Ublaami. Uvlaami. Ublaakut
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Native Land Claims and the Future of Archaeology in the Northwest Territories, Canada Thomas D
17 Native Land Claims and the Future of Archaeology in the Northwest Territories, Canada Thomas D. Andrews Charles D. Arnnold Elisa J. Hart Margaret M. Bertulli The settlement of comprehensive land claims is ushering in major changes in the manage ment of land and resources in the Northwest Territories, including heritage resources. This chap ter summarizes the progress that has been made in completing land claims, anticipates the impact that the claims will have on the way archaeological research is conducted, and discusses how the Government of the Northwest Territories (GNWT) is responding to these changes. Suggestions for dealing with the current social and political setting in the design and implementation of archaeological projects are also presented. OUTLINE OF NATIVE LAND CLAIMS IN THE NORTHWEST TERRITORIES In the early 1970s, the Government of Canada established a comprehensive claims policy to guide negotiations with Native groups in settling Aboriginal interests in lands that they tradition ally occupied. Although the Northwest Territories has its own legislative assembly and its own bureaucracy to administer most of the business of government, the Government of Canada has the sole responsibility for settling Aboriginal land claims in the Northwest Territories. The Indigenous peoples of the Northwest Territories are the Inuit, the Dene, the Cree, and the Metis. The Inuit include the Inuvialuit of the Beaufort Sea and Amundson Gulf areas of the west ern Arctic, who, in 1984, were the first Aboriginal group in the Northwest Territories to settle a land claim with the Government of Canada (see Figure 1). In May, 1993, the Inuit of the eastern Arctic, an area commonly referred to as “Nunavut” signed a final agreement on a land claim. -
Understanding Aboriginal and Treaty Rights in the Northwest Territories: Chapter 2: Early Treaty-Making in the NWT
Understanding Aboriginal and Treaty Rights in the Northwest Territories: Chapter 2: Early Treaty-making in the NWT he first chapter in this series, Understanding Aboriginal The Royal Proclamation Tand Treaty Rights in the NWT: An Introduction, touched After Great Britain defeated France for control of North briefly on Aboriginal and treaty rights in the NWT. This America, the British understood the importance of chapter looks at the first contact between Aboriginal maintaining peace and good relations with Aboriginal peoples and Europeans. The events relating to this initial peoples. That meant setting out rules about land use contact ultimately shaped early treaty-making in the NWT. and Aboriginal rights. The Royal Proclamation of 1763 Early Contact is the most important statement of British policy towards Aboriginal peoples in North America. The Royal When European explorers set foot in North America Proclamation called for friendly relations with Aboriginal they claimed the land for the European colonial powers peoples and noted that “great frauds and abuses” had they represented. This amounted to European countries occurred in land dealings. The Royal Proclamation also asserting sovereignty over North America. But, in practice, said that only the Crown could legally buy Aboriginal their power was built up over time by settlement, trade, land and any sale had to be made at a “public meeting or warfare, and diplomacy. Diplomacy in these days included assembly of the said Indians to be held for that purpose.” entering into treaties with the indigenous Aboriginal peoples of what would become Canada. Some of the early treaty documents aimed for “peace and friendship” and refer to Aboriginal peoples as “allies” rather than “subjects”, which suggests that these treaties could be interpreted as nation-to-nation agreements. -
The Importance of Continuous Dialogue in Community-Based Wildlife Monitoring: Case Studies of Dzan and Łuk Dagaii in the Gwich’In Settlement Area1
