic Assemblage from the The refined ceramic assemblage at Oaks in Jackson, Mississippi

Blount is dominated by ironstone and During the 2005 field season, six one- whiteware, with very little porcelain. Inte- by-one meter units were excavated in the restingly, the cistern conduit contained area of the detached kitchen. Three brick little ironstone. pier supports and a portion of the chimney Decorated ceramics were common in foundation were uncovered in the excava- the Blount Mansion ceramic sample. Only

237 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

TABLE 4. Decorated Ironstone from the Oaks.

Interior Decoration Exterior Decoration Ware Frequency None none ironstone 34 blue paint on rim Ironstone 3 blue painted design ironstone 1 gilt on handle semi-vitreous 1 maroon stripes; overglaze ironstone 1 molded leaf pattern ironstone 1 green leaf, black stem, red flower ironstone 2 blue painted and gilt ironstone 1 polychrome (green/red) green glaze ironstone 1

TABLE 5. Decorated Whiteware from the Oaks. Interior Decoration Exterior Decoration Frequency blue glazed 1 gold gilt 1 painted 2 red transfer print 1 blue embossed edge 1 blue embossed shell edge 17 blue shell edge, other 2 blue transfer print 1 dipped dipped 5 painted 6 painted painted 3

tions. The lack of artifacts in the builder’s wares were also found. A number of sets trench around the fireplace suggests that based on decorations can be recon- the kitchen was constructed before the lot structed for the Oaks. The most common was inhabited, probably at the same time consisted of undecorated whiteware din- the dwelling was constructed. Table 2 ner and teaware with no molded design. shows the distribution of refined ware Also common was a dinner and tea set of types recovered from the six units in the porcelain, but otherwise undecorated. kitchen. Overall, the refined ceramic as- Less common but definitive was a porce- semblage is dominated by whiteware and lain dinner and tea set decorated with porcelain. gold gilt bands. Decorated ceramics (Tables 3-5) were Vessels found that consisted of cups relatively rare in the refined ceramic as- and saucers included two polychrome semblage from the kitchen test excava- whiteware sets painted with sprigs, a tions. Blue shell-edge embossed without fluted porcelain teacup and saucer set, scallops was fairly common on whiteware and ironstone and whiteware tea wares and all sherds comprise large plates. Gold with molded Gothic panels. This distribu- gilding was found primarily on porcelain tion contrasts rather sharply with ceramic and consisted primarily of a gilt band assemblages described by Wall (1991) along the edge of vessels (plates and and Fitts (1999). There is no evidence of cups). A few polychrome painted tea dinner sets molded in the Gothic pattern.

238 Cradle of the Middle Class

However, the Boyds had a set of porce- pre-1880 ceramics and the post-1880 ce- lain dinner and tea wares exhibiting a gold ramics in the dumping area is striking. gilt band which may have been used to Most of the late ceramics exhibit elaborate entertain guests at dinners and teas ra- decorations. It may be that after Eliza ther than for family meals. Undecorated Boyd constructed her attached (and pre- porcelain dinner and tea ceramics may sumably modern) kitchen, her dining room have been used for formal entertaining or became even more elaborate as she for- special family meals. mally entertained there. Certainly it ap- pears that Eliza Boyd deliberately culti- Discussion vated her image of being artistic to in- crease the public stature of her household It appears that the Boyd family in through her artful and colorful collection of Jackson did not have a set of molded ceramics (see Clark 1987:157). Gothic panel dinnerware that was used at Middle-class morality and gentility may family meals, although tea wares in this have been expressed through ceramic pattern were found. The Boyds of Knox- choices in the period between about 1840 ville, however, seem to fit the pattern de- and 1880. It appears, however, that there scribed by Wall (1991) and Fitts (1999) was some variability in ceramic assem- much more closely and possessed a set blages in Southeastern urban farmsteads. of molded Gothic style dinnerware and Differences between these two assem- teaware. Both sites apparently used a din- blages may have been due to the fact that ing room for family meals, and may also the Boyds of Knoxville had slightly higher have entertained formally in the dining economic status, as evidenced by the fact room. the family owned three slaves. The differ- Given the overwhelming plainness of ence in the size of the towns and the rate the Oaks dinnerware assemblage, it may of their development may have affected be that Eliza Boyd, between 1853 and the the market availability of some ceramics. 1880s, most likely used her dining room At Blount Mansion in Knoxville, family almost exclusively for family meals. Here meals may have been eaten on molded she may have used plain whitewares and Gothic-style ironstones. At the Oaks in blue shell-edge plates for serving family Jackson, Mississippi, family meals were meals. Perhaps more formal teas were eaten on either plain whiteware or plain served in the parlor. It may be that the porcelain. It appears that both middle- gold gilt dinner and tea set she possessed class families, like those described for may have been used as she converted New York families (Fitts 1999; Wall 1991), her dining room into a more formal set- utilized fancy teawares in part of their dis- ting, but when serving family meals in her play of wealth and gentility. Both Sou- dining room, perhaps she used her plain theastern families had access to separate porcelain dinner and tea set. dining rooms, also signs of middle-class In 2006, additional excavations were status. conducted at the Oaks. One unit in the back of the lot uncovered a refuse dump that contained a large amount of ceramic sherds. Most of these materials exhibited decoration, with decal being the most prominent. The difference between the