1 ARTICLE The importance of continuous dialogue in community-based wildlife monitoring: case studies of dzan and łuk dagaii in the Gwich’in Settlement Area1 Rachel A. Hovel, Jeremy R. Brammer, Emma E. Hodgson, Amy Amos, Trevor C. Lantz, Chanda Turner, Tracey A. Proverbs, and Sarah Lord Abstract: Rapid environmental change in the Arctic elicits numerous concerns for ecosystems, natural resources, and ways of life. Robust monitoring is essential to adaptation and management in light of these challenges, and community-based monitoring (CBM) projects can enhance these efforts by highlighting traditional knowledge, ensuring that questions are locally important, and informing natural resource conservation and management. Implementation of CBM projects can vary widely depending on project goals, the communities, and the partners involved, and we feel there is value in sharing CBM project examples in different contexts. Here, we describe two projects in the Gwich’in Settlement Area (GSA), Canada, and highlight the process in which local management agencies set monitoring and research priorities. Dzan (muskrat; Ondatra zibethicus (Linnaeus, 1766)) and łuk dagaii (broad whitefish; Coregonus nasus (Pallas, 1776)) are species of great cultural importance and are the focus of CBM projects conducted with concurrent social science research. We share challenges and lessons from our experiences, offer For personal use only. insights into operating CBM projects in the GSA, and present resources for researchers interested in pursuing wildlife research in this region. CBM projects provide rich opportuni- ties for benefitting managers, communities, and external researchers, particularly when the projects are built on a foundation of careful and continuous dialogue between partners. -
Gwich'in Nomination Chapter
Nagwichoonjik, the ‘river through a big country’ Gwich’in Chapter Nomination of the Mackenzie River as a Canadian Heritage River Prepared by Randy Freeman, DownNorth Consulting, Yellowknife October 6, 2005 2 The Mackenzie River corridor from Vihtr’ii tshik [Thunder River] to about Srehtadhadlaii [Point Separation] … was important for a number of reasons. It was one of the links connecting the different regions, and most families travelled on the river at some point during the year. Many families also spent the summer season at one of the fish camps located on both sides of the river. The sites for the great summer gatherings of ts’ii deii days were also located along this stretch of the river. So important is the river that, in [Gwich’in Elder] Gabe Andre’s words, it is a ‘highway’ of the Gwichya Gwich’in.1 1 Michael Heine, Alestine Andre, Ingrid Kritsch, Alma Cardinal and the Elders of Tsiigehtchic. Gwichya Gwich’in Googwandak: The History and Stories of the Gwichya Gwich’in. (Tsiigehtchic and Yellowknife, NT: Gwich’in Social and Cultural Institute, 2001) 59. Nagwichoonjik, the ‘river through a big country’ 3 Introduction Nagwichoonjik is the traditional Gwich’in name for the Mackenzie River. The name means ‘river through a big country’ and for the Gwich’in of the Northwest Territories it’s both literally and figuratively their main ‘highway’, the backbone of their traditional lands. Background The Gwich’in inhabit an expanse of sub-arctic boreal forest stretching from the interior of Alaska eastward through northern Yukon to the lower Mackenzie valley of the Northwest Territories. -
INUVIALUIT LANGUAGE and IDENTITY: PERSPECTIVES on the SYMBOLIC MEANING of INUVIALUKTUN in the CANADIAN WESTERN ARCTIC by Alexand
INUVIALUIT LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY: PERSPECTIVES ON THE SYMBOLIC MEANING OF INUVIALUKTUN IN THE CANADIAN WESTERN ARCTIC by Alexander C. Oehler B.A., University of Northern British Columbia, 2010 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA July 2012 © Alexander C. Oehler, 2012 Abstract: The revitalization of ancestral languages has been an issue of great concern to Aboriginal communities across North America for several decades. More recently, this concern has also found a voice in educational policy, particularly in regions where Aboriginal land claims have been ratified, and where public schools fall under a mandate to offer curricula that meet the needs of Aboriginal students. This research seeks to explore the cultural significance of Inuvialuktun, a regional Inuit language comprised of three distinct dialects traditionally spoken by the Inuvialuit of the northern Northwest Territories, Canada. More specifically, the research seeks to examine the role of current Inuvialuktun language revitalization efforts in the establishment of Inuvialuit collective and individual identities across several age groups. Tying into the sociolinguistic discourse on ancestral language revitalization in North America, the research seeks to contribute a case study from a region underrepresented in the literature on language and identity. The applied aim of the study is to provide better insight on existing language ideologies and language attitudes subscribed to by current and potential learners of Inuvialuktun in the community of Inuvik, NWT. Data obtained by the study is intended to aid local and territorial language planners in identifying potential obstacles and opportunities regarding language learner motivation. -