239 Tennessee Archaeology 4(1-2) Summer 2009

References Knoxville, Tennessee. Report pre- pared for the Blount Mansion Associa- Beecher, Catherine E. tion, Knoxville. Manuscript copy on 1851 A Treatise on Domestic Economy, for file, Department of Anthropology and the use of Young Ladies at Home, and Sociology, the University of Southern At School. Revised Edition. Harper & Mississippi, Hattiesburg. Brothers, New York. 1988 Archaeological Test for the Remains of a Porch on the Rear of Blount Man- Clark, Clifford E. sion. Report prepared for the Blount 1976 Domestic Architecture as an Index to Mansion Association, Knoxville. Ma- Social History: The Romantic Revival nuscript copy on file, Department of and the Cult of Domesticity in Ameri- Anthropology and Sociology, The Uni- ca, 1840-1870. Journal of Interdiscipli- versity of Southern Mississippi, Hat- nary History 7(1):33-56. tiesburg. 1987 The Vision of the Dining Room: Plan Book Dreams and Middle-Class Reali- Faulkner, Charles H. and Deborah German ties. In Dining in America, 1850-1900, 1990 Archaeological Excavation of the edited by Kathryn Grover, pp. 142- Blount Mansion Kitchen Cistern Con- 172. University of Massachusetts duit. Report prepared for the Blount Press, Amherst. Mansion Association, Knoxville. Ma- nuscript copy on file, Department of Coontz, Stephanie Anthropology and Sociology, The Uni- 1988 The Social Origins of Private Life. Ver- versity of Southern Mississippi, Hat- so, New York. tiesburg.

Cott, Nancy F. Fitts, Robert 1977 The Bonds of Womanhood: “Woman’s 1999 The Archaeology of Middle-Class Do- Sphere” in , 1780-1835. mesticity and Gentility in Victorian Yale University Press, New Haven. Brooklyn. Historical Archaeology 33(1):39-62. Deaderick, Lucile, editor 1976 Heart of the Valley: A History of Knox- Gray, Aelred J. and Susan F. Adams ville, Tennessee. East Tennessee His- 1976 Government. In Heart of the Valley: A torical Society, Knoxville. History of Knoxville, Tennessee, edited by Lucile Deaderick, pp. 68- Downing, Andrew Jackson 144. East Tennessee Historical Socie- 1850 The Architecture of Country Houses. ty, Knoxville. Appleton and Co., New York. McAlester, Virginia and Lee McAlester Emrick, Michael and George Fore 1986 A Field Guide to American Houses. 1992 Historic Structures Report, Blount Alfred A. Knopf, New York. Mansion, Knoxville, Tennessee. Re- port prepared for the Blount Mansion McCain, William D. Association, Knoxville. Manuscript 1953 The Story of Jackson. J.F. Hyer Pub- copy on file, Department of Anthropol- lishing, Jackson, Mississippi. ogy and Sociology, The University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg. Rothrock, Mary U (editor) 1972 The French Broad-Holston Country: A Faulkner, Charles H. History of Knox County, Tennessee. 1985 A Final Report on Archaeological Test- East Tennessee Historical Society, ing in the Garden of Blount Mansion, Knoxville.

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Ryan, Mary P. 1981 Cradle of the Middle Class: The Fami- ly in Oneida County, New York, 1790- 1865. Cambridge University Press, New York.

Wall, Diana Di Zerega 1991 Sacred Dinners and Secular Teas: Constructing Domesticity in Mid-19th- Century New York. Historical Archaeo- logy 25(4):69-81.

Young, Amy L. 2000 Developing Town Life in the South: Archaeological Investigations at Blount Mansion. In Archaeology of Southern Urban Landscapes, edited by Amy L. Young, pp. 150-169. University of Ala- bama Press, Tuscaloosa. 2005 Archaeological and Historical Investi- gations at The Oaks, Jackson, Missis- sippi. Report submitted to The Oaks and Mississippi Department of Arc- hives and History, Jackson, Mississip- pi. Manuscript on file, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, The Uni- versity of Southern Mississippi, Hat- tiesburg.

Amy L. Young Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of Southern Mississippi 118 College Drive #5074 Hattiesburg, Mississippi 39406

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