Y-Chromosome Analysis Reveals Genetic Divergence and New Founding Native Lineages in Athapaskan- and Eskimoan-Speaking Populations
Y-chromosome analysis reveals genetic divergence and new founding native lineages in Athapaskan- and Eskimoan-speaking populations Matthew C. Dulika, Amanda C. Owingsa, Jill B. Gaieskia, Miguel G. Vilara, Alestine Andreb, Crystal Lenniec, Mary Adele Mackenzied, Ingrid Kritschb, Sharon Snowshoeb, Ruth Wrightb, James Martind, Nancy Gibsond, Thomas D. Andrewse, Theodore G. Schurra,1, and The Genographic Consortium2 aDepartment of Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6398; bGwich’in Social and Cultural Institute, Tsiigehtchic, NT, Canada X0E 0B0; cInuvialuit Regional Corporation, Inuvik, NT, Canada X0E 0T0; dTłįchǫ Community Services Agency, Behchoko, NT, Canada X0E 0Y0; and ePrince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre, Yellowknife, NT, Canada X1A 2L9 Edited* by Francisco Mauro Salzano, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, Brazil, and approved April 10, 2012 (received for review November 21, 2011) For decades, the peopling of the Americas has been explored mtDNA data (5). Even the dental traits used to justify a three- through the analysis of uniparentally inherited genetic systems in migration hypothesis did not group all Na-Dene speakers into Native American populations and the comparison of these genetic a single category separate from the other two (Amerind and data with current linguistic groupings. In northern North America, Eskimo-Aleut) groups and furthermore, suggested the inclusion two language families predominate: Eskimo-Aleut and Na-Dene. of Aleuts with Athapaskan speakers from northwestern America Although the genetic evidence from nuclear and mtDNA loci (3). Thus, although it is generally accepted that the two language suggest that speakers of these language families share a distinct families differ from each other, it is not clear whether they have biological origin, this model has not been examined using data from different genetic origins or instead, are the result of separate paternally inherited Y chromosomes. -
People, Place and Season: Reflections on Gwich'in Ordering Of
People, Place and Season: Reflections on Gwich’in Ordering of Access to Resources in an Arctic Landscape by Leslie Main Johnson University of Alberta, Department of Anthropology and Canadian Circumpolar Institute and Daniel Andre, Gwichya Gwich’in Band Presented at IASCP 2000, Bloomington, Indiana It is a tenet of common property theory that local groups of people tend to evolve institutions to allocate common pool resources among community members in ways which are economically and ecologically sustainable. We are interested in the applicability of this type of analysis to subsistence systems of non-agricultural indigenous peoples. This paper is a preliminary examination of informal institutions of the Gwich’in of the Northwest Territories in Canada and how they contribute to ordering access to resources through the seasons by Gwich’in. This analysis is based on conversations by Johnson with Gwich’in and other people who have worked with Gwich’in people, and her fieldwork with Gwich’in from Fort McPherson and Tsiigehtchic in 1999 and 2000, and the insights and experiences of Andre regarding Gwich’in seasonal use of land and resources. This paper considers the resource use of the people of Fort McPherson and Tsiigehtchic. It does not deal with the mixed Gwich’in-Inuvialuit-non-Indigenous communities of Aklavik and Inuvik, which are historically more complex. We will consider three principal areas in this analysis: fishing, trapping, and caribou. It must be emphasized that this discussion uses an analytic framework which differs in important ways from the usual perspective of Gwich’in people. The conceptualization of diverse elements of traditional subsistence as “resources”, for example, and the discussion of these as things separate from a seasonal flow of life is not an indigenous perspective. -
"It Was Only a Treaty"
"IT WAS ONLY A TREATY" TREATY 11 ACCORDING TO THE DENE OF THE MACKENZIE VALLEY Revised for The Dene Nation and The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples Rene M.J. Lamothe April, 1996 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY "It Was Only A Treaty" provides some basic concepts about Treaty 11 from a Dene perspective. The paper sets out cultural parameters of Dene life by providing information on key social, economic, political and spiritual aspects of Dene life with the intention of providing readers with the historical and legal context in which the Dene live. Through the presentation of the context of Dene life, the paper sets the parameters which limit Dene decision making with regards to the land and relationships with non-Dene. Some of the information may be viewed by academic interests to be outside the scope of what they consider "sound knowledge" about the Dene. The information, however, is provided from within the context of Dene experience, much of which, being of a spiritual nature, is not readily available to the "outside" academic. This information is also intended, in part, to set the stage for the non-Dene to better understand the social, political and economic conditions in play in Dene society in 1921. Understanding the context from which the Dene approached the Crown's Treaty Party is fundamental to understanding the Dene version of Treaty 11. The paper explores government interests in the territory covered by Treaty 11. Although this section is very limited in its' scope and does not provide conclusive evidence about the motives of government, it provides information on land surveys which took place in Dene territory before Treaty was made, as well as bringing to light some of the political and economic pressures which have been at play within the Euro-Canadian/American public since contact. -
Inuvialuit Game Council Focus Group Meeting Summary Report Food Sovereignty and Self Governance – Inuit Role in Managing Arctic Marine Resources1
Inuvialuit Game Council Focus Group Meeting Summary Report Food Sovereignty and Self Governance – Inuit Role in Managing Arctic Marine Resources1 Photo: Chanda Turner; Not Pictured: John Lucas, Jr. Food Sovereignty is the right of Inuit to define their own hunting, gathering, fishing, land and water policies; the right to define what is sustainable, socially, economically and culturally appropriate for the distribution of food and to maintain ecological health; the right to obtain and maintain practices that ensure access to tools needed to obtain, process, store and consume traditional foods. Within the Alaskan Inuit Food Security Conceptual Framework, food sovereignty is a necessity for supporting and maintaining the six dimensions of food security.2 1 This work is supported through a National Science Foundation grant (grant no. 1732373). No opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation. 2 Inuit Circumpolar Council – Alaska. 2015. Alaskan Inuit Food Security Conceptual Framework: How to Assess the Arctic From an Inuit Perspective. Technical Report. Anchorage, AK. 1 Citation This report reflects the knowledge and perspectives of Indigenous Knowledge holders attending the focus group meeting. The report should be cited as: Inuit Circumpolar Council Alaska. 2018. Inuvialuit Game Council Focus Group: Food Sovereignty and Self Governance – Inuit Role in Managing Arctic Marine Resources. Anchorage, Alaska. The focus group meeting was facilitated by Carolina Behe and Dr. Dalee Sambo Dorough. This report was prepared by Shannon Williams with support provided by Carolina Behe and Dr. Dalee Sambo Dorough. -
Meaningful Consultation, Meaningful Participants and Meaning Making: Inuvialuit Perspectives on the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline and the Climate Crisis
Meaningful Consultation, Meaningful Participants and Meaning Making: Inuvialuit Perspectives on the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline and the Climate Crisis by Letitia Pokiak BA Anthropology, from the University of Alberta, 2003 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Anthropology © Letitia Pokiak, 2020 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This Thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. We acknowledge with respect the Lekwungen peoples on whose traditional territory the university stands and the Songhees, Esquimalt and WSÁNEĆ peoples whose historical relationships with the land continue to this day. Supervisory Committee Meaningful Consultation, Meaningful Participants and Meaning Making: Inuvialuit Perspectives on the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline and the Climate Crisis by Letitia Pokiak BA ANTHROPOLOGY, from the University of Alberta, 2003 Supervisory Committee Dr. Brian Thom, Department of Anthropology Supervisor Dr. Robert Hancock, Department of Anthropology Departmental Member ii Abstract This Inuvialuit ‘story’ revolves around the Inuvialuit uprising and resurgence against government and industrial encroachment, and the self determination efforts to regain sovereignty of traditional territories. This ‘story’ also discusses how meaningful consultation made the Inuvialuit Final Agreement a reality, through which Inuvialuit land rights and freedoms were formally acknowledged and entrenched in the Canadian Constitution. Through meaningful consultation, Inuvialuit have become ‘meaningful participants’ in sustainable and future-making decisions of Inuvialuit nunangat (Inuvialuit lands) and waters, with respect to the Inuvialuit People and natural beings that Inuvialuit depend upon and maintain relationship with. As ‘meaningful participants’, Inuvialuit have the sovereign rights to “make meaning” and carve out a future as a sovereign nation within the country of Canada. -
Inuit=People for Thousands of Years, Inuit Thought They Were Alone in The
Inuit=People For thousands of years, Inuit thought they were alone in the world. They called themselves Inuit or the people. There are different variations of “Inuit” across the circumpolar world. There are the Yupik of Siberia; Inuppiat/ Yupik of Alaska; Inuvialuit in the western Arctic of Canada; Inuinnaqtun in the Kitikmeot Region of Nunavut; Inuit who cover all of the regions from Kivalliq, Qikiqtaaluk, Nunavik and Labrador; and then the Kalaalliit of Greenland. Inuit were given the name Eskimo by the early Europeans—as we are widely known around the world today. We have always called ourselves Inuit and most regard Eskimo as a foreign word that it is. In fact, many Inuit today find the word Eskimo to be offensive and derogatory. We prefer the name Inuit as that is what we call ourselves. The word Eskimo comes from Cree and means, “eater of raw meat”. Inuit are known to eat cooked meat once in a while! In Inuktitut (our language), we have grammatical singular, dual and plural forms as opposed to the English singular and plural. That is: one person = inuk; two persons = inuuk; and, for three or more, it is inuit. When referring to the Inuit as a collective, some English-speakers may say “the Inuit people” which is, to Inuktitut-speakers, just repeating the word people twice. “The Inuit” by itself is sufficient, and that is what we prefer. Inuit believe that they have one language that they share with the rest of the other Inuit groups around the world. Even though Inuit are scattered all over the globe, they share one language-the Inuit Language1. -
Inuktut Uqausiit (Inuit Languages) in Canada – History and Contemporary Developments by Nadine C
Inuktut Uqausiit (Inuit Languages) in Canada – History and Contemporary Developments by Nadine C. Fabbi, Canadian Studies Center, Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies, University of Washington, Seattle. The author would like to thank Heather Campbell, Language and Culture Coordinator, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami; Toni White and Catharyn Andersen from the Torngâsok Cultural Centre, Nunatsiavut; and Jay Arnakak, Qikiqtani Inuit Association, Nunavut for their expert advice. Written for the Arctic Indigenous Languages Symposium, Sustainable Development Working Group, Arctic Council, coordinated by the Inuit Circumpolar Council (Canada), and hosted by the Saami Council, Norway, October 2008, www.arcticlanguages.com. Language not only communicates, it defines culture, nature, history, humanity and ancestry. Preserving endangered languages is a vital part of securing the culture and heritage of our rich human landscape. Language keeps traditions alive, it inspires knowledge and respect about our past and the planet on which we live, and it links communities across borders and beyond time. Quoted from the United Nations web site “The UN Works for Cultural Diversity: Endangered Languages” The scientific community has warned that such historical assimilation campaigns—combined with declining Indigenous populations, increased mobility, economic pressures, as well as exposure to television and other communications technologies—could lead to the loss of half of the world’s 6,000 to 7,000 languages by 2050. With such a decline, they warn, will come the demise of local knowledge, mentalities, creativity and heritage, as well as specialized information such as unique survival skills and traditional medicines. from Canada World View, Fall 2004 Language is a cultural mosaic of communication